Course:ANTH213/2024/topic/Resistance

From UBC Wiki

Introduction

McKay, Hannah. “No Justice, No Peace.” The World, 3 June 2020,

The Cambridge Dictionary defines resistance as “the act of fighting against something that is attacking you, or refusing to accept something.” [1] Resistance is the required driving force of any social movement, as well as socio-political change.Without resistance, a movement has no momentum; and so, the spirit of resistance mobilizes collectives to seek change in society. Thus, it entails fighting against hegemonic systems of power and refusing to accept subjugation, in order to reclaim one’s freedom, liberation, and self-determination. Resistance is often discerned as guerrilla wars or armed rebellion, however, fighting against systems of oppression has been enacted in a variety of ways. This includes non-violent direct action, such as demonstrations, strikes, calls for boycotts, sit-ins, and teach-ins. The importance of non-violent forms of resistance cannot be undermined, as individuals have used art, education, and interpersonal relations to resist their subjugation. This page includes discussions on Feminist resistance, Queer resistance, Migrant resistance, Anticolonial resistance, and Black resistance. Feminist resistance explores the oppressive relationship between the patriarchy and feminists while analyzing the historical timeline of challenging gender inequality and female subjugation. Migrant resistance traces the historical, cultural, political, and social oppression of migrant people, offering an intersectional account of how these systemic issues lead migrants to fight for basic human rights, belonging, and citizenship. Anticolonial resistance analyzes the historical lineage and approaches that Indigenous peoples have taken to challenge colonial occupation, domination, and settler-colonial genocidal practices in order to reclaim one’s social, economic, and land-based sovereignty and self-determination. Queer resistance examines intersectional approaches to colonial definitions and experiences of queerness from members of the LGBTQIA2S+ community.Finally, Black resistance studies the roots of black oppression and the forms of resistance that members of the Black population have used to take a stance against practices and societies that were not welcoming to them.

Feminist Resistance

Iranian women.webp

In society, many collectives manifest as an act of solidarity against oppressive systems that limit an individual’s rights and freedoms based on simple identity-defining characteristics. It is within their shared efforts to recognize and challenge these systems that resistance is exemplified. One of the most active and prevalent collectives resisting their oppressive system is the feminist movement. The feminist movement is a transgenerational movement that is built on the foundation of women's empowerment and gender equality in public and private spheres. Over time, the movement has become more nuanced by including intersecting facets such as racially/culturally marginalized women and other gender identities. By recognizing and resisting the pervasive impacts of the patriarchy on various societal structures (i.e. political, socioeconomic, cultural), feminists work to dismantle embedded systems of gender inequality that harm a woman’s right to equal living standards as men. This section discusses the cause, origins, and forms of feminist resistance.

In short, feminists are resisting the patriarchy. However, there is more depth to this statement. It implies that the patriarchy is all-encompassing but also that there is a homogeneous struggle that feminists face[2] which is untrue. Feminist resistance has shifted from equalization to liberation of marginalized genders[3]. What a Black woman resists may starkly contrast with what a White woman considers oppressive[4]. Nonetheless, the patriarchy needs to be unpacked to understand what about it is oppressing women. To start, the patriarchy is rooted in the sexual subordination of women and “the subjugation and exploitation of the ‘other’ gender as the very grounds of wealth and accumulation” (i.e. unequal division of labour and wealth accumulation on the basis of gender)[2] which can act directly or indirectly. For example, hegemonic masculinity (a prime component of the patriarchy) is a normalized and dominating form of masculinity that oppresses women by propagating ideals of “conforming to the needs, desires, and expectations”[5] of hegemonic men. Studies regarding hookup culture have highlighted this idea of non-hegemonic groups maintaining a chaste self-image regardless of one’s sexual desire, thus indirectly suppressing the ‘other’ gender’s naturally sexual urges[5]. This exemplifies one of the various ways in which women are forced to surrender to their inhibitions that have been influenced by imposed authority.

Feminist resistance has a strong and extensive history that starts with the history of the patriarchy and continues with the numerous waves of feminism that are at play in resisting the patriarchy. As previously mentioned, the patriarchy is rooted in male dominance over women through sexual/economic exploitation, creating a systemic structure of gender disparity[2]. However, it is important to note how this arose and became pervasive in our current society. This practice can be traced back to concubinage, which was common in many cultures throughout history. Relevant to Western norms, concubinage between a European man and a colonized woman began in the early ages of European colonialism (approx. 16th century) and continued through the early 20th century[6]. The promoted practice of concubinage was tied to the idea of the racial and cultural superiority of Europeans, especially men, over colonized groups, and the effective labour exploitation of these groups for capital accumulation. Due to the undue influence of settler colonialism, this idea became the foundation of future hierarchical structures.

Feminist Resistance.webp

The first major instance of resistance in history was the Women’s Suffrage Movement that occurred from the early 19th century to the early 20th century in North America. Women were not recognized in the public sphere, therefore they were unable to vote or provide their income. The lasting effects of concubinage limited women to domestic duties such as cooking and cleaning. Refusing to tolerate these living conditions, women gathered and protested for their right to vote and be recognized. Their political goals gained momentum and the right to vote was enacted in Canada in 1918 and in America in 1920. This became the birth of first-wave feminism. The most notable factor about this predecessor was that “ [feminist scholars] identified the first wave as comprising largely white, middle-class women focused on achieving narrowly defined political goals”[7]. With obvious forms of exclusivity and limited imaginations regarding the full range of women’s liberation; the second wave of feminism/ “womanism” arose (in approximately the 1960s). This wave adopted more inclusive resistance, in which “the linked nature of different relations of discrimination”[3] was recognized. In other words, women’s oppression moved beyond sex disparity and considered oppression on the basis of sex, race, and class. The slogan, “the personal is political” became the headline of the movement because it “characterize[s] the close relationship between public and private aspects of feminist struggles”[8], encompassing the newfound inclusive resistance. With more identities and personal experiences to consider, second-wave feminism broadened its scope of resistance to include “economic, educational, and political access”[7]. Then, third-wave feminist activism builds on the foundations of its predecessor but coins the term “intersectionality” to describe the further interconnectedness of oppression; considering nationality, disability, and trans rights[9]. This wave resists a homogeneous version of feminism while already tackling patriarchal oppression. It demands more granted liberties such as reproductive rights/fair access to healthcare, and protection against harassment/sexual violence (including having support for body and sex positivity). Furthermore, it has social media at its disposal to center marginalized voices. The major waves of feminism are treated as “building on and improving the wave(s) that preceded them”[7]. In comparison, third-wave feminist resistance is the most dynamic and currently prevalent in society.

Feminist resistance manifests in countless forms and uses many methods to challenge gender inequality to enact change that aligns with the movement’s beliefs. Resistance movements taking shape allows for progress away from harmful cultural norms and practices. It also proliferates new identity-affirming spaces that encourage self-expression in a community setting. For feminists, these spaces can be seen in women’s sports/clubs, and support groups (e.g. sexual assault support groups) but feminists usually undergo long trials of campaigns, protests, and other non-violent resistance methods to see such results. Feminist resistance turns theory into practice in a few major ways; historically and continuously denying biological determinism, and claiming independence over their lives. Firstly, biological determinism has reinforced a gender dichotomy that separates masculinity from femininity by assuming that masculinity is a behaviour solely attached to males and thus the same relationship with femininity with females. Feminist scholars resisted this idea by intervening. They argued that masculinity is a socially constructed process rather than a social identity associated only with male bodies. This emphasizes one’s agency to shape their own gender identity and challenges norms such as toxic hegemonic masculinity. A study conducted on gender policing and hyperandrogenism suggests that policies that refrain from allowing athletes with hyperandrogenism to participate in women's sports worsen gender-discriminatory practices and further stigmatize these athletes due to their biological characteristics[10]. Feminism postulates the importance of promoting diversity and inclusivity by viewing someone beyond their biological characteristics, effectively denying biological determinism. Moreover, this rejection of biological determinism influences feminist movements that promote female independence and autonomy. For instance, in recent years, there has been a recorded correlation between women's empowerment and low fertility rates[11]. It is argued that educated and empowered women are “[exposed to] modern values and ideas that promote individualism and egalitarianism”[11], drawing them away from historical patriarchal domains that insist a woman’s worth comes from their fertility; and towards economic independence as well as unapologetically using contraceptives. There are arguments describing that women's empowerment is slowly erasing dated pronatalist tendencies, such as the need for more children for improved social status amongst men[11]. Therefore, evidence shows that not only does the patriarchy affects women’s decisions but that feminists are actively resisting patriarchal norms through many forms and methods such as protests, solidifying community, and becoming independent.

Queer/Trans Resistance

The LGBTQIA2S+ community has a long and rich history internationally, and is undeniably riddled with the concept of resistance- while there is a tragic history of violent forms of resistance, members of the community have found alternative ways to voice their identities. However, when examining resistance from the LGBTQIA2S+ community, it should be noted that as LGBTQIA2S+ visibility becomes more prevalent in society and pop culture, division within the group risen to the surface as intersectional power dynamics begin to dominate[12]. The differences between the white-queer experience and the queer person of color (POC) experience will be examined using three separate examples; one describing an Asian experience, one describing an Indigenous experience, and a discussion surrounding queerness in the Palestine/Israel conflict. For purposes of concision, while there are multiple acronyms for the community used differently internationally, the following sections will use LGBTQIA2S+ as the encompassing term, with the added plus-sign including further identificatory labels not in the acronym.

Two-spirit individuals at a powwow in Arizona
The Vancouver Skytrain

This segment aims to explore forms of resistance between internal members of the LGBTQIA2S+ community by taking an intersectional approach and identifying where experiences of marginalization from different minority groups coincide. When examining queer values, language and mannerisms in popular culture, there is an undeniable eurocentric white domination[13], and to group all experiences into one is to ignore the necessity for intersectional examination of the general queer lifestyle. In an observational study titled ‘Migrant Intimacies: Mobilities in Difference and Basue Tactics in Queer Asian Diasporas’ by Dai Kojima (2014), multiple Asian gay men described their feelings of being on the outskirts of White-Canadian queer society. However, despite sometimes feeling lonely, they embrace their differences and resist conformation to the norms. For example, in the aforementioned study,  57 year old Maty’s self-description of feeling “gay” was rooted in his unique experiences as a South Asian male. Kojima writes about Maty knitting on public transit in Vancouver, and how he feels gay when he does so. This personal description of “gayness” contrasts with colonial, commonplace definitions and traits of gayness- it has less to do with who he finds himself attracted to, but more to do with comfort of identity and inclusion in a community. Maty is not intimate with other men, nor does he comfortably experience attraction to them, but for a mentally ill, older man from South Asia, by repeatedly going on public transit and knitting, Maty creates an ephemeral space for himself that allows him to feel comfortable in his identity and with using the label “gay.” This specific form of “spacemaking” that Maty employs is in itself a resistance to white normative definitions of “gay”, and challenges dominant stereotypes about the queer experience.

An individual at Queers for Palestine protest

Another example of this resistance to colonial, White-Canadian definitions of the LGBTQIA2S+ community is the conception of the term “Two-Spirit'' in Indigenous communities in North America. The term, originally conceived in 1990, was originally created with the intention of differentiating colonial views of gender and sexuality from those of different Indigenous communities, and was specifically referred to as “an Aboriginal-specific term of resistance to colonization and non-transferable to other cultures[14].” While not all Indigenous communities have the same definition of “Two Spirit,” it serves its purpose as an overarching anti-colonial descriptive for LGBTQIA2S+ Indigenous peoples. Indigenous peoples all over North America faced an imposition of colonial ideals of society and culture, and ideology surrounding gender and sexuality was no different. The gender binary, defined as classification of gender into two specific categories of “masculine” and “feminine,” has Eurocentric roots and does not encompass the multitudes of definitions that fall under the Two-Spirit label[15]. Identities that have modernly fallen under this label include people that do not identify with their assigned gender at birth, those who do not perform gender roles of their assigned gender at birth, those who take on roles of another gender for ceremonial purposes, and more[16]. Even by having a gendered label that does not quite have a set definition, and instead acts as a comprehensive term for queer identities spanning through hundreds of unique communities, the term “two spirit” acts as a form of resisting binaries, whether that be in gender, sexuality, or general culture. In a zine by Marie Laing titled “Two-Spirit: Conversations with Young Two-Spirit, Trans and Queer Indigenous People in Toronto (2017),” multiple young Indigenous people that identify with the label shared their thoughts on the multiple benefits of having a label like “Two-spirit.” Participants stated that, as aforementioned, usage of the label was a form of space making; some stated that the label was less about the identity of gender, but more the performance of gendered roles and responsibilities. In summary, as mentioned in the zine, all the different understandings of “Two-Spirit” have fundamental legitimacy, and to deny this concept would be to be complicit in a colonial understanding of gender, sexuality, and the language used to encompass it.

This section aims to examine forms of resistance from the LGBTQIA2S+ community towards external parties. As aforementioned, the LGBTQIA2S+ community would not have found the space to exist without resistance, whether violent, peaceful, political or personal in nature. While many Western or historically colonial countries have started to openly embrace the LGBTQIA2S+ community in forms of legislation and majority societal attitude, there is still a prerequisite for some form of adherence to white-normativity, as aforementioned in earlier sections. This adherence is enforced socially not just by people within the community in order to cement a safe space in society where heteronormativity is still dominant, but also by people outside of the LGBTQIA2S+ community aiming to continue their marginalization[17]. Due to these power dynamics, queer identities can be weaponized for the benefit or detriment of others. This is made apparent in the ongoing Palestine-Israel conflict, wherein a colonial Israel has used the historical lack of support for queer safety in Palestine to villainize them while simultaneously portraying themselves as a safe, queer friendly nation[18]. The queer community in Palestine have denied the exploitation of their identities for the scapegoating of their nation. This type of resistance from the LGBTQIA2S+ community directed outwards is a form of creating space where queer bodies are respected and not leveraged for political, cultural or social purposes.

Migrant Resistance

It is important to recognise the category of ‘migrant’ as necessarily heterogenous. Migrants are radically diverse in origin, religion, gender, age, and class, and so migrant resistance is not a homogenous category, but one which has its own radical diversity.

Almeida, Monica. Thousands of People marched on Wilshire Boulevard in Los Angeles

Maurice Stierl suggests, “acts of migrant resistance are expressions of global injustice, the (not always intended) consequence of rampant and exploitative processes of neoliberal globalisation and circulating capital that know no bounds but instead often function in symbiosis with sovereign borders that regulate, filter, and deter in the name of nationalism, the status quo, economic prosperity, or (white) supremacy.”[19] This migrant oppression has historically been seen through settler-colonial nations, who actively look to uphold a moral and racial imperialism through the alienation of ‘the other’. For example, in 1867, Canada’s Prime Minister, John A. MacDonald expounded his hegemonic vision for the nation by calling it “a white man’s country,”[20] despite a large migrant population. This thinking results in a paradoxical inclusion of ‘the other’, whereby “the imperatives of capitalist development”[21] demands cheap overseas workers, while the (white) superiority of the nation-state treats their integration as ‘invasion’.[22]

This overt racialization – “the process in which dominant groups utilize cultural and biological features to construct levels of superiority and inferiority”[23] – plays a significant role in shaping migrant experiences and struggles. In the case of Mexican and Latino migrants in the United States, racialization has been foundational in shaping the nation's labour hierarchy leading to the racial violence that Mexican and Latino migrants face daily.[24] Those outside the normative bounds of US polity, yet within the territory, are subject to structural, symbolic, and legal forms of racial violence. This racialization has resulted in the socio-political and economic construction of "illegal" subjects, perpetuating coloniality,[25] denying Mexicans and Latinos basic rights, such as housing, healthcare, and social services. It has created a belief system that supports white supremacy and maintains a socio-political and economic hierarchy that privileges and protects those racialized as white above all others within the United States. This has led to numerous resistance tactics, from armed rebellion groups in the late 19th century[26] to the peaceful marches of 2006.[27]

The notion of moral imperialism also treats certain migrant communities as “problems to manage."[28] Much like the Latino populations in the USA, who have repeatedly been essentialized as ‘rapists’ and ‘drug dealers’[29], some countries will use the actions of migrants to “reinstate and redeclare the myths that liberal settler colonial societies tell themselves about their investment in individual choice, autonomy, and personal sovereignty.”[30] In the case of Muslim migrants in Australia, the introduction of rigid forced marriage laws actively villainized migrant culture under the veil of promised liberatory autonomy. It portrays “Muslim women as ‘in need of saving’”[31] from Muslim men by the ‘graciousness’ of white men (this same logic is used with Latino populations in the USA). In creating firm laws against forced marriage, the Australian government problematized the issue as a cultural practice to be eradicated. The government implies that Muslim communities (particularly men) have a disposition towards violating autonomy, thus ignoring the systemic, oppressive treatments of Migrants which may lead to the necessity of such actions.[32]

More recently, surveillance technology has become a key source of migrant oppression. Achille Mbembe, in line with Stierl’s claims of neoliberal globalisation suggests that capitalist, wide-spread implementation of biometric data and facial recognition software (within the anti-immigration push in Europe) mean that “entire categories of the population are indexed and subjected to various forms of racial categorisation that transform the immigrant (legal or illegal) into an essential category of difference. It is seen as inscribed in the very body of the migrant subject, visible on somatic, physiognomic, and even genetic levels.”[33] Panoptic propaganda pervades (particularly American and European) nations, waging wars on vague enemies.[34] The demands of neoliberalism, in turn, categorizes migrants as ‘wanted’ or ‘unwanted, whereby the “capacity for movement is afforded to some ‘exceptional subjects with social capital and means, while classed, gendered and sexed differences continue to foreclose full access to systems of movement for ‘othered’ bodies.”[35] This has “led to a proliferation of resistance by migrants on all continents.”[36]

Library and Archives Canada, Vancouver anti-Asian riots of 1907

The conditions of migrant resistance often arise from this “common experience of marginality”.[37] According to Stierl, migrant resistance is made up of three distinct types: dissent, excess, and solidarity. Migratory dissent refers to the acts of resistance and contestation by migrants against oppressive border regimes and systems of power.[38] ​ Migrants engage in various forms of protest, disobedience, and activism to challenge the injustices they face, demanding their rights and dignity. Migratory excess, on the other hand, refers to the ways in which migrants exceed and disrupt the boundaries and norms imposed by the state and society.[39] Migrants often defy restrictive immigration policies and find creative ways to cross borders and establish new lives. Their mobility and presence challenge the control and regulation of borders, highlighting the limitations and contradictions of the border regime.[40] Migratory solidarity is the collective support and alliance among migrants and their allies in the struggle for migrant rights and social justice.[41] ​ Solidarity can take the form of grassroots organizing, mutual aid networks, advocacy campaigns, and direct actions.[42] Migrants and their supporters come together to amplify their voices, share resources, and challenge the systemic injustices faced by migrants. Together, these concepts intersect to form what Stierl calls “resistance as method”.[40] Importantly, these are not enacted “simply in opposition to what is considered Power as (state) domination but also on a micro-physical level, in everyday social interactions that connect, nevertheless, to a transversal beyond.”[40]

Steinhilper, reiterates this notion with regards to precarious migrant resistance, highlighting ‘invisible’ forms of everyday resistance, which are not captured by “common regimes of visibility [but] rather attempt to elude their gaze and seek to remain imperceptible.”[43] These unspectacular, everyday acts of resistance can “dismantle existing power relations and make fundamental antagonisms visible, and by this, accessible to contentious scrutiny.”[43]

Many scholars have also argued that migrant resistance has an important connection to spatiality. This shift recognizes that space is not just a backdrop for social movements, but rather an active and dynamic component that shapes the formation, development, and outcomes of social movements. Put simply, “[s]pace matters because it is relational. It is the medium through which all social relations are made or broken – and making and breaking relationships is at the core of all questions of collective action.”[44] Spatial conditions can both enable and constrain political mobilization and protest. While certain environments, such as cities or specific locales, can provide resources and opportunities for social movements to thrive, governments and authorities can use spatial strategies to disrupt and suppress movements. ​It also highlights the importance of place in creating affective ties and collective identities among protesters. ​Additionally, the theory recognizes the transnational nature of social spaces and the ways in which migrants are embedded in multiple localities and networks that shape their practices of protest.

An understanding of migrant resistance requires an intersectional perspective that considers racialization, spatiality, surveillance, dissent, excess, solidarity, capitalism, etc. Most crucially, migrant resistance can only be understood through examining the intersecting forces that shape the lived experiences of migrants, and the oppressive forces imposed upon them.

Anti-Colonial Resistance

Anti-colonial resistance entails a fight against the occupation, economic exploitation, and social domination of colonial powers. Anti-colonial resistance seeks self-determination, striving to revive national and indigenous identities, reclaiming cultures, traditions and languages targeted by assimilationist colonial regimes. Anti-colonial movements often strive to restore economic independence by asserting self-governance over traditional lands and territories. Since “colonialism and capitalism are based on extracting and assimilating,”[45] colonial and settler-colonial projects rely on the domination of local territories, as well as the theft and “extraction of indigenous knowledge, indigenous women, indigenous peoples.” [46] By first imposing control over foreign territories, colonial regimes exploit local resources, economies, and populations in order to cement an unequal distribution of power through capitalist and patriarchal social structures predicated on the subordination of Indigenous peoples. Beyond the natural exploitation of territories to “deliver raw materials to the empire,”[47] colonialism relies on “the destruction of established world-views among the colonized peoples”[48] so as to be replaced by the world-views of the colonizers. In order to assimilate Indigenous people, colonial powers bring their armies alongside “missionaries and scholars [...] as well as painters and photographers,”[49] thus enacting epistemic violence on local populations by shaping the negative representation of Indigenous peoples as inherently inferior, and by manufacturing self-justified narratives of colonial domination. However, “over the past 400 years, there has never been a time when indigenous peoples were not resisting colonialism,”[50] as they have continued fighting to protect “[their] lands, [their] cultures, [their] nationhoods, and [their] languages.”[51]

“No Justice on Stolen Land.” Unsettling America: Decolonization in Theory and Practice,

Shaped by patriarchy and heteronormativity, colonialism is inextricably shaped by race and gender, where “the very categories of ‘colonizer’ and ‘colonized’ were secured through forms of sexual control which defined the domestic arrangements of Europeans and the cultural investments by which they identified themselves.”[52] Through “sexual prohibitions that were racially asymmetric and gender specific,”[53] colonial governments actively uphold the systemic power of white European men, while ensuring the physical and economic domination of colonized men and women. This is evident in the practice of concubinage, where the “cohabitation outside of marriage between European men and women” granted colonizer men “sexual access to a non-European women as well as demands on her labor and legal rights to the children she bore.”[54] Colonial women’s bodies and labor were violently exploited, while colonized men “were emasculated by racist colonial policies.”[55] Demonstrating one’s ability to be both oppressor and oppressed, “European women were essential to the colonial enterprise and the solidification of racial boundaries,”[56] as white women increased their access to power through racial hierarchies. Colonial structures restricted Indigenous women’s social contributions to the “private sphere and upheld men’s central role in the cash economy and as interlocutors of colonial authorities,”[57] while further stripping women from their “historical land and production rights and relegated them to means of reproduction and free labor vis-à-vis political and economic authorities.''[58] The gendered foundations of colonialism resulted in a form of resistance that was itself gendered, shaping one’s involvement in the movement. While men engaged more directly in armed resistance movements (some women also did), colonized women often “stayed behind enemy lines and were critical providers of information, weapons smuggling, and transportation networks.” [59] Furthermore, colonized women “created their own spaces and organizations to address their grievances against colonialism,” [60]financially supported nationalist struggles, and took part in “strikes, mass demonstrations, community organizing, financing activities, mobilization, political engagements, and the arts.” [61] Within the context of Israeli settler-colonialism, “Palestinian women have always been part of the grassroots resistance to the imperialist aspirations to their homeland, enacting an organic understanding that national liberation is incomplete without gender justice.”[62]

“Palestinian Resistance is Justified Defence.” Media Review Network, 19 November 2018

Anti-colonial resistance differed based on local contexts, but ultimately worked to dismantle intersecting systems of oppression that shaped colonial projects, including racism, misogyny, heteronormativity, and anthropocentrism. This convergence of violence resulted in intersectional anti-colonial resistance movements, benefitting from a “longstanding solidarity with Black, Indigenous, Third World feminist, working-class and queer communities.” [63] Historically, “resistance against colonial occupation continued from the moment of invasion up to the end of the colonial empires.”[64] However, World War I “signified the starting point for the modern resistance movements against colonial” [65]oppression. After WWI, anti-colonial sentiments were fuelled by the “bitter disappointments many anti-colonial leaders felt when the victorious powers refused to honour the slogans of self-determination at the postwar peace conferences.''[66] As the war was justified through a rhetoric of national liberation, colonized populations increasingly demanded social and economic independence for themselves. This was observed in Algeria after WWI, as the service of Algerian men in the French army was not recognized or rewarded, so that “Algerian national sentiment began to find expression in various political movements and organizations.”[67] As the colonial empires were spending immense resources on the war front, their powers within their colonies became weakened financially and militarily, resulting in “a series of uprisings that challenged the colonial hegemony”[68] of both France and Britain, as well as the overarching “legitimacy of colonial rule.” [69] The internal instability caused by WWI thus facilitated local populations’ ability to engage in anti-colonial resistance. World War II further “helped to destroy the colonial system,”[70] as it continued to highlight the inherent contradiction of supposedly morally righteous colonial powers fighting for the protection of freedom and liberty, all the while denying it in their colonies. As Fanon explains, “the mobilization of the masses introduces the notion of common cause, national destiny, and collective history into every consciousness,”[71] where the “violence of the colonized unifies the people.''[72] Anti-colonial resistance movements adhered to a variety of political ideologies, but Westad argues that the majority were shaped by marxism and nativism. Nativist anti-colonialism focused on reclaiming traditional economies and political systems, while re-establishing land-based self-determination as a way to combat colonial assimilationist policies.[73] On the other hand, Marxist resistance understood colonialism and capitalism as inextricably linked, viewing colonial oppression as a form of class conflict. As such, the latter focused on abolishing capitalist structures that exploit Indigenous lands and bodies.

“Algerian Women in the National Independence Movement.” Popular Resistance

Anti-colonial resistance has taken many different shapes; guerrilla warfare, non-violent direct actions, legal challenges, and everyday acts of resistance against colonial epistemic violence. Guerrilla warfare was often the only possible pathway for armed resistance in the colonies, as as it was “a weapon that a nation inferior in arms and military equipment [could] employ against a more powerful aggressor nation,”[74] where colonized populations could utilize local knowledge on conditions of terrain, climate, and society for “the purpose of resisting and defeating the enemy.”[75] This was observed, for example, during Algerian anti-colonial resistance when the veil was used as a “mechanism of resistance,”[76] as it was worn “by the women of the FLN so that they could conceal within its folds the weapons and explosive devices they carried between the French and Arab quarters of the city.”[77] Due to the uneven distribution of political and military power, anti-colonial resistance often took the shape of nonviolent direct action. In the North American context of the 20th century, Indigenous resistance focused on “re-claiming a particular place or site”[78] through blockades and protests. The reclamation of “the town of Wounded Knee by members of the OglalaSioux nation,”[79] and the “standoff between Mohawk Warriors and Canadian police and military”[80] during the Oka crisis demonstrate greater patterns in which Indigenous people fought to defend traditional territories against colonial-capitalist exploitation. Beyond violent and non-violent direct action, Indigenous populations have resisted against the erasure of their presence, histories, traditions, cultures, and futures through everyday acts of “survivance.”[81] Survivance entails the intersection of resisting and surviving, thus “calling attention to the fact that not only have Indigenous peoples survived the genocidal ambitions of settler colonialism, but have continued to enliven their cultures in fluid, critical and generative ways.”[82] Everyday acts of survival can be revolutionary within a colonial project predicated on the conceptual and physical erasure of Indigenous peoples, sovereignty, and livelihoods. Colonial violence further implies the imposition of capitalism, white supremacy and heteronormativity, so that relationality (between one another and with the planet) is relegated to an extractivist framework. Anti-colonial resistance thus entails fighting to reclaim ways of relating to one another and to the land that exist beyond the colonial confines of exploitation, domination, and accumulation, so that “love and care can be enlarged, not compromised or lost, when we embrace a multiplicity of relations.”[83] Laing highlights that “prior to colonization, many (but not all) Indigenous people on Turtle Island had systems of gender that exceeded the binary of man/woman,”[84] but that the colonial violence of “language theft, Christianization, residential schools, and child apprehension practices'' resulted in “Indigenous understandings of gender and sexuality that have been suppressed, and homophobia and transphobia have blossomed.”[85] in Indigenous communities. This violence occurred trans-nationally, through “the British criminalization of the Hijra in South Asia, or British and French social organizing efforts to enforce a binary sex-gender system in Yoruba Land, or Portuguese and Spanish efforts to eliminate “two-spirit” indigenous North Americans.''[86] As such, resisting the capitalist, racist, and misogynist blueprint of colonial empires has been done, in part, by establishing “a vision for a radically different future based on life-affirming interconnectedness, empowering the working classes, and love for each other, land, life, and the planet itself.”[87] Beyond physical resistance, anti-colonialism also means fighting against capitalist exploitation by developing relationship with the land grounded in respect and reciprocity; fighting against racism and misogyny by grounding our relations to one another in care and empathy; fighting against individualistic accumulation by empowering the collective; and recognizing that none of us are free until we are all free.

Black Resistance

Black Resistance in its simplest form

Black Resistance; verb - a movement that transcends generations, intersectional identities and lived experiences; fighting for equal footing of Black populations across all aspects of life. Resistance isn’t a new thing to Black peoples, it is something that has marred their existence and legacies since the era of colonization. Black people have had to fight for their livelihoods  and still continue to fight in a way that has taken on new lifeforms. In striving to have equal rights and freedoms as their non-Black counterparts, they have had to fight centuries of oppression and devaluation by those who really wanted them to be inferior due to racial anxieties. Black oppression is a collection of actions that non-white people use to keep Black people subdued and this takes the form of policy, economic discrimination, social implications and censorship in spaces. As a way to combat this and instead of trying to conform to the ideal societal norms  of colonizers, Black people set out to create their own spaces and institutions that supported their interests and thus gave themselves opportunities. They would be excluded from “Economic discrimination and hardships were countered with the creation of Black institutions of learning (HBCUs), finance, business, and agriculture. Black Power organizations were created and grew as a challenge to medical, environmental, political, and structural racism and bias.”[88]

In wanting to go against their oppressors, Black people have taken to many different forms of resistance which have evolved over time; these forms include media ( music, literature, films, documentaries etc), policy and legislation, mass mobilization( protesting, etc) and fighting for reform in many sectors across the board. While using media as a form of resistance, there has been an uptick in the televised revolution and a lot of shared discourse in media spaces like talk shows and news media that Black people have had create themselves because they were originally not included or wanted in those spaces; see Trevor Noah on the Daily Show, Amber Ruffin and many other who made waves in their spaces and forced the hard unwanted conversations in white centred environments. In pop culture, Black people have created spaces for themselves, embracing the fact they have been placed on the outskirts of society embracing basue and thriving despite and because of it [89]. In making these spaces for themselves, Black people have embraced the idea that their survival is somewhat dependent on letting the world know about the separation between margins and the centre and the private acknowledgement that they are a necessary part of the whole system[90] and letting the world know what they have to give as a population not because they have to prove their worth but because they know the value that they bring as a community with intersectional identities.

Music is an integral part of Black livelihood and was one of the first ways Black people resisted colonization and oppression by European powers, using lyrics that uplifted their spirits when working after being captures or even to warn others of certain dangers and behaviours; a tactic which was successful due to the language barrier between the two groups. This tactic can be traced back to the origins of slavery in Africa and is detailed by many tribes in different countries having songs that convey situations of conflict with the white man and also empower themselves and highlight their positive attributes like the Bulsa people of Ghana comparing themselves to the millipede and its positive qualities. The same is also seen with the use of reggae music in Jamaica which is also called resistance music and its lyrics embody the daily struggle of people living in oppression, the hope for change and a better future and calls for attention to their daily plight.[91]

Reform in policing, education and healthcare has been the biggest way in which activists have looked to resist the oppression of government authorities. In a time where there have been decades of violence against Black people through public policy, and many institutions like the police force, education and healthcare all of which were created against the best interest of marginalized groups. Society has witnessed multiple deaths of Black people in senseless and preventable ways at the hands of both the police and healthcare system as well as the criminalization of young Black bodies in the education system. Activist groups have begun to seek reforms in these systems by demanding better policies and support for Black individuals who use these systems by creating associations and caucuses like the NAACP, The Innocence Project and National Action Network that help to pass civil rights policy and laws and also keep adequate pressure on the powers that be to do right by Black people.

Gathering in Remembrance

The criminalization of Black people by governments have also played a big role in oppression, the stereotypes and images that have been projected unto the Black population are unhealthy representations of who they really are. These organizations have taken to assessing policy and law to create change and help those who have been victims of an unjust legal system. After the Black Panther Party was created and the extent of the power they held proved itself as something contentious, J Edgar Hoover, the then director of the FBI declared them as a threat to the internal security of the country simply because white people in power feared seeing a marginalized population band together and use their strength in numbers to fight injustice[92]. This along with other statements from influential people in high places led to the big crackdown on the Black population and raids on innocent communities and the loss of pivotal figures like Fred Hampton and Mark Clark who were driving forces for the party.

Black Joy

Black Joy is a tool that is used the most as a form of Black resistance, an indirect response that doesn’t require planning  to those who don’t want Black folk to thrive, it has “been an effective tool that has allowed individuals and groups to shift the impact of negative narratives and events in their [favour]”[93]. It is an act of survival that affirms autonomy and reason for being of Black people and says to them their existence is not a burden to this world, as described by Brandy Factory of Upset Homecoming. “Black Joy affirms that I am not a victim. I am an agent of change. It rejects the idea that violence, … injustice, discrimination, prejudice, and dominance over others are normal and acceptable actions” [93]. There is also a strong distinction by all those who talk about Black joy in not mistaking it as a form of escapism or delusional; it is a real, tangible thing that is felt through the Black community both young and old and in the small parts of everyday life. It is a tool of resistance because it chooses to centre the Black community, their strengths and their light and moves away from the negative light and stereotypes that colonial powers created to give themselves the upper hand in the court of public opinion.

A lot of scholarship tends to only represent a fraction of Black resistance; the better examples are found in everyday life and in Black communities and is important to recognize Black resistance can only be truly defined by those who have been affected by anti-Black racism and oppression and have had to find means to survive through resisting and forging their own path. On a daily basis, there is opposition to resistance by many groups including other marginalized groups who feel the limelight has been stolen from them and focused solely on black issues but a lot of Black groups reinforce that the world big enough for all of society to exist together.[94]

References

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  4. ↑ Bailey, Moya (2021). Misogynoir Transformed: Black Women's Digital Resistance. NYU Press. p. 3. ISBN 978-1-4798-0339-2.
  5. ↑ 5.0 5.1 Currier, Danielle (October 2013). "Strategic Ambiguity: Protecting Emphasized Femininity and Hegemonic Masculinity in the Hookup Culture". Gender and Society. 27: 704–727 – via JSTOR.
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  10. ↑ Karkazis, Katrina; Jordan-Young, Rebecca; Davis, Georgiann; Camporesi, Silvia (2012). "Out of Bounds? A Critique of the New Policies on Hyperandrogenism in Elite Female Athletes". The American Journal of Bioethics. 12: 3–16 – via Taylor & Francis Online.
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  13. ↑ Logie, C.H. and Rwigema, M.-J. (2021) ‘“the normative idea of queer is a white person”: Understanding perceptions of white privilege among lesbian, bisexual, and Queer Women of color in Toronto, Canada’, Lesbians and White Privilege, pp. 73–90. doi:10.4324/9781003142058-7.
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  17. ↑ Jones, E.M. (no date) ‘The Kids are Queer: The Rise of Post-Millenial American Queer Identification’, in Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender Americans at Risk: Problems and Solutions, pp. 205–223.
  18. ↑ Palqueers (2023) Queers in Palestine. Available at: https://queersinpalestine.noblogs.org/ (Accessed: 09 April 2024).
  19. ↑ Stierl, Maurice (2019). Migrant Resistance in Contemporary Europe. 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN: Routledge. p. 31. ISBN 978-1-138-57623-0.CS1 maint: location (link)
  20. ↑ Dua, E. (2007). Exclusion through Inclusion: Female Asian migration in the making of Canada as a white settler nation. Gender, Place & Culture, 14(4), 446. https://doi.org/10.1080/09663690701439751
  21. ↑ Dua, E. (2007). Exclusion through Inclusion: Female Asian migration in the making of Canada as a white settler nation. Gender, Place & Culture, 14(4), 462. https://doi.org/10.1080/09663690701439751
  22. ↑ Dua, E. (2007). Exclusion through Inclusion: Female Asian migration in the making of Canada as a white settler nation. Gender, Place & Culture, 14(4), 447. https://doi.org/10.1080/09663690701439751
  23. ↑ Ponce, A. (2014). Racialization, Resistance, and the Migrant Rights Movement: A Historical Analysis. Critical Sociology, 40(1), 12. https://doi.org/10.1177/0896920512465210
  24. ↑ Ponce, A. (2014). Racialization, Resistance, and the Migrant Rights Movement: A Historical Analysis. Critical Sociology, 40(1), 9. https://doi.org/10.1177/0896920512465210
  25. ↑ Ponce, A. (2014). Racialization, Resistance, and the Migrant Rights Movement: A Historical Analysis. Critical Sociology, 40(1), 22. https://doi.org/10.1177/0896920512465210
  26. ↑ Ponce, A. (2014). Racialization, Resistance, and the Migrant Rights Movement: A Historical Analysis. Critical Sociology, 40(1), 19. https://doi.org/10.1177/0896920512465210
  27. ↑ Ponce, A. (2014). Racialization, Resistance, and the Migrant Rights Movement: A Historical Analysis. Critical Sociology, 40(1), 21-22. https://doi.org/10.1177/0896920512465210
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  29. ↑ Phillips, Amber (2017). "'They're rapists.' President Trump's campaign launch speech two years later, annotated".
  30. ↑ Zeweri, H. (2024). Introduction: An Emergent Regime of Truth. In Between Care and Criminality: Marriage, Citizenship, and Family in Australian Social Welfare (pp. 25). Ithaca, NY: Rutgers University Press. https://doi.org/10.36019/9781978829053-002
  31. ↑ Zeweri, H. (2024). Introduction: An Emergent Regime of Truth. In Between Care and Criminality: Marriage, Citizenship, and Family in Australian Social Welfare (pp. 16). Ithaca, NY: Rutgers University Press. https://doi.org/10.36019/9781978829053-002
  32. ↑ Zeweri, H. (2024). Introduction: An Emergent Regime of Truth. In Between Care and Criminality: Marriage, Citizenship, and Family in Australian Social Welfare (pp. 17). Ithaca, NY: Rutgers University Press. https://doi.org/10.36019/9781978829053-002
  33. ↑ Mbembe, Achille (2017). Critique of Black Reason. Duke University Press. p. 24. ISBN 9780822373230.
  34. ↑ Mbembe, Achille (2017). Critique of Black Reason. Duke University Press. p. 23. ISBN 9780822373230.
  35. ↑ Kojima, D. (2014). Migrant Intimacies: Mobilities-in-Difference and Basue Tactics in Queer Asian Diasporas. Anthropologica, 56(1), 33–44. http://www.jstor.org/stable/24469639
  36. ↑ Steinhilper, E. (2021). Theorizing Migrant Protest: A Microinteractionist and Spatial Perspective. In Migrant Protest: Interactive Dynamics in Precarious Mobilizations (pp. 35). Amsterdam University Press. https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv1cvvbgc.6
  37. ↑ Kojima, D. (2014). Migrant Intimacies: Mobilities-in-Difference and Basue Tactics in Queer Asian Diasporas. Anthropologica, 56(1), 33–44. http://www.jstor.org/stable/24469639
  38. ↑ Stierl, Maurice (2019). Migrant Resistance in Contemporary Europe. 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN: Routledge. p. 58. ISBN 978-1-138-57623-0.CS1 maint: location (link)
  39. ↑ Stierl, Maurice (2019). Migrant Resistance in Contemporary Europe. 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN: Routledge. p. 90. ISBN 978-1-138-57623-0.
  40. ↑ 40.0 40.1 40.2 Stierl, Maurice (2019). Migrant Resistance in Contemporary Europe. 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN: Routledge. p. 31. ISBN 978-1-138-57623-0.
  41. ↑ Stierl, Maurice (2019). Migrant Resistance in Contemporary Europe. 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN: Routledge. p.120 . ISBN 978-1-138-57623-0.
  42. ↑ Stierl, Maurice (2019). Migrant Resistance in Contemporary Europe. 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN: Routledge. p. 103. ISBN 978-1-138-57623-0.
  43. ↑ 43.0 43.1 Steinhilper, E. (2021). Theorizing Migrant Protest: A Microinteractionist and Spatial Perspective. In Migrant Protest: Interactive Dynamics in Precarious Mobilizations (pp. 34). Amsterdam University Press. https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv1cvvbgc.6
  44. ↑ Steinhilper, E. (2021). Theorizing Migrant Protest: A Microinteractionist and Spatial Perspective. In Migrant Protest: Interactive Dynamics in Precarious Mobilizations (pp. 37). Amsterdam University Press. https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv1cvvbgc.6
  45. ↑ Simpson, Leanne Betasamosake (6 March 2013). "Dancing the World into Being: A Conversation with Idle No More's Leanne Simpson". YES! Solutions Journalism.
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  47. ↑ Westad, Odd A. (2012). The Global Cold War. Cambridge University Press. p. 75.
  48. ↑ Westad, Odd A. (2012). The Global Cold War. Cambridge University Press. p. 75.
  49. ↑ Malek, Alloula (1986). The Colonial Harem. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. p. 3.
  50. ↑ Simpson, Leanne Betasamosake (6 March 2013). "Dancing the World into Being: A Conversation with Idle No More's Leanne Simpson". YES! Solutions Journalism.
  51. ↑ Simpson, Leanne Betasamosake (6 March 2013). "Dancing the World into Being: A Conversation with Idle No More's Leanne Simpson". YES! Solutions Journalism.
  52. ↑ Stoler, Ann L. (1989). "Making the Empire Respectable: The Politics of Race and Sexual Morality in 20th-Century Colonial Cultures". American Ethnologist. 16: p. 634 – via JSTOR.CS1 maint: extra text (link)
  53. ↑ Stoler, Ann L. (1989). "Making the Empire Respectable: The Politics of Race and Sexual Morality in 20th-Century Colonial Cultures". American Ethnologist. 16: 651.
  54. ↑ Stoler, Ann L. (1989). "Making the Empire Respectable: The Politics of Race and Sexual Morality in 20th-Century Colonial Cultures." American Ethnologist. 16: 637 - via JSTOR.
  55. ↑ Bouka, Yolande. (2021) "Women, Colonial Resistance, and Decolonization: Challenging African Histories." The Palgrave Handbook of African Women's Studies, Springer International Publishing, p. 7.
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  57. ↑ Bouka, Yolande. (2021) "Women, Colonial Resistance, and Decolonization: Challenging African Histories." The Palgrave Handbook of African Women's Studies, Springer International Publishing, p. 7.
  58. ↑ Bouka, Yolande. (2021) "Women, Colonial Resistance, and Decolonization: Challenging African Histories." The Palgrave Handbook of African Women's Studies, Springer International Publishing, p. 7.
  59. ↑ Bouka, Yolande. (2021) "Women, Colonial Resistance, and Decolonization: Challenging African Histories." The Palgrave Handbook of African Women's Studies, Springer International Publishing, p. 9.
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  68. ↑ Kitchen, James E. (2014). "Colonial Empires after the War/Decolonization". International Encyclopedia of the First World War.
  69. ↑ Kitchen, James E. (2014). "Colonial Empires after the War/Decolonization". International Encyclopedia of the First World War.
  70. ↑ Westad, Odd A. (2012). The Global Cold War. Cambridge University Press. p. 86.
  71. ↑ Fanon, Frantz (1963). The Wretched of the Earth. Grove Press. p. 47.
  72. ↑ Fanon, Frantz (1963). The Wretched of the Earth. Grove Press. p. 47.
  73. ↑ Westad, Odd A. (2012). The Global Cold War. Cambridge University Press. p. 80.
  74. ↑ Tse-Tung, Mao; Guevara, Che (1964). Guerrilla Warfare. London: Cassell. p. 42.
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  76. ↑ Fanon, Frantz. The Wretched of the Earth. New York: Grove Press. pp. x.
  77. ↑ Alloula, Malek (1986). The Colonial Harem. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. pp. x.
  78. ↑ Barker, Adam J. (2015). "A Direct Act of Resurgence, a Direct Act of Sovereignty': Reflections on Idle no More, Indigenous Activism, and Canadian Settler Colonialism". Globalizations. 12: 45 – via Taylor & Francis Online.
  79. ↑ Barker, Adam J. (2015). "A Direct Act of Resurgence, a Direct Act of Sovereignty': Reflections on Idle no More, Indigenous Activism, and Canadian Settler Colonialism". Globalizations. 12: 46.
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  81. ↑ Vizenor, Gerald (2009). Introduction: A literary Aesthetics of Survivance. Nebraska: UNP - Nebraska Paperback. p. 1.
  82. ↑ "Survivance". The Decolonial Dictionary. 15 April 2021.
  83. ↑ Tallbear, Kim. (2021) “Love in the Promiscuous Style: Unsettling Love.” Sexuality Education Resource Centre Manitoba Virtual Valentine’s Day Soirée.
  84. ↑ Laing, Marie (2021). Two-Spirit: Conversations with Young Two-Spirit, Trans and Queer Indigenous People in Toronto. TwoSpiritResearchZine. p. 186.
  85. ↑ Laing, Marie (2021). Two-Spirit: Conversations with Young Two-Spirit, Trans and Queer Indigenous People in Toronto. TwoSpiritResearchZine. p. 186.
  86. ↑ "Liberation is a Daily Practice also During Christmas". Queers in Palestine. 25 March 2024.
  87. ↑ Elia, Nada (25 March 2021). "How Palestine is a Critical Feminist Issue". Middle East Eye.
  88. ↑ Black Resistance (2023) - Black History Month - Research Guides at Lone Star College – University Park Library. (2024, February 7). Research Guides. Retrieved April 4, 2024, from https://upresearch.lonestar.edu/BHM/resist#s-lg-box-29778711
  89. ↑ Kojima, D. (2014). Migrant Intimacies: Mobilities in Difference and Basue Tactics in Queer Asian Diasporas. Anthropologica, 56(1), 33-44. JSTOR. 24469639
  90. ↑ Kojima, Dai (2014). "Migrant Intimacies: Mobilities in Difference and Basue Tactics in Queer Asian Diasporas". Anthropologica. 56: 33–44 – via JSTOR.
  91. ↑ Traoré, M., & Talburt, T. (Eds.). (2017). Fight for Freedom: Black Resistance and Identity. Sub-Saharan Publishers.
  92. ↑ Umoja, A. O. (2007). Repression Breeds Resistance: The Black Liberation Army and the Radical Legacy of the Black PantherParty*. New Political Science, 21(2), 131-155. Taylor&Francis Online. 10.1080/07393149908429859
  93. ↑ 93.0 93.1 Nichols, E. (n.d.). Black Joy: Resistance, Resilience and Reclamation. National Museum of African American History and Culture. Retrieved April 4, 2024, from https://nmaahc.si.edu/explore/stories/black-joy-resistance-resilience-and-reclamation
  94. ↑ Cole, Desmond (2020). The Skin We're In. Double Day Canada. ISBN 9780385686341.
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