GRSJ224/rapemythacceptanceamongstpoliceofficersinfemalesexualassaultcases
Rape Myths
Rape myths are false beliefs about the causes, context, consequences, victims and perpetrators of rape that work to deny, downplay or justify sexual violence.[1] Some examples of common rape myths include specific assumptions about victims (for instance, the belief that women who wear revealing clothing are at fault for their sexual assault) and perpetrators (for example the belief that some men cannot control their sexual arousal). Furthermore, rape myths also create stereotypical beliefs about the context that sexual assault occurs. For instance, people often assume that rape is committed spontaneously by strangers at night. These myths are problematic because they influence the believability and classification of rape cases.[2]
Rape Myth Acceptance
Rape myth Acceptance occurs when individuals adhere very strongly to these assumptions.[3] Rape myth acceptance can perpetuate biased perceptions, attitudes and responses towards sexual assault. Recent studies have shown that rape myth acceptance influences how individuals who work within the criminal justice system assess both real and hypothetical rape cases.[4] For example, whilst officers in the U.S. agreed that “any woman can be raped”, 20% suggested that provocatively dressed women are inviting sex and that any victim can resist a rape if they want to (22.7%), thereby violating the broader notion to which they previously agreed and proving that they accept and adhere to certain rape myths.[5]
Rape myth acceptance among police officers is a very serious issues. The police act as ‘gatekeepers’ to the criminal justice system. Therefore, these officers have a lot of power when it comes to enabling victims to receive justice for the assault that they’ve experienced. Therefore, the impact of police officers adhering to rape myths has a much more significant impact than rape myth acceptance amongst the general population.[6]
Police Culture
Hegemonic Masculinity
Police culture is often understood as a nearly “pure form of hegemonic masculinity” with customs and values that function within a strict and rigid hierarchy. Hegemonic masculinity is an idealized form of masculinity, emphasizing dominance, power, competition, heterosexuality, and a lack of emotion. Police culture is often characterized by those traits. Furthermore, police culture is often described as a site where patriarchal and misogynistic attitudes towards women are welcomed.[7]
Furthermore, this culture places an expectation on officers to conform to these “hegemonic” ideals. Therefore, some argue that police culture can help perpetuate negative and biased attitudes towards rape that adhere to rape myths. [8]
Police Discretion in Rape Cases
Although policing requires officers to follow strict policy guidelines when assessing sexual assault cases, these guidelines are known to leave significant room for individual discretion. Many have criticized police officers for misusing their discretion in sexual assault cases. Discretionary decision-making can be exercised throughout many points of the assessment process and can influence whether reports are referred to prosecutors.[9] Studies reveal that police use this discretion to dismiss 1 in 5 sexual assault claims as baseless.[10] In the UK this number is nearly 1 in 2.[11]
Assessment of Victim Credibility
Furthermore, studies have shown that victim credibility to officers impacts whether or not their case is processed. However, research has shown that police assessments of victim credibility are influenced by the presence of the following rape myths; negative victim reputation, an unexpected emotional response to the incident, voluntary alcohol assumption, and a close victim-perpetrator relationship. Furthermore, rape myths concerning femininity and sexuality also have also been shown to influence police perceptions of victim credibility. For example, sexual history and profession (for example sex work) influence police officers judgment of victims and their credibility. Therefore, it is evident that police discretion can be influenced by rape myths and that this impacts whether or not victims have access to the justice that they deserve.
Furthermore, police officers often use their discretion to ask additional questions to victims that can cause further discomfort and trauma for victims. These questions are often reported as inappropriate and are often representative of rape myth acceptance among police officers. For example, RCMP in Kelowna, BC questioned a sexual assault victim for two hours while asking inappropriate questions such as whether she was “turned on” during the alleged assault.[12]
Unfounded Cases
In 2017, the Globe and Mail reported that 5000 sexual assault allegations are closed as unfounded by Canadian law enforcement officials every year. Unfounded means that these allegations supposedly had not factual foundation or basis. The Globe and Mail also discussed how "Unfounded" can often be interpreted as “you’re lying”. This is harmful because it reinforces the rape myth that women lie about sexual assault. Endorsing this rape myth has severe consequences because it further discourages victims of sexual assault from reporting.
Many of the "unfounded" cases that were investigated by the Globe and Mail revealed how police officers misused their discretion and exercised rape myth acceptance. For example, in an interview in Ottawa between a police officer and a victim, the officer reported the case as unfounded because they found it suspicious that the victim giggled during the interview. This decision was based on the officer's personal discretion and consequently reinforced rape myths surrounding how victims of assault should or shouldn't behave.
Impact on Victims
Access to Justice
Throughout history, rape myth acceptance amongst police officers has been used to dictate the credibility of victims of sexual assault. First of all, rape myth acceptance among police officers means that many sexual assault claims have been dropped and left un-prosecuted. As a result, many victims who made sexual assault allegations did not receive the justice that they deserved. Denial has caused embarrassment and shame for many of these victims. Furthermore, ridicule and embarrassment that many victims have experienced while reporting their sexual assault experiences have caused even more trauma and emotional distress.
Furthermore, rape myth acceptance among police officers discourages victims from coming forward with sexual assault cases.[13] Studies have shown that many victims choose not to report sexual assault because they fear they will not be believed or that they will encounter victim-blaming attitudes from the police.
Self Blame
Studies have shown that victim-blaming rape myths, and the reinforcement of these myths by police officers, has created guilt among many victims of sexual assault. Some examples of victim blaming rape myths include; assuming that a woman who wears revealing clothing or who is intoxicated is at fault for being raped. Ultimately, these rape myths accuse victims of sexual assault for being at fault for what happened to them. These myths can generate self-faulting feelings that many rape survivors experience. Furthermore, self-blame is exacerbated when victim-blaming myths are reinforced by members of helping professions, such as police officers.[14]
These rape myths can also make many survivors of rape question whether the sexual assault that they experienced qualifies as “real rape”. This is harmful for victims because it not only discourages them from reporting the incident, but it also discourages them from seeking emotional support, therapy or other sources of help that can help them through the traumatic experience. This has been shown to hold true especially for survivors of date rape due to the rape myth that only strangers rape women and that it does not count as rape if the women was choosing to be in a relationship with the perpetuator. (Moor)
Furthermore, victim-blaming myths can cause victims of sexual assault to experience feelings of shame, guilt and self-degradation. This can further prevent them from seeking help and can potentially lead to mental health issues.
References
- ↑ Hine, Benjamin; Murphy, Anthony (February 4, 2017). "The impact of victim-perpetrator relationship, reputation and initial point of resistance on officers' responsibility and authenticity ratings towards hypothetical rape cases" (PDF). Journal of Criminal Justice. 49: 1–13 – via Elsevier Science Direct. line feed character in
|title=at position 70 (help) - ↑ Hine, Benjamin; Murphy, Anthony (February 4, 2017). "The impact of victim-perpetrator relationships, reputation and initial point of resistance on officers' responsibility and authenticity ratings towards hypothetical rape cases". Journal of Criminal Justice. 49: 1–13. doi:doi:10.1016/j.jcrimjus.2017.01.001 Check
|doi=value (help) – via Science Direct. - ↑ Hine, Benjamin; Murphy, Anthony (February 4, 2017). "The impact of victim-perpetrator relationship, reputation and initial point of resistance on officers' responsibility and authenticity ratings towards hypothetical rape cases". Journal of Criminal Justice. 49: 1–13 – via Science Direct.
- ↑ Hine, Benjamin; Murphy, Anthony (February 4, 2017). "The impact of victim-perpetrator relationship, reputation and initial point of resistance on officers' responsibility and authenticity ratings towards hypothetical rape cases". Journal of Criminal Justice. 49: 1–13 – via Science Direct.
- ↑ Hine, Benjamin; Murphy, Anthony (February 4, 2017). "The impact of victim-perpetrator relationship, reputation and initial point of resistance on officers' responsibility and authenticity ratings towards hypothetical rape cases". Journal of Criminal Justice. 49: 1–13 – via Science Direct.
- ↑ Sleath, Emma; Bull, Ray (February 24, 2017). "Police perceptions of rape victims and the impact on case decision making: A systematic review" (PDF). Aggression and Violent Behavior. 34: 102–112.
- ↑ Page, Amy (May 19 2008). "JUDGING WOMEN AND DEFINING CRIME: POLICE OFFICERS' ATTITUDES TOWARDS WOMEN AND RAPE". Sociological Spectrum. 28: 389–411 – via Taylor and Francis Group. Check date values in:
|date=(help) - ↑ Page, Amy Dellinger (May 19 2008). "JUDGING WOMEN AND DEFINING CRIME: POLICE OFFICERS' ATTITUDES TOWARD WOMEN AND RAPE". Sociological Spectrum. 28: 389–411 – via Taylor and Francis Group. line feed character in
|title=at position 41 (help); Check date values in:|date=(help) - ↑ Dhami, Mandeep (October 18 2018). "Police Discretion in Rape Cases". Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology. 33: 1–13 – via Springer Link. Check date values in:
|date=(help) - ↑ Doolittle, Robyn (February 3, 2017). "UNFOUNDED WHY POLICE DISMISS 1 IN 5 SEXUAL ASSAULT CLAIMS AS BASELESS". The Globe and Mail. Retrieved April 8, 2020.
- ↑ Hines, Benjamin (2019). "The influence of 'High' vs. 'Low' rape myth acceptance on police officers' judgements of victim and perpetrator responsibility, and rape authenticity" (PDF). Journal of Criminal Justice. 60: 100–107 – via Science Direct.
- ↑ St. Denis, Jen; Thibault, Alissa (November 23, 2019). "Sexual assault survivors rally at RCMP detachment to protest dismal 'unfounded' rate". CTV News. Retrieved April 8 2020. Check date values in:
|access-date=(help) - ↑ O'Neal, Eryn Nicole (December 18, 2017). ""Victim is Not Credible": The Influence of Rape Culture on Police Perceptions of Sexual Assault Complainants". Justice Quarterly. 36: 127–160 – via Taylor and Francis Group. line feed character in
|title=at position 48 (help) - ↑ Avigail, Moor (2007). "When Recounting the Traumatic Memories Is Not Enough: Treating Persistent Self-Devaluation Associated with Rape and Victim-Blaming Rape Myths". Women & Therapy. 30: 19–33 – via Taylor and Francis Group.