Weber Part I

Group 10

pg. 3-9 Mimi Nguyen

Weber begins the chapter by observing the relationship between economic power and religious affiliations, specifically in Protestants and Catholics. By cross referencing historical examples, he provides an empirical approach to theorize the reasons why Protestants are wealthier than Catholics in Germany. However, he runs into circles with his arguments without finding clear answers to why Protestants are more successful economically, or rather, carry on the enthusiasm or spirit for capitalism. First, he notes that a majority of wealthy Protestants are in their position today because they had been able to acquire their wealth from their ancestors. However, this is insufficient to explain where this wealth had been acquired originally. Second, he brings to light to the ways in which minority groups, like the Polish in Russia and Eastern Prussia, often strived towards economic power as a compensation for being unable to have a large influence in the political sphere. While Protestants had been a minority during the time of its emergence, Weber views this theory as insufficient since it does not apply to England's situation where the ruling and ruled class had been both Protestants (pg.6).

Later, Weber questions whether the nature of each religion influences an individual's tendency to prosper economically. For example, during a religious reformation, the Church's control on everyday life for Protestants had weakened. This rethinking on asceticism, or the reformation on severe-discipline for religious means, lead to an "emancipation of economic traditionalism", which opened doors for Protestants to seek more capital gain than their Catholic counterparts (pg.4). As a result, Protestants became more attracted to factories where they would "fill upper ranks of skilled labour and administrative positions" which would earn them more money (pg.5). In contrast, many Catholics, due to their keen interest in asceticism, are not as concerned with capital gain, a self-indulgence, as they are more interested in focusing on humanitarian-like work (pg.8). “The Catholic is quieter, having less of the acquisitive impulse; he prefers a life of the greatest possible security, even with a smaller income, to a life of risk and excitement, even though it may bring the chance of gaining honour and riches. The proverb says jokingly, ‘either eat well or sleep well’. In the present case the Protestant prefers to eat well, the Catholic to sleep undisturbed" (pg.8). Having said this, it could be argued that the severity asceticism, or strictness on self-indulgence within a religion, influences individual's prospective wealth. However, again, this theory does not help explain why some successful "commercial circles" have been largely created based on "Christian piety", or by those who strongly believe in asceticism (pg. 9).

Despite the laissez faire-approach towards religion that had taken place, it is important to remember that religion has not disappeared completely from the Protestants' lives. The Church, the power house that had previously dictated everyday activities, had been substituted by a different higher form of power. This substitution of power structure alludes closely to Marx's approach on class formation in class struggles which describes the ways in which binary groups, specifically, those who own land/productions and those who work under those who own these land/production, are always existing but always evolving into different types of groups. More specifically, the substitution of power structures can be reflected in the ways in which land lords and peasants, binary groups, during the feudal era evolved into capitalists and the working class. Similarly, in the context of Weber's text, we can argue that the dialectic relationship between the Church and the people, where the Church had greater monetary wealth and power over the people who had worked to pay substantial fees/donations to the Church. The labels within the church, heretics and the devout believers, evolved into Capitalist Protestants and Working Class Catholics when the context changed; the idea of power remains, but the groups evolve when the conditions changes.

Weber strives to reason the economic disparity between Protestants and Catholics by reviewing certain aspects of each religion that may influence an individual's mentality towards capital gain. However, the theories that he presents, again, are flawed as they fail to completely support his speculations. For instances, how do we explain the economic disparity and imbalance of ascetic practices, or "Christian piety", within Catholic communities, specifically in Filipino Catholic Communities in Vancouver? It has been shown that working class Filipino Catholics donate more money to their church than wealthier Filipino Catholics. The act of donating money is a way for a devout believer to either demonstrate "Christian piety", as the donated funds go towards supporting humanitarian work that the church engages. However, the act of donating money can be seen as a way to earn good karma in the future or afterlife. While we define "Christian piety" as the act of donating money to the church, perhaps wealthy Catholics are not as compelled to donate because they have already earned a favourable position in life. In contrast, working class Catholics donate almost twice as much because they have yet to earn this favourable position in society. Having said this, taken from Weber's opposing attitudes towards "variable sociology", we can challenge the temporal ordering of variables, where religion affects capital gain, and thus, consider the idea that engagement with capitalism affects an individual's involvement in asceticism. Although this example on Filipino Catholic Communities may seem like a superficial and cynical approach towards explaining the economic disparity between religions, we should consider the fact that religion and class are possibly co-constructed in the spirit of capitalism.

pg. 10-16 Hanlu Li"

Weber mentioned other potential cofound explanations for the striking inner connection between the capitalist commercial sense and the piety lifestyle of the protestants. People tends to understand the affinity from the “sense of enlightenment”, inclusive of the idea of “Mammonism” and the rebellion against the strict ascetic up-brings. But we have to know that the most rigorous forms of piety is permeating every aspect of their whole life. Some also consider the particular economic culture in French and Dutch influence the development of capitalism among the protestants. However, Weber points out the identical economic situation in France, verified by Jean-Baptiste Colbert, the reformer of France economic system, that the situation in France was nothing different from the other parts of Europe.

As we all know, the extraordinary unite of religious spirit and the sense of business is impressively presented by the protestants. Although there might be various explanations for the phenomenon, suggested by the author, we must not confusing the underlying correlation by relating it to the “Enlightenment sense”. Instead, correlation should be established with the “purely religious features”.

In order to understand the affinity between capitalism sense and religious spirit, first we should have a basic knowledge of “the spirit of progress”. Weber decoded this term historically and individually, and come up with several illustrations of the spirit. The six principles are: Time is money; credit is money; Money can compound interests; Loan and wage should paid timely and fairly; Do not participates in things that will affect one’s credit; Be mindful of one’s loan and spend thriftily.

Among all, protestant capitalist value credibility the most. They believes one should keep his/her words and adhered to contract on time. Besides, they encourage people to live in a frugal manner and, thereby, they can use the extra to generate more money.

pg. 17-23 Alexis Wolfe

Fascinatingly, Weber describes the internalization of Protestant values of virtue and proficiency as the social ethic of capitalist culture, producing a secularized reconfiguration of this morality to sustain capitalism. The obligation and responsibility of workers to their 'calling' to increase capital, feel content with his/her professional and deny one's own desires to gain future recognition ultimately, as Weber outlines, are elements of an ethic useful most to the individual. Economic acquisition goes beyond the satisfaction one one's needs to take on the role of one's life purpose. This, Weber asserts, is the reversal of a natural relationship with connects to religious ideals and simultaneously a leading principles of capitalism.

Part of what is so interesting about Weber's approach in the context of this course is his framing of capitalism's genesis as an ideological production. He is clear in highlighting that the reversal of natural relationships between subjects, labour and wealth in the development of capitalism does not have its origins in historical materialism, but instead in religious ideals (idealism.) Following Kant's idealism and Marx's historical materialism, perhaps there is a dialectical tension that emerges in Weber's interpretation that sees the "attitudes of the mind" as finding a suitable expression in capitalist enterprise and the capitalist enterprise which derives its most suitable motive force from the spirit of capitalism (attitudes of the mind). (27) Within this insight, it is essential to acknowledge the ideological (religious, moral) forces as well as the material (economic and political) forces as co-constructing the spirit of capitalism and the prevailing dominance of the bourgeoisie capitalist economy.

Weber defines the capitalist economy as an "immense cosmos into which the individual was born", suggesting that it necessarily forces individuals to conform to capitalist "rules of action." (19) However, he also delineates the historical nature of the spirit of capitalism as being present before the capitalist order and an ideological force that had to "fight it's way into supremacy." Today, he points out, capitalism (an immense cosmos) educates and selects the economic subjects it needs through the process of economic survival of the fittest. (21) Thus, the Protestant ethic could be understood as both a contributing factor to the emergence of capitalist hegemony but also a survival mechanism, at least on the subconscious level, that sets out to maximize the current conditions by adapting one's value system to support and benefit from its function. This natural "economic" selection process - interpellation into a Protestant morality - produces a compliant and efficient labour force that reproduces itself systematically (through religious upbringing.) Drawing on Protestant values of self-control and frugality, the Protestant ethic becomes indispensable to employers. What's more is that these values are constituted and reproduced through purely ideological modes of integration. The internalization of the spirit of capitalism, an attitude which "seeks profits rationally and systematically", reverses one's natural association to himself, wealth and labour, sacralizing hard work, functioning through asceticism and emphasizing obedience. (27)

pg. 24-30 Sonia Zaib

Weber mentions the technical means a modern employer can use in order to secure the greatest possible amount of work from his men. This is by reducing worker’s wage-rates and forcing them to work harder to earn the same amount that they did before. (24) This idea that “low wages are productive” and people only work as long as they are poor, has been around for centuries. Weber says that although low wages are necessary for the surplus population in the development of capitalism, this method is not as efficient as it is thought to be. With an insufficient wage, the efficiency of labour decreases. Low wages also do not equate to any sort of skilled labour, use of expensive machinery that need good care, initiative or sharp attention that is required from the workers. Weber continues by saying that developed sense of responsibility is necessary from workers but labour needs to be performed with a maximum exertion and not with an attitude to minimize exertion and maximize comfort. This attitude from workers cannot be evoked just by reducing or increasing one’s wage but by education. Although Weber explains that lowering one's wages won't help with a worker's performance in the labour force we can see that this idea of low-wage rates are still very prevalent today and is necessary for the surplus population. For instance, in cheap labour factories in China where large companies force unskilled workers to work extremely long hours on fast-moving assembly lines and paying workers less than minimum wage. It may be possible however, that from a Marxist point of view, low wages really are productive because the proletariats need to work in order to fulfil the means to live and they will work as long as they are poor in order provide for themselves and their family.

Weber explains the difficulty in the development of capitalism by the type of backward traditional form of labour which is exemplified through women workers, specifically unmarried ones. Weber uses an example of German girls who are unwilling to give up methods of work that was once learned and inherited in favour of more efficient ones, to adapt themselves to new methods, to learn to use their concentration and intelligence (26). Weber argues that in a strict economy, in order to gain high earnings, self-control and frugality which equates to high performance is by the ability of mental concentration and feeling of obligation to one’s job. Therefore, these are the factors that are necessary to the spirit of capitalism and the chance of overcoming traditionalism. Today, if we look at the difference between a lower paying job that requires manual work for example and a higher paying and more prestigious job like a manager at a big company, we see that the people that are in higher paying jobs end up in offices using their critical thinking skills and intelligence more than people that are in lower paying jobs like serving food at a restaurant that require lots of body movements or factory workers that use machines or simple routinely task that require less thinking. Therefore, Weber says that the disagreement and challenge of the capitalist development stems from the rejection to adapt the new methods which is using concentration and intelligence and those who reject these methods will not gain high earnings and frugality (therefore, not in a high earning modern capitalist job).

Weber clarifies the meaning of traditionalism through the entrepreneur. He says that the capitalistic enterprises have some traditionalistic traits and that the spirit of modern capitalism is defined by an attitude which seeks profit rationally and systematically (27). He explains that such an attitude of mind is expressed through capitalistic enterprise and on the other hand the enterprise derived its force of the spirit of capitalism. However he explains that the two forces can occur separately. Weber brings up an example of a large “putting-out” system as an example of a form of capitalistic enterprise but also in traditionalistic spirit. The traditional nature of this system was exemplified through the exchange of cloth from the peasant himself to the putter-out who puts a price on it and sells it to customers in the warehouse or orders being passed onto the peasants. Weber describes the putting-out system as traditionalistic business with a “traditional manner of life, the traditional rate of profit, the traditional amount of work, the traditional relationship with labour…” (30). Now this traditionalistic trait has been destroyed without a change in the form of organization. Instead, a man carefully chose weavers for his employ and turned them into labourers, changed marketing methods by forming close relationships with his customers to provide their needs and introducing the concept of low prices and large turnovers. Those who could not follow the process went out of business and others who participated in the new frugality and competitive attitude of life came to the top. This exemplifies a trend "survival of the fittest" where those who can't keep up with the system are left behind and those who exploit and use labourers to make profit and benefit themselves survive.

pg. 30-36 Devon

Weber further discusses how leisurely attitude towards life was replaced by frugality. Notably, the focus of change stemmed from a new spirit, rather than new money. Success comes to those who are temperate, reliable and entirely devoted to their business. We see minimal connections between religious beliefs and such conducts, and if it is so, there is typically a negative association. For these people, business is an end in itself. Business becomes a motivation moreover that of the fact that this is irrational from the perspective of personal happiness. From an individualistic perspective, the spirit of capitalism could be interpreted as a form of adaptation, where religious conviction is no longer required.

Modern capitalism has become powerful, when previously religion was necessary to overthrow the old economic system and Weber states this as the issue to address. Religion held the key to salvation, and believers and non-believers together offered gifts as a form of insurance. Labour was understood to be a rationalized service “for the provision of humanity with material goods has without doubt always appeared to representatives of the capitalistic spirit as one of the most important purposes of their life-work” (36) and exemplified the ideals of modern society. It is hardly necessary to prove that the idea of moneymaking as a calling was not believed for whole epochs, and that capitalism was at best tolerated. The ethic of capitalism was far more than just a “reflection of material conditions in the ideal superstructure” (36), rather it was a key component in understanding why these people were drawn to making money.

Chapter Two: The Spirit of Capitalism pp.37-40 -- Evelyn McIntyre

In pages 37 to 40 of Max Weber's The Protestant Ethic and The Spirit of Capitalism, the strengths of capitalism are highlighted and the complexity of the relationship between capitalism and rationalism is debated in hopes of defining the way rationalism encourages people to want to make more money. By challenging "liberum artitrium", or free will, such as that exercised in Roman Catholic nations, Weber provides support for his theory that capitalism needs to grow where a relationship between a task that produces money and the person exercising the task exists, as free will is insufficient for the establishment of such a relationship (38). Relating to social phenomena observed today, Weber's theory that a relationship must exist between money and the person working for the money and not solely due to free will can be seen by the impoverished factory workers in countries such as China, where they experience working conditions that do not allow for choice between different possible courses of action within their factory tasks, and their systemic poverty inhibits their free will of employment prospects, as many of the workers will work any job they can in order to gain the money that they need, even if the amount is very little. In this way, the relationship of a poor worker to their work that yields money overrides their free will to choose a job of their liking, as their need for money due to poverty is more important. As well, this final section unites the ideas presented throughout chapter two about what constitutes the spirit of capitalism, and addresses the intricacy of how capitalism can be conceptualized in many directions. In this way, the end of chapter two of The Protestant Ethic and The Spirit of Capitalism emphasizes the key role rationalism has in defining the spirit of capitalism.