Course:GEOG350/2024/The psychological nature of cities human at the forefront of creation by Tristan, Rita, & Haruki

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Night Markets and Asian malls: A Case study of Chinese spatial cultural production in Richmond

Introduction

Our group has chosen to focus our project on the Psychological aspects of how an urban space makes us feel. This topic sparked an interest amongst our group because two of us (Rita and Haruki) are in architecture programs that have touched upon the Psychological elements of spaces and how they make people feel. Tristan on the other hand is a Psychology major, so naturally that caught his interest, so by combining the two disciplines together along with Geography, we thought it would be interesting to research on this phenomenon. The chapter we will be focusing on is Section 4: “The psychological nature of cities human at the forefront of creation.” We will integrate course content into the project by taking Lefebrve’s concept of the city being a collective work of art, or “Oeuvre” and diving into how different kinds of communities can help build a sense of belonging and place for those in the city. This aspect is a key Psychological element as this keeps the heart of the city beating as those experiencing life in the city can do so safely and equally.

Importance and Significance

We have chosen to focus on the city of Richmond and how the effects of a "home away from home" atmosphere impacts the mental wellbeing of the residents of Richmond. For context, according Statistics Canada's most recent census, of the total 209 937 people living in Richmond, 208,400 identify as a visible minority and 113 060 identify as Chinese meaning more than half the population the reside in Richmond are of Chinese descent (2021).[1] It can be difficult to immigrate to a new foreign country that is unfamiliar; especially if you have to leave behind the people you love and close knit communities. Naturally, you would want to move to a place that would provide you with a both a sense of belonging and familiarity from home in order to not feel too homesick.

Brief Background of Our Research

The Richmond Night Market

The city of Richmond has become a place that emulates Asian culture and can be better known as the "Asia of North America." The Asian diaspora of Richmond has had a heavy influence on the culture of this city; the development of the Richmond Night Market, Aberdeen Mall, and the Richmond Public Market are just three examples of how the city of Richmond has taken on a strong Chinese cultural identity in this city. Based on our assertions and already existing research, our group argues that the city of Richmond has given the Asian community a sense of belonging, increased mental well-being, and a sense of home as they have the space to experience Richmond similarly to how they would back in Asia. This may explain the reason as to why Richmond has attracted and is continuing to attract many Asian immigrants to come live in this city. Another factor that ties in with the theme of belonging is economic growth. Given the amount of Asian ran developments across Richmond in the forms of malls, stores, and markets, Asian immigrants have the opportunity to work and provide for themselves and their families in an environment the feels similar to what it is back home.

Overview of issue/focus

Canada has been a land of immigrants since the first European colonizers in the 16th century, a trend that continues today. Currently, annual immigration in Canada amounts to almost 500,000 new immigrants - one of the highest rates per population of any country in the world. As of 2023, there were more than eight million immigrants with permanent residence living in Canada - roughly 20 percent of the total Canadian population (Statista).[2] We chose to focus on the City of Richmond as it has Canada's highest proportion of immigrants, namely 60.3% (Census 2021).[3] The top three places of birth among immigrants living in Richmond in 2021 were China, Hong Kong, and the Philippines (Government of Canada).

Adapting to the Host Country

Though immigrants often cite improvements in quality of life as one of the motivations for immigration, detaching from their original country usually leads to loss of social networks, family and community ties and can cause significant mental health problems. For many people migrating or immigrating from the Global South to places such as the United States, Canada, or Europe, departure, journey, and arrival are precarious and fraught experiences. They grapple with new feelings of alienation and anxiety, loss and longing, and relief and optimism. They work to establish new communities and cross-cultural ties and to anchor themselves with the resources at their disposal, including their faiths, cultures, and cuisines (Sangaramoorthy and Carney 592).[4]

Research has shown that immigrating to a new and foreign place can provoke emotions of psychological distress such as anxiety because of having to adapt to an unfamiliar environment and it requires psychological and socio-cultural adaptations (Ritsner & Poniovski 125).[5] According to George et al., coming from diverse cultures immigrants are likely to experience psychological stressors in the process of acculturation, known as “acculturative stress” (13625).[6] Acculturative stress forms from the interplay of exposure to certain risk factors, such as alienation and discrimination, poor economic integration, worsening physical health, and elevated expectations (Lou and Beaujot 3).[7] A part of the acculturation process is learning how to cope in the host country with limited social support, as migration disrupts many of the traditional supports that immigrants enjoyed in their home countries (13630).[6] Adapting to Western lifestyles holds significant consequences for the mental health of many diverse immigrant groups; for example, being a “visible minority” has been associated with high depressive symptoms (13632).[6]

Psychological Well-Being and Place Attachment

Immigration and adaptation to a new destination involve the process of creating a community in a new location and context, and according to Agyekum et al., a sense of community is a precursor for positive mental well-being and is related to place attachment and belonging (224).[8] Place attachment, in turn, has been defined as a multidimensional affective bond between people and places, involving a symbolic relationship with the place and the willingness to maintain proximity to it (Albers et al. 4).[9] Moreover, Lefebvre argues that the production of one’s own space is necessary to the politics of identity, tying the structure of physical spaces to the structure of social groups/classes as constituents in dialectics forming a general relation of production (Soja 78).[10]

The work of several disciplines, such as cultural anthropology and cultural geography, has suggested obvious linkages between human activities, culture, and the physical environment. Albers et al.'s research on the potential relevance of people–place bonds for promoting refugee well–being shows that place attachment can improve the satisfaction of basic psychological needs and well-being. For example, visualization of a meaningful place, a place to which one feels emotionally connected, has been found to improve self-esteem, belonging, and meaning (Albers et al. 4).[9] It is believed that culture appears not only in people’s perceptions, beliefs, values, norms, customs, and behaviours, but in the design of objects and the physical environments as well (Ng 57).[11]

Most of the literature on place attachment and newcomers focuses on the role of self-continuity, which is a need for the self to be organized through a coherent “story” that links past and present behaviours (Albers et al. 4).[9] It is often achieved through place-making, i.e., the possibility of migrants changing private and public spaces to make them look more familiar and similar to places from their country of origin. Place-making can aim to make the place look more familiar in terms of design, materials, and practices, with a particular emphasis on the creation of spaces for cultural and religious practices, via place planning and organization, place design, and place rituals (Albers et al. 5).[9]

Albers et al. believe that there is an evident connection between need satisfaction and place attachment, often through specifically directed social-psychologically meaningful activities, thus making a stronger and more relevant link between the environment, the person’s place attachment and their resulting well-being (6).[9]

Case Study

The City of Richmond serves as a vibrant example of how immigrant communities produce and shape spaces to foster a sense of belonging and cultural identity that can be seen through examples such as the Richmond Night Market and the “Asian Malls.”

These spaces are not merely commercial centers but are also pivotal in the social and cultural lives of immigrants. The Richmond Night Market, with its bustling atmosphere, diverse food stalls, and cultural performances, acts as a representation of the Asian heritage that many immigrants bring with them. Similarly, the "Asian Malls" offer more than shopping experiences; they are hubs where community members can connect over familiar foods, products, and cultural practices. These spaces facilitate place-making, allowing immigrants to recreate aspects of their homeland in their new environment, thereby enhancing their place attachment. This, in turn, fulfills essential psychological needs for self-continuity, belonging, and identity, contributing significantly to the well-being of the immigrant population in Richmond.

Foody World Supermarket

The “Asian” Malls

"Asian" Malls in Richmond

During the 1990s as the population of Chinese-Canadians had begun to grow in the Lower Mainland many Asian malls began to pop up around Richmond the first of which being Aberdeen Centre in 1990. Aberdeen center is a mall that runs many Asian markets, stores and restaurants. Another Asian mall followed a year later as Parker Place opened. Not long after, many other malls began opening up such as Central Square, President Plaza, Yaohan Centre, Continental Centre, Pacific Plaza, Cosmo Plaza, Admiralty Centre, Fairchild Square, and Union Square. All of these malls exist in Richmond's Aberdeen area along No.3 Rd. Only 1 “Asian” mall exists out of this area in Richmond which is the Richmond Public market (Nan 19,20).[12]

The creation of these malls is an important part of development of the broader Asian community in Richmond as it created bases for businesses and employment opportunities for recent immigrants mostly Chinese but also including other Asian immigrants such as Japanese, Vietnamese, and Filipino. The malls allow them to transition into their new environment, mixing Canadian and Chinese cultural business practices, and draws a larger customer base as a collective. Many of the malls benign strata titles also have cooperation regulations as well limiting competition amongst retailers and assists new immigrants on doing business in Canada (Nan 74, 75).[12]

The widespread creation of these large Asian malls rather than scattered immigrant businesses has to do mainly with 3 factors (Nan 7).[12]

  1. Size of ethnic population that provides markets and sources of Labour
  2. Entrepreneurial Skills of Ethnic Group
  3. Existence of Capital


As stated earlier, during the 1980s and 1990s, the Chinese-Canadian population rapidly grew due to immigration, creating a market for establishments that met their cultural needs. This combined with the influx of capital from international businesses in Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Mainland China, provided the necessary conditions for the development of relatively large establishments. These new spaces are different from the establishments forming Chinatown in Downtown Vancouver, rather the “Asian Malls” work with different underlying mechanisms producing its space. Chinatown was formed by hostile external forces pushing Chinese residents and business owners to the peripheries. This caused the forming of the Chinatown neighborhood isolated from the rest of the region while the Asian Malls are largely the product of a market formed by a large population of Chinese-Canadians, and flows of international capital and business persons. In the 1980s-1990s period the population of Chinatown decreased by 28.8% while the Chinese-Canadian population of Richmond rapidly increased, doubling from 1991-1996 (Nan 56).[12] During this period Immigrants from Hong Kong, Mainland China, and Taiwan made up 30% of all International immigrant to the Greater Vancouver Regional District (GVRD). Many other Asian immigrants arrived during this time as well most notably from India, Philippines, South Korea, and Vietnam (Nan 54,55).[12]

Immigration/Foreign Capital

Much of this immigration was the result of new immigration policies set in 1967 after a long period of anti-Chinese immigration policies stretching back all the way to 1923 (Nan 53).[12] In 1976 The Business Immigration Program was established which intended drive further economic development/employment by bringing International Business persons into the country. 60% of which ended up being from Hong Kong, Mainland China, and Taiwan following the signing of the Sino-British Joint stipulating the handover of Hong Kong to The PRC in 1997, and the Heavy handed repression of protests in China at Tiananmen square in 1989 (Pottie-Sherman & Hiebert 543).[13] This policy would prove to play a prominent role in the development of the Asian malls as it provided the capital for funding many of these projects (Nan, 60).

Aberdeen Centre courtyard by south entrance

Many of the malls created in Richmond were created by International parent companies, or were funded by International capital. Aberdeen Centre the first and the prototype of the “Asian” mall in Richmond was developed by Hong Kong-Canadian businessman Thomas Fung after the owner of the land sold him the development package, lacking the funds to complete the project. Seeing the development potential in the area, 2 other “Asian malls” Yaohan Centre, and President plaza were proposed not long after by their parent companies Yaohan International (Japan), and President Asia Enterprises Inc (Taiwan) respectively (Nan 69).[12] It was after these malls which were funded from start to finish by international companies that other malls being developed in other lower mainland municipalities have involved international capital.

Night Market

During the same time period that the “Asian Malls” were being built the Richmond Night Market was being developed. Night markets exist in many places like Hong Kong Taiwan, Mumbai and historically have followed Chinese migration to countries like Singapore, Malaysia, Thailand, etc. (Pottie-Sherman & Hiebert 2).[13] The Richmond night market started in the 1990s coinciding with the growing ethnic Chinese population, that was concurrently pushing the development of the “Asian Malls.” The suburban character of Richmond at the time meant most stores and places of activity closed early in stark contrast to the 24/7 energetic landscape of cities like Hong Kong. The “Asian Malls” were no exception as they adapted to Richmond's suburban time schedule. This left space for the night market to fill the intersection between these 2 forces as Pottie-Sherman & Hiebert argues catered to the immigrants through nostalgia of the bustling night markets (546, 547).[13] The question of authenticity is brought up by some interviewees in Pottie-Sherman & Hiebert’s article, however the night market is not a traditionally Chinese Night Market, rather it is contextualized within the broader Asian Diasporic community in Richmond as other Asian ethnic groups such as Punjabi, and Filipino ethnic groups. In more recent years the Richmond night market has begun to market itself as “multicultural” in more recent years (548, 549).[13]

Permanent vs Temporal Rhythms

An important aspect of these malls in comparison to the night market was its permanence. This allowed these spaces to be retraced in the everyday as these spaces became a part of routine whether it be for business or for leisure as many of these malls have small food courts in which it is a popular destination to get breakfast or lunch. One of the ways these malls distinguish themselves from existing western style malls is that the age demographic of these malls tends to skew a lot older noted from some estimates during a site visit to 2 of the Asian Malls.

Site Analysis: Public Market - Sunday 9:00am

Food Court: Full

Demographics (age)

  • ~50+      15%
  • 30~50    35%
  • 18~30    30%
  • <18        20%

Site Analysis: Presidents Plaza - Friday 12pm

Food Court: 75% full

Demographics (age)

  • ~50+ 30%
  • 30~50 40%
  • 18~30 25%
  • <18 5%

The Night market as well as the Asian malls represent two ways space is produced by Chinese-Canadians, as well as, arguably the broader Asian community.

The Night market differs from the Asian malls through one of its core elements being its temporality as well as the mechanistic process in how the event is organized. The temporalness of the event, gives it a dynamic element that allows it to rapidly change owing to how these spaces have grown to become more multicultural and adapt to the changing culture. On the other hand being run by a single much smaller organization that leases its stalls to its vendors allows it to adapt its management relatively quickly and easily.

Conversely the Asian Malls are more static and have continued to remain more Chinese due to its permanence and through its mechanistic processes through which it is developed. From Its geographic location (being located near condominiums, and neighborhoods), and its relative permanence arises the retrenchment of the everyday and the routine. As shown earlier in the site visits there are large influxes of people in these spaces as people visit these malls to work, run errands as well as get breakfast. One of the notable features of the Asian malls is that the mornings/afternoons of the weekends tends to be particularly busy in the food court. From the site visit there seemed to be a higher proportions of families during this time as opposed to the usual older demographic that frequents the food court. The ways the spaces were developed also plays a large role in how these spaces have remained distinctly more Chinese as much of the capital used in the production of it spaces comes from International companies, and investors from Hong Kong, Mainland China, and Taiwan.

Lesson learned

While the phenomenon of immigrant communities shaping urban areas is not unique to Richmond, its high proportion of immigrants makes it a critical case study for understanding how cities can successfully integrate large immigrant populations. Considering Canada's Immigration Levels Plan for 2024-2026, aiming to welcome almost 1.5 million new permanent residents (Government of Canada)[3], it is important to understand how immigrant populations will contribute to the social, cultural, and spatial dynamics of the urban areas, by creating a "home away from home" and establishing communities, bringing their cultural practices, social structures, and networks, thereby influencing the city's identity and development.

Parallel National and Global Trends

Richmond’s experience in the production of spaces by immigrant communities reflects broader national and global trends in urban multiculturalism and the role of immigrants in shaping urban landscapes. This process is evident in other Canadian cities such as Toronto and Vancouver, where ethnic enclaves and cultural hubs like Chinatown and Little India serve similar functions. For example, Chinatown in Toronto, Ontario, has a similar Asian diaspora to the city of Richmond due to its historical context, legislative policies and social changes.

We can also see parallel trends on a global scale. Neighbourhoods such as Flushing in New York, Southall in London, and Cabramatta in Sydney highlight the significant impact of immigrants on urban development. These areas, much like Richmond’s Asian Malls and Night Market, are characterized by ethnic businesses, cultural festivals, and community spaces that cater to specific cultural groups, thereby fostering a sense of community and place attachment among immigrants.

Mechanisms of Production and the Ethnic enclave

The "Asian" malls of Richmond and the Night market provide insight into how these spaces that may have origins in a particular culture develop and adapt over time. As seen with the night market, it has proved to be much more adaptable in its cultural expression, where as the "Asian" malls have remained distinctly Chinese. Much of the differences in these culturally expressive spaces have to do with its mechanisms of production, namely the developers of the space and the capital they have access to. The Chinatown that was developed in response racism in the early 20th century, is fundamentally different from the "Asian" malls developed by large influxes of capital, and the existence of a large market in demand of consumption of their cultural needs. This is relevant now globally in other major cities as well as Vancouver as future immigrants from all backgrounds migrate to large cities, the understanding of the mechanisms that produce space may give some future insight into creating more inclusionary spaces.

Urban Processes

As cities continue to grow and diversify, the ability of immigrant communities to produce and adapt spaces to their needs becomes crucial. Globalization and increased immigration transform cities into more complex, multicultural spaces where the intersection of different cultures creates unique urban areas that not only maintain cultural continuity but also enhance vibrancy and economic dynamism.

Richmond’s transformation through its immigrant-driven spaces highlights the importance of inclusive urban planning that recognizes and supports the cultural contribution of diverse populations. This trend reflects a global understanding of cities as dynamic entities shaped significantly by the cultural practices and spatial needs of their inhabitants, making urban multiculturalism a central aspect of contemporary urban development.

References

  1. ↑ Statistics Canada. “Census Profile, 2021 Census of Population.” Statistics Canada, 9 Feb. 2022, www12.statcan.gc.ca/census-recensement/2021/dp-pd/prof/details/page.cfm?LANG=E&GENDERlist=1.
  2. ↑ Statista. “Topic: Immigration in Canada.” Statista, 21 June 2022, www.statista.com/topics/2917/immigration-in-canada/#topicOverview.
  3. ↑ 3.0 3.1 Government of Canada, Statistics Canada. “Focus on Geography Series, 2021 Census - Richmond (Census Subdivision).” Www12.Statcan.gc.ca, 13 July 2022, www12.statcan.gc.ca/census-recensement/2021/as-sa/fogs-spg/page.cfm?topic=9&lang=E&dguid=2021A00055915015.
  4. ↑ Sangaramoorthy, Thurka, and Megan A. Carney. “Immigration, Mental Health and Psychosocial Well-Being.” Medical Anthropology, vol. 40, no. 7, 9 June 2021, pp. 591–597, https://doi.org/10.1080/01459740.2021.1931174.
  5. ↑ Ritsner, Michael, and Alexander Ponizovsky. “Psychological Distress through Immigration: The Two-Phase Temporal Pattern?” International Journal of Social Psychiatry, vol. 45, no. 2, June 1999, pp. 125–139, https://doi.org/10.1177/002076409904500205. Accessed 21 Jan. 2022.
  6. ↑ 6.0 6.1 6.2 George, Usha, et al. “Immigrant Mental Health, a Public Health Issue: Looking Back and Moving Forward.” International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, vol. 12, no. 10, 27 Oct. 2015, pp. 13624–13648, www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4627052/, https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph121013624.
  7. ↑ Lou, Yimin, and Roderic Beaujot. “What Happens to the “Healthy Immigrant Effect”: The Mental Health of Immigrants to Canada.” PSC Discussion Papers Series, vol. 19, no. 15, 1 Sept. 2005, ir.lib.uwo.ca/pscpapers/vol19/iss15/1/?utm_source=ir.lib.uwo.ca%2Fpscpapers%2Fvol19%2Fiss15%2F1&utm_medium=PDF&utm_campaign=PDFCoverPages. Accessed 14 June 2024.
  8. ↑ Agyekum, Boadi, et al. “Immigration, Education, Sense of Community and Mental Well-Being: The Case of Visible Minority Immigrants in Canada.” Journal of Urbanism: International Research on Placemaking and Urban Sustainability, vol. 14, no. 2, 4 Aug. 2020, pp. 222–236, https://doi.org/10.1080/17549175.2020.1801488.
  9. ↑ 9.0 9.1 9.2 9.3 9.4 Albers, Thomas, et al. “The Role of Place Attachment in Promoting Refugees’ Well-Being and Resettlement: A Literature Review.” International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, vol. 18, no. 21, 20 Oct. 2021, p. 11021, https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph182111021.
  10. ↑ Soja, Edward W. “The Socio-Spatial Dialectic.” Postmodern Geographies : The Reassertion of Space in Critical Social Theory, London ; New York, Verso, 1989, pp. 76–93.
  11. ↑ Ng, Cheuk Fan. “CANADA as a NEW PLACE: THE IMMIGRANT’S EXPERIENCE.” Journal of Environmental Psychology, vol. 18, no. 1, Mar. 1998, pp. 55–67, https://doi.org/10.1006/jevp.1997.0065. Accessed 13 Jan. 2021.
  12. ↑ 12.0 12.1 12.2 12.3 12.4 12.5 12.6 Nan, Jun. Immigration and Integration : The Development of “Chinese” Shopping Centres in the Suburbs of Vancouver. 1999, pp. 1–98, resolve.library.ubc.ca/cgi-bin/catsearch?bid=2214637. Accessed 2 June 2024.
  13. ↑ 13.0 13.1 13.2 13.3 Pottie-Sherman, Yolande, and Daniel Hiebert. “Authenticity with a Bang: Exploring Suburban Culture and Migration through the New Phenomenon of the Richmond Night Market.” Urban Studies, vol. 52, no. 3, 15 Nov. 2013, pp. 538–554, https://doi.org/10.1177/0042098013510954.
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