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Course:CONS200/2025WT2/Ecological and Socio-Economic Benefits of Indigenous Food Plants in British Columbia

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Indigenous peoples have lived in British Columbia (BC) since time immemorial[1]. As such, they have developed close relationships with the food plants in BC, where the people rely on the plants, and the plants rely on the people[1]. Ecologically, these food plants sustain local biodiversity and benefit climate resilience of the area [2]. Without these ecological benefits, the BC landscape would be significantly altered[2]. Culturally, the Indigenous food plants aid in de-colonialism through food sovereignty, while also maintaining the heritage of the plants[3][4]. Due to the importance of Indigenous food plants in BC, various conservation efforts exist to ensure their longevity[3]. This includes community led conservation, restoration projects, and governmental initiatives[3]. Despite that, climate change, loss of traditional knowledge, and policy barriers are threatening the Indigenous food plants of BC[3].

Indigenous Food Plants of BC

Giant kelp (Macrocystis pyrifera)

Indigenous food plants are defined as plants culturally linked to a group of Indigenous people [1]. The definition of edible plants however is more complicated, as food and medicine are not often distinguished in many Indigenous cultures[1]. Therefore, the term ‘Indigenous food plants’ refers to any plant-like material consumed by Indigenous peoples. Traditional knowledge is the means in which Indigenous peoples are educated on their local food plants, which however is being lost due to colonialism[1].

Due to the varying Indigenous cultures and ecological diversity in BC, the culturally significant food plants vary greatly. Despite that, Indigenous food plants in BC can fit into 6 broad ecological categories; lichens, seaweeds, fungi, conifers, ferns and flowering plants[1]. Generally, these plants require minimal harvest, commonly hand picked[1]. After harvest, most Indigenous communities ate the plants raw, cooked them, or preserved them through dehydration or burial[1]. In the Southern portions of BC, agriculture is more common, opposing the pure foraging observed in the North[1].

Horsetail fern (Equisetum telmateia)

All the major nutritional groups — carbohydrates, protein, fat, vitamins and minerals — are represented in Indigenous plant foods[1]. However seasonal variation in plants means that slight malnutrition may occur during certain times of the year[1]. That said, it is assumed that established Indigenous populations are able to fully meet their nutritional needs with the local food plants[1].

In the coastal regions of BC, many indigenous food plants are considered cultural keystone species[3]. In particular, the Gitga’at People from the central and northern coast[5] highly valued the Pacific crab apple (Malus fusca), which were commonly stored for use in the winter months[3]. The Saanich and Songhees People from lower Vancouver Island[5] ate camas (Camassia quamash) as their main vegetable, while the Nuu-Chah-Nulth People from mid Vancouver Island[5] relied on clover roots (Trifolium repens) for vegetables[3]. The Nuu-Chah-Nulth people also ate the vegetative shoots from giant horsetail ferns (Equisetum telmateia), either boiled or raw[1]. As a sweetener in cakes, the Haida People dried Stika spruce gum (Picea sitchensis), collected from the inner bark of the tree[1]. Various coastal communities also dried giant kelp (Macrocystis pyrifera), to be rehydrated later or eaten as a crunchy snack[1]. Along the coast in areas with higher elevation, the inner bark of the Western hemlock (Tsuga heterophylla) is commonly cooked, and mixed with dried berries for a sweet treat[1].

Sagebrush mariposa lily (Calochortus macrocarpus)

In the interior of BC, the Sylix People commonly eat various berries, camas, chanterelle mushrooms (Cantharellus cibarius) and stinging nettle leaves (Urtica dioica)[4]. Additionally, the Sylix commonly ate root crops such as rhizomes and bulbs, and the cambium of the ponderosa pine (Pinus ponderosa)[6]. For the Lillooet People, the berry-like cones of the rocky mountain juniper (Juniperus scopulorum) were occasionally eaten on longer travels, or brewed into a tea[1]. The crystalline sugars from the Douglas fir (Pseudotsuga menziesii) were used by the Nlaka’pamux People as a sweetener, and became a traded good amongst tribes[1]. Similarly, the sagebrush mariposa lily (Calochortus macrocarpus) is commonly eaten by the Shuswap and Okanagan-Colville People for its sweet taste[1]. Up north, the Caribou People[5] ate reindeer lichen (Cladonia rangiferina) as a medicinal plant to treat stomach upset[1].

Ecological Benefits

Indigenous food plants in British Columbia play an important role in many ecosystems. They contribute to both high biodiversity and climate resilience. By providing food and habitat to a diverse set of species, and sequestering a large quantity of carbon, they are imperative to the health of their ecosystems and communities that rely on them.

Biodiversity

Maintaining a high biodiversity is important for the health of the ecosystem. Indigenous food plants contribute in various ways by serving as food sources, create habitat, and sustain pollinator populations.

The Coastal Western Hemlock (CWH) zone is one of the most ecologically important regions in British Columbia. It supports both plants, fungi, and animals and is essential to many of the native species in the region. The old-growth forests in the CWH zone serve as important habitat to species-at-risk such as the Marbled Murrelet and Northern Goshawk [7]. Larger mammals like deer and elk eat the needles, and smaller mammals such as rabbit and snowshoe hare feed on the seedlings [8]. Once the trees fall to the ground they continue to serve purpose by providing habitat for fungi, mosses, and amphibians, and they also act as nurse logs for younger plants. The root system of the Western Hemlock (Tsuga heterophylla) is important to salmon as well, as it help filter rainwater runoff which protects salmon habitat [7]. Overall, the CWH zone is imperative to maintaining a rich biodiversity in many ecosystems of the coast of the Pacific Northwest.

Pacific crabapple (Malus fusca)

Giant kelp (Macrocystis pyrifera) create large underwater forests along the coast which serve as important habitat for many marine animals. Few other plants are able to grow in the same environment, as the rocky substrate makes it hard to establish. Kelp uses holdfasts to attach to the reefs and form dense forests. These forests help slow down currents, which create a calm habitat for fish species, invertebrates, and aquatic mammals. When the fronds eventually dislodge and drift away, they create micro habitats away from the forests. These micro habitats support species like the ocean sunfish and some sharks [9]. Kelp forests help maintain a high biodiversity both within and outside of their physical boundaries.

Common camas (Camassia quamash) is an important early-season food source. Many pollinators rely on its nectar, including some endangered species of butterfly. Other animals such as birds, gophers, elk, deer, and moose also feed on camas fields [10]. By supporting many animals with their early-season blossom, the common camas play an important role in its ecosystem.

The Pacific crabapple (Malus fusca) contributes to functional and structural diversity in the otherwise conifer-dominated landscapes of Haida Gwaii. Beavers feed on the cambium of the trees, and use the stems for building dams. The fruits are eaten by deer, birds, bear, and other smaller animals. Many of these species depend on their fruits [11][12]. These trees create dense thickets which provide shelter, nesting material, and food for birds, and hummingbirds often nest in its lichen-rich bark [12]. The unique structure and resources of the Pacific crabapple make it an important component in its ecosystem.

Western hemlock (Tsuga heterophylla)

Climate Resilience

Climate resilience refers to the ability to prepare for, recover from, and adapt to the impacts of climate change [2]. Indigenous food plants support climate resilience through carbon sequestration, shoreline stabilization, and improving air quality.

Western hemlock (Tsuga heterophylla) forests help absorbs and store carbon, remove atmospheric dust, and manage water flow. These large forests capture carbon from the atmosphere through photosynthesis and store it in their biomass. They also capture rainwater and filter it, which reduces the risk of flooding and improves the water quality in nearby lakes and streams. Additionally, Hemlock forests remove dust, pollen, and smoke from their air [7]. These functions make western hemlock forests an important contributor to regional climate stability.

Giant kelp (Macrocystis pyrifera) act as both a carbon sink and a buffer against wave energy. As a primary producer, kelp sequesters carbon form the water and convert it into organic matter. It is estimated that kelp forests sequester 20 timer more carbon per unit area than terrestrial forests [13]. When kelp dies and sinks to the ocean floor, it brings the carbon with it and store it in deep-sea sediments. This reduces the concentration of carbon dioxide in the ocean. In addition, kelp reduce wave action, protecting shorelines from erosion which reduce the need for expensive infrastructure for coastal human settlements [9]. These functions make kelp forests an important component in mitigating the impacts of climate change and protecting costal communities.

The Pacific crabapple (Malus fusca) also improves the stability of shorelines.  Its root system anchor soil in place which stabilizes the shorelines and reduce erosion [14]. This not only protects riparian ecosystems but also helps maintain habitat structure and prevent waterway sedimentation.

Socio-economic Benefits

Food Sovereignty

Food sovereignty refers to the traditional and culturally significant ways of harvest, preparation, distribution, and modes of consumption associated with healthily sustaining a people[15]. Furthermore, food sovereignty is more than just food security; food plants have been and are essential to the health and well-being of indigenous peoples in British Columbia not just as a source of nutrition, but also as a means of practicing culture[16].

Common camas (Camassia quamash)

In a study conducted in the Okanagan region of British Columbia, a quarter of participants from the Sylix Okanagan First Nation were reported to eat traditional foods at least once in a 24 hour period[4]. Traditional Foods in the study included plants such as Saskatoon berries, strawberries, camas, chanterelle mushrooms, among others. Upon analyzing the nutrition figures, these participants were found to have higher levels of essential nutrients compared to individuals from the same community who did not consume traditional foods. This study is indicative of how consuming traditional food plants aids the food sovereignty of indigenous groups because it illustrates that there are legitimate health benefits associated with the consumption of traditional foods.

Camas is a plant native to British Columbia[3]. In Coast Salish societies, camas were regularly harvested in the summer, then cooked in underground pits and eaten promptly or preserved to consume during the winter. Particularly productive camas patches were claimed by individual families and passed down to provide for future generations. Food sovereignty is exemplified here by families tending garden plots and harvesting/consuming for themselves in ways that are culturally significant.  

Colonialism has severely impacted First Nations’ ability to harvest on traditional lands. The ‘Namgis First Nation of northern Vancouver Island were barred from performing any ceremonies or potlatching with the implementation of the Indian Act, hence being limited to mere subsistence. Other groups have been forced onto reservations and prevented from harvesting areas in which the federal government has jurisdiction. There have been attempts to remedy problems of this sort, such as community gardens, however they are often not enough to sustain entire bands.

In places where indigenous groups are not forbidden from harvesting on the land, other issues persist. The Qualicum First Nation has experienced a decline in harvesting barks and berries due to changing climatic conditions. (Blackwell) Land development across Vancouver Island has resulted in deforestation and habitat loss, both processes that affect the natural abundance of plant species used for consumption.

Cultural Heritage

Like many parts of indigenous cultures, the methods of harvesting and consuming plants are passed down orally over the span of generations[17]. The continual sharing of knowledge regarding food practices, something which is necessary for survival, helps to keep culture alive and relevant within indigenous societies.

Hazelnut (Corylus avellana)

Historically, beaked hazelnut (Corylus avellana) is a plant which has had many uses for indigenous groups across British Columbia. In an ethnographic account of traditional hazelnut management and consumption, a Nlaka’pamux woman recounts the various uses and ways of tending to hazelnut plants she has learned and experienced throughout her life[18]. Hazelnuts would be eaten raw, cooked, or preserved. Culturally significant methods of tending hazelnut plants included cultural burning, planting in bunches, and trimming roots to boost yield. The woman made multiple mentions of participating in consumption and stewarding practices with family members such as her grandmother, uncle, and cousin. This exemplifies how knowledge was passed down from elders to younger generations in order to maintain traditional ways of knowing.

Threats to the sociocultural value of indigenous food plants are also rooted in colonization. Beginning in the 1800’s, indigenous children were subject to various forms of cultural assimilation into European customs, one of which being forced to eat processed foods. This resulted in the insurmountable loss of knowledge and customs, but also the desire of indigenous children to interact with their culture and as a result, and a deprivation of traditional knowledge for future generations[1]. The cycle is perpetuated as the popularity of commercial food goods and services continues to grow.

Current Conservation Efforts

Indigenous food plants have always been a big part of BC’s environment and Indigenous traditions. Protecting them means keeping traditional food practices alive, passing down cultural knowledge, and dealing with challenges like climate change and habitat loss.

Community-Led Conservation and Restoration

Indigenous communities are at the forefront of many conservation efforts. For instance, the Gitga’at First Nation integrates traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) with modern scientific practices to safeguard ecosystems and food sources [19]. Similarly, the Nuu-chah-nulth Nation plays a crucial role in conservation by utilizing self-governance to manage resources sustainably [20]. The Syilx Okanagan Nation's food sovereignty project aims to restore traditional food systems and strengthen cultural connections by reviving the cultivation and harvesting of plants like saskatoon berries, wild rose hips, and bitterroot, which have long been important in Syilx diets and cultural practices [4].

Government and Institutional Support

Wapato (Sagittaria latifolia)

Some conservation efforts receive support from the Canadian government and provincial programs. One example is Indigenous Protected and Conserved Areas (IPCA), which help protect land while giving Indigenous communities a key role in conservation. But government support isn’t always strong, so many Indigenous groups are pushing for better policies to protect traditional food plants. Universities and researchers are also working with Indigenous communities to document and revive traditional food knowledge. Turner & Turner [3] talk about how Indigenous food practices are tied to culture, health, and the environment. They explain how colonization and modern land use have made it harder to pass down traditional food knowledge, which affects both biodiversity and Indigenous food security. Their research shows why it’s important to document and revive these practices through education, policy changes, and community-led conservation.

Ecological Restoration Efforts

Restoration projects are becoming more important in efforts to protect Indigenous food plants. Grenz and Armstrong [21] highlight the role of Indigenous knowledge in ecological restoration, particularly in reclaiming degraded landscapes for food cultivation. One example is the restoration of wetland ecosystems to support traditional foods such as wapato (Sagittaria latifolia), an important root vegetable historically used by Indigenous peoples.

Community gardens and food forests are also being developed to provide spaces where Indigenous communities can grow traditional plants in urban and rural environments, strengthening local food security and biodiversity.

Additional Solutions

Sitka Spruce (Picea sitchensis)

Payment for ecosystem services (PES) is a conservation method grounded in ensuring the protection of ecosystem services (ES), by means of the ES users funding the ES providers[22]. Since ES are the benefits humans derive from nature, Indigenous food plants fall under this category, due to their sustenance function[22]. In the past, PES programs have worked against Indigenous sovereignty by means of forcing actions on to Indigenous peoples by the government[22]. However, if designed in collaboration with Indigenous populations, PES programs could lead to community empowerment and protection of local food plants[22]. In particular, the national PES program from Costa Rica directly benefited Indigenous communities through supporting land stewardship and place based identities, which can lead to food plant protection[23]. Therefore, if applied to BC Indigenous food plants, PES programs offer another avenue for conservation.

Educational programs directed at both Indigenous and non-Indigenous children have also shown significant impacts on food plant protection[24]. This occurred in India where children regardless of their heritage, voluntarily enrolled in an extracurricular food plant program, which resulted in increased knowledge about food plants and decreased social stigma around their consumption[24]. The outcome of this pilot project was improved protection and awareness for Indigenous food plants[24]. If applied to BC food plants, children’s education could lead to the continuing survival of these species.

Current Challenges or Threats

Even with conservation efforts, Indigenous food plants in BC still face many threats, making it harder to sustain traditional food systems and protect biodiversity.

Climate Change and Environmental Threats

Climate change is a major problem for Indigenous food plants. Rising temperatures, unpredictable weather, and more frequent wildfires are disrupting ecosystems and making it harder for these plants to grow [25]. Habitat loss from deforestation, urban expansion, and industrial activities also puts many plant species at risk [26]. Pollution from industries and farming has made soil and water worse, making it even harder for Indigenous plants to grow [26]. Because of this, many traditional food sources are disappearing or getting harder to find.

Loss of Traditional Knowledge

Stinging nettle (Urtica dioica)

One of the biggest challenges is the loss of traditional knowledge about Indigenous food plants. Colonization, forced assimilation, and policies like residential schools have disrupted the passing down of this knowledge [3]. Today, fewer Indigenous youth learn about traditional food practices, making it harder to keep these traditions alive [3].

Some programs, like language and cultural revitalization projects [27] [3], are working to change this, but challenges remain. Limited access to traditional harvesting areas and strict regulations also make it difficult for communities to continue these food traditions.

Turner and Turner [3] highlight that much of this traditional plant knowledge was passed down through generations by women, often through hands-on experience and storytelling tied closely to specific places and seasonal cycles. When access to land is restricted and these roles are disrupted, valuable knowledge fades. McIvor, Napoleon, and Dickie [27] also emphasize that revitalizing Indigenous languages and cultural practices plays a big role in protecting traditional knowledge. Since many teachings about food plants are rooted in language, supporting language and cultural revitalization helps strengthen identity, improve well-being, and reconnect youth with ancestral knowledge systems.

Policy and Legal Barriers

Legal and policy barriers often restrict Indigenous communities from fully exercising their food sovereignty—government regulations on land use, fishing, and foraging sometimes conflict with Indigenous rights and traditions. Popken et al. [20] state that Indigenous self-governance is key for food sovereignty and sustainable resource management. Many Indigenous-led conservation projects also struggle to get long-term funding. Although some government and non-profit programs provide funding, it is often temporary and has restrictions limiting Indigenous control over conservation efforts.

Reindeer lichen (Cladonia rangiferina)

Government regulations on land use, fishing, and foraging sometimes make it difficult for Indigenous communities to harvest traditional foods. While some policies aim to support Indigenous conservation, many do not go far enough. Another issue is funding. Many Indigenous-led conservation projects struggle to get long-term financial support. While some government and non-profit programs offer funding, it is often short-term and has restrictions limiting Indigenous control over conservation efforts.

Safeguarding Indigenous food plants in British Columbia is vital for maintaining biodiversity, ensuring food sovereignty, and preserving cultural heritage. While much great work is being done, challenges like climate change, habitat destruction, and policy barriers make it clear that more support is needed. The best way forward is through collaboration—bringing together Indigenous communities, governments, and researchers to ensure these plants and the traditions tied to them continue for generations to come.

Conclusion

Across BC, Indigenous food plants play vital roles for the local communities. Not only do the plants ecologically benefit the land, by sustaining biodiversity, and increasing climate resilience, they also are instrumental in maintaining Indigenous culture. In doing so, Indigenous ways of knowing are continued for generations to come. Due to the importance of Indigenous food plants in BC, numerous conservation efforts have occurred to protect these species. In particular, community-based conservation, ecological restoration, and governmental initiatives have occurred. That said, Indigenous food plants still face conservation issues such as climate change, loss of traditional knowledge, and legal challenges.

References

  1. ↑ 1.00 1.01 1.02 1.03 1.04 1.05 1.06 1.07 1.08 1.09 1.10 1.11 1.12 1.13 1.14 1.15 1.16 1.17 1.18 1.19 1.20 Kuhnlein, Harriet; Turner, Nancy (2020). Traditional plant foods of Canadian indigenous peoples: nutrition, botany and use. Routledge.
  2. ↑ 2.0 2.1 2.2 "What is climate resilience and why does it matter?". Centre for Climate and Energy Solutions. April 2019.
  3. ↑ 3.00 3.01 3.02 3.03 3.04 3.05 3.06 3.07 3.08 3.09 3.10 3.11 3.12 Turner, Nancy; Turner, Katherine (February 2008). ""Where our women used to get the food": cumulative effects and loss of ethnobotanical knowledge and practice; case study from coastal British Columbia". Botany. 86: 103–115.
  4. ↑ 4.0 4.1 4.2 4.3 Blanchet, Rosanne; Willows, Noreen; Johnson, Suzanne; Batal, Malek; Okanagan Nation Salmon Reintroduction Intiatives (March 2020). "Traditional Food, Health, and Diet Quality in Syilx Okanagan Adults in British Columbia, Canada". Nutrients. 12: 927.
  5. ↑ 5.0 5.1 5.2 5.3 "First Nations in BC". Retrieved February 28, 2025.
  6. ↑ Lantz, Trevor; Turner, Nancy (Fall/Winter 2003). "Traditional phenological knowledge of Aboriginal peoples in British Columbia" (PDF). Journal of Ethnobotany. 23: 263–286. Check date values in: |date= (help)
  7. ↑ 7.0 7.1 7.2 "Coastal Western Hemlock Forests". Island trust conservancy. June 2020.
  8. ↑ "Western Hemlock". Sierra Club BC. Accessed on April 3rd 2025. Check date values in: |date= (help)
  9. ↑ 9.0 9.1 "Kelp forest habitat on the West Coast". NOAA Fisheries. February 20, 2024.
  10. ↑ Nelson, Dan (May 14, 2022). "Camassia quamash (Common Camas)". 10,000 Things of the Pacific Northwest.
  11. ↑ Camire, Ravi (Accessed on April 3, 2025). "Pacific Crab Apple Restoration at Kwiid Suu (Mayer Lake) on Haida Gwaii". University of Victoria. line feed character in |title= at position 60 (help); Check date values in: |date= (help)
  12. ↑ 12.0 12.1 Wilson, Marcia (September 21, 2020). "The Pacific crabapple: The wetlands keystone species".
  13. ↑ "Exploring the role of kelp forests in climate change mitigation". Tunley Environmental. July 25, 2023.
  14. ↑ "Pacific Crabapple". Natural Edge, Watersheds Canada. Accessed on April 3, 2025. Check date values in: |date= (help)
  15. ↑ Coté, C. (2016). “Indigenizing” Food Sovereignty. Revitalizing Indigenous Food Practices and Ecological Knowledges in Canada and the United States. Humanities, 5(3), 57. https://doi.org/10.3390/h5030057
  16. ↑ Ricart, Kate. (2019). Cooking food customs in the pot of self-governance: how food sovereignty is necessary ingredient of tribal sovereignty. American Indian Law Review, 44(2), 369-402.
  17. ↑ Blackwell, L. (2023). Nourishing Culture and Community: Exploring Food Sovereignty in Qualicum First Nations on Vancouver Island [Master’s thesis, UiT The Arctic University of Norway]. UiT Munin.
  18. ↑ Armstrong, C. G., Wal’ceckwu, M. D., & Turner, N. J. (2018). Management and traditional production of beaked hazelnut (k'áp'xw-az', corylus cornuta; betulaceae) in british columbia. Human Ecology, 46(4), 547-559. doi:https://doi.org/10.1007/s10745-018-0015-x
  19. ↑ Thompson, Kim-Ly; Hill, Cameron; Ojeda, Jaime; Ban, Natalie C.; Picard, Chris R. (2020). "Indigenous food harvesting as social-ecological monitoring: A case study with the Gitga'at First Nation". People and Nature. 2(4): 1085–1099.
  20. ↑ 20.0 20.1 Popken, Lindsey R.; Griffin, P. Joshua; Coté, Charlotte; Angel, Eric (2023). "Indigenous food sovereignty through resurgent self-governance: Centering nuu-chah-nulth principles in sea otter management in Canada". Ecology and Society. 28(2): 12.
  21. ↑ Grenz, Jennifer; Armstrong, Chelsey Geralda (2023). "Pop-up restoration in colonial contexts: Applying an indigenous food systems lens to ecological restoration". Frontiers in Sustainable Food Systems. 7.
  22. ↑ 22.0 22.1 22.2 22.3 Smith, Tonya; Bulkan, Janette; Zerriffi, Hisham; Tansey, James (2019). [DOI: 10.1111/cag.12553 "Indigenous peoples, local communities, and Payments for Ecosystem Services"] Check |url= value (help). Canadian Geographer. 63: 616–630.
  23. ↑ Bremer, Leah; Nelson, Sara; Jackson, Sue; Izquierdo-Tort, Santiago; Lansing, David; Shapiro-Garza, Elizabeth; Echavarria, Marta; Upton, Caroline; Asquith, Nigel (2023). "Embedding local values in Payments for Ecosystem Services for transformative change". Current Opinion in Environmental Sustainability. 64: 101354.
  24. ↑ 24.0 24.1 24.2 Cruz-Garcia, Gisella; Howard, Patricia (2013). "'I used to be ashamed'. The influence of an educational program on tribal and non-tribal children's knowledge and valuation of wild food plants". Learning and Individual Differences. 27: 234–240.
  25. ↑ Levin, Philip S.; Poe, Melissa R. (2017). Conservation for the Anthropocene Ocean: Interdisciplinary Science in Support of Nature and People. London, United Kingdom: Academic Press, an imprint of Elsevier. pp. 399–421. ISBN 978-0-12-805375-1.
  26. ↑ 26.0 26.1 Fisher, Julia A.; Shackelford, Nancy; Hocking, Morgan D.; Trant, Andrew J.; Starzomski, Brain M. (2019). "Indigenous peoples' habitation history drives present‐day forest biodiversity in British Columbia's coastal temperate rainforest". People and Nature. 1(1): 103–114.
  27. ↑ 27.0 27.1 McIvor, Onowa; Napoleon, Art; Dickie, Kerissa M. (2013). "Language and culture as protective factors for at-risk communities". International Journal of Indigenous Health. 5(1): 6–25.


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