Course:GEOG350/2024/Homelessness in DTES through the lens of psychogeography

UBC Wiki page created by: Erika Alafriz, Annie Li, Gibi Saini, and Sanbo Zou.

Introduction

Our proposed Wiki page will focus on the psychological nature of cities. By using Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside (DTES) as the site of our case studies, we will examine the psychological impact of the city on the people who use this space. This Wiki page will examine homelessness in the DTES through the lens of psychogeography, focusing on how the city’s design impacts the mental well-being of those who are experiencing homelessness. We argue that the DTES is a geographical location that affects the emotions and behaviours of individuals who use the space, through its built environment, gentrification of the area, and its available social support services.

Our topic draws on Lefebvre’s idea of conceptualizing the city as a living organism that is constantly evolving due to social, economic, and political, internal and external factors (McPhee). Cities, according to Lefebvre, are full of interconnected systems and actors that work together to maintain the function of the city (McPhee). However, these systems and actors influence each other; changes in one aspect will lead to a response in another. In the context of the DTES, this Wiki page is written with the underlying notion that the people of the DTES influence the space, however, the space of the DTES also influences the people. The mental well-being of those experiencing homelessness in the DTES plays a key role in this.

We will also draw on Lefebre’s three dimensions of space production, with a psychogeography lens, when examining the relationship between the DTES environment and the psychological experiences of the homeless population. The first is spatial practice, how people physically move about in space, specifically what led people to the DTES and to stay there. The second is the representation of the DTES space through maps, city plans, etc.…. , focusing on the gentrification and built environment of the DTES. The last dimension is the lived experiences and meaning people attach to space, specifically how DTES is perceived and experienced by its residents (McPhee).

This Wiki page will discuss who has the rights to the city space and the tension between different visions that shape this urban ‘oeuvre’ (urban identity) in the context of the homeless population in the DTES of Vancouver. We aim to illustrate how the goals and needs of different stakeholders shape the DTES environment and thus impact the mental well-being of the homeless population of the DTES.

This topic is worth investigating as homelessness and housing are one of the most pressing political topics in Vancouver. Furthermore, as this is a well-studied topic in research, compiling a Wiki page would be beneficial for knowledge translation and making research accessible to the public.

This Wiki page aims to addressing the following question: Through the lens of psychogeography, how does the built environment, social dynamics, and individual experiences impact the lived experiences of the homeless population in the DTES?

Overview of issue/focus

Downtown Eastside

The DTES is one of the oldest neighborhoods in Vancouver. There are five distinct areas that consist within the neighborhood, namely Gastown, Victory Square, Strathcona, and Oppenheimer. It was Vancouver’s first urban area and was the central hub for everything cultural and political (Hussein). There are two significant historical events that shaped the urban structure of the DTES: The Great Depression and Expo 86.

The Great Depression

The Wall Street Crash of 1929 was the beginning of the Great Depression and the effects were felt worldwide (Gouldhawke). Jobless people from all over Canada moved to Vancouver for warm weather and opportunities for employment. By 1930, homelessness and shanty towns started to proliferate. At this point, the DTES was already overpopulated but people still decided to move to the neighborhood. The shortage of affordable housing elsewhere in Vancouver pushed low-income individuals to the DTES, along with thousands of psychiatric patients released in the 1970s who had nowhere else to go (City of Vancouver). During the 1990s, funding for a government social housing program was cut drastically, raising the population of the DTES, and further again in 2002 when cuts to the provincial welfare program were made. More and more low-income people resorted to living on the streets, with a great population now residing in Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside (Bhatti). The Great Depression was the beginning of Vancouver's rise in population. There was a large immigration influx from China and Japan, and after World War II, the abundance of people in the DTES continued to be overbearing (Hussein). With that, the Eastside started to decline. There are an estimated 6,000 to 8,000 people who reside in the DTES of Vancouver. Over the past few decades, this area has now become a center of homelessness and rampant drug addiction (Bhatti).

Expo 86

Stephen Learey worked with the Downtown Eastside Residents Association (DERA) at that time. He was hired by the City of Vancouver to help relocate people who were suddenly kicked out of their rooms in SRO hotels before Expo 86 (Rafferty Baker/CBC).

In 1986, Vancouver turned 100 years old and the city celebrated an event that lasted nearly 6 months. The 1986 World Exposition on Transportation and Communication, most known as Expo 86, celebrated with live music, exciting rides, and cultural exhibitions from around the world (Mussett). The exhilarating event set Vancouver to become the cosmopolitan metropolis it is today. But the successful fair also brought about negative consequences.

This was one of the most monumental events to happen in Vancouver, which was when the gentrification of Downtown Eastside began (Hussein). To accommodate millions of tourists, numerous low-income and elderly residents in the DTES were violently displaced from their homes. An article from CBC mentioned that more than a thousand residents in the city's DTES were forced from their homes – single room occupancy hotels (SROs) – many with little more than a day or week's notice (Baker).

An elderly couple was kicked out of their SRO rooms before Expo 86. The image shows their pickup truck filled with their belongings (CBC Archives).

Displacement has been a major theme in studies of gentrification. This leads to an increase in poverty and homelessness. During Expo 86, low-income housing was replaced by upscale condominiums and hotels. And because of the high tourist traffic, it was the optimum time for drug traffic (Hussein). In the 1990s, the drug issue escalated as cocaine appeared more in the Eastside. In 1997, a state of public health emergency was announced in Downtown Eastside due to an escalating drug crisis. HIV began spreading, needle-sharing became more prevalent, and roughly 1000 deaths were caused by drug overdoses (Hussein). Since Expo 86, mental illnesses and drug addictions were more present in the DTES and it was a huge turning point for Vancouver’s social, economic, and urban structure.

The main focus is to investigate how the built and social environment of the DTES affects the psychological experiences of its inhabitants. As mentioned above, the issue is held within the immigration influx of people into Vancouver, displacement of low-income residents, and gentrification in the DTES. These issues have greatly impacted the social and mental welfare of residents, including disproportionately high levels of drug use, homelessness, poverty, crime, mental illness, and sex work. Due to homelessness, alcohol and drug issues are a problem in the DTES, as proven by the number of deaths from drug overdose in the community (Newnham 5).

Olaf Solheim was kicked out of the Patricia Hotel with a week's notice in 1986 after living there for decades. In the weeks that followed, he became despondent, stopped eating, and died (CBC Archives).

The concepts of gentrification and displacement are important to understand why social issues are prevalent in the DTES. Historical events like the Great Depression and Expo 86 have caused a number of housing issues in the DTES: homelessness, unsafe and unhealthy living conditions, conversion and demolition of low-income housing, and exploitation of residents by landlords (Community Directions). These issues have not only affected their living situations but have also impacted their mental well-being.

The aforementioned issues are not limited to Vancouver, it is observed all around the world. Housing and social issues are a global phenomenon. People from around the world are constantly being displaced because of gentrification. Homelessness is an ongoing problem in the world and is majorly caused by poor urban structures, political decisions, and economic systems of cities. In turn, this affects people's psychological well-being.

Case Studies: A Psychogeographic Dive into DTES Homelessness

Built Environments

Deficiencies in urban infrastructure significantly shape the psychogeographic landscape of DTES, as they impact the daily experiences and mental well-being of the area's homeless population, creating a complex case of exclusion and marginalization.

The shortage of public bathrooms in the DTES forces unhoused individuals into a constant state of negotiation for basic human needs. This scarcity creates invisible boundaries that limit their mobility and constrain daily routines. The City of Vancouver operates only 11 automated public toilets and two "comfort stations" throughout the entire city, with just three temporary washroom trailers added during the pandemic (Gangdev).

As recounted by Jamie Benson, a homeless veteran in DTES, accessing bathrooms often means relying on private businesses, which frequently discriminate based on appearance. This shortage shapes patterns of movement of the unhoused, restricts their accessibility, and reinforces social stigma. The lack of access to washrooms can lead to public urination, further stigmatizing this population and creating a cycle of exclusion and marginalization (Gangdev). This issue reinforces feelings of exclusion and unworthiness, affecting the agency, self-perception and the public perception of homeless individuals.

Simultaneously, the deficiency of urban green spaces in the DTES increases these psychological impacts. In British Columbia, 14.2% of urban green space has fallen from 2000 to 2022 (Statistics Canada). As Nesbitt, an assistant professor of urban forestry at UBC notes, "The health benefits of greenness are most profound for under-resourced populations who have fewer other health supports." Thus lower-income communities might experience stronger impacts from vegetation losses"(Griffiths). This lack of natural environments exacerbates the psychological stress experienced by homeless individuals, depriving them of spaces for relaxation, social interaction, and connection to nature. The absence of greenery also reinforces the area's identity as a marginalized space.

The psychogeographic implications of these deficiencies become a constant reminder of their vulnerable status, reinforcing cycles of stress and social isolation. However, simply increasing the number of public toilets or green spaces without a holistic approach might just trigger gentrification and further displacement. Addressing these issues needs a comprehensive approach that balances immediate infrastructure needs with long-term social equity considerations, ensuring that urban improvements enhance the lives of all residents, especially those most in need.

The Lack Of Social Support

Riverview Hospital Coquitlam (2014)

One of the biggest factors that impact the psychogeography of a city is the accessibility to social support and services. It is a key factor especially when it comes to a lower income region such as DTES.

The lack of a  social support system has been an ongoing discussion in Vancouver policy making as it has an exponential impact on the residents in surrounding areas as well. According to a report written by the Vancouver Police Department (VPD), 43% of police incidents in DTES were all mental health related which has driven up the cost and usage of police resources. “It was discovered that patrol members of the VPD are essentially the vanguard of mental health service response” (VPD). This has allowed police resources to drain up to $9 million and equivalent to 90 full time police officers which is a conservative estimate not including ambulances, hospitals, mental check ups, and other resources costs.

One of the blaming factors for the increase in mental health issues in Vancouver was found to be the deinstitutionalization of the mental ill. Post World War II, the admission of mentally ill was at an all time high at the Riverview Hospital, Canada’s largest psychiatric hospital, with over 4,600 patients. Around 1960’s, due to the lack of scientific evidence regarding centralized institutions and methods of mental health treatments, and increased operational and facility costs, Riverview was under heavy scrutiny. Thus initializing steps towards community based treatments of mentally ill patients and instead of being locked away from the society, this was the start of deinstitutionalization of psychiatric hospitals and treatment facilities. In 1964 as the BC Mental Health Act was introduced, the number of allowable patients started decreasing in the next few decades, and by 2012 only 70 beds remained and soon after it closed.

The failure in mental health assistance curates the psychogeography of DTES as it has an overbearing impact on the residents of the area. Which leads to other systematic issues which are deeply rooted in DTES such as alcohol and drug abuse, homelessness and violence. This highlights facts such as how 70% of St Paul Hospital residents involve cases with multiple addictions or 70% of homeless residents of inner Vancouver have mental health issues. The VPD report concluded that due to lack of mental health resources, policies and institutions. It has drained resources from other departments of the city, and carried the burden of the mental health crisis thus leading to a never ending cycle of system failure.

Gentrification

The social connotation of a place can be easily influenced by the residents that live in that area and if those areas are transformed without the say of the designated residents and serves a different class of people, it dives into issues relating spatial inequality and gentrification. This ongoing issue shapes the psychogeography of people living in DTES and can be seen as a contrasting duality with class separation.

In 2014, the city council approved the DTES plan, which focused on policies, strategies, and plans to improve housing for low-income individuals and create business and social opportunities for the community (City of Vancouver). This is an extensive 30-year plan aimed at creating harmony in the community. However, despite 10 years having passed, the results and progress have been very bureaucratic and slow, leading to criticism from Vancouver residents (Bula).

The impacts of the DTES plan exemplify the effects of gentrification and the displacement of residents. Aiello (5) argues the gentrification of DTES through the lens of food businesses and restaurateurs, focusing on the cultural and economic impact on residents. A relationship between food and gentrification politics was found and explained in terms of inclusive and exclusive hiring, production, and serving practices of restaurateurs and how it promoted gentrification, inciting violence, and dehumanizing, leading to sub-practices that have significant ramifications not only in changing the culture but also in reversing outcomes, thus marginalizing and displacing low-income residents.

The commercialization of locally owned restaurants or cafes are indicative of early gentrification.There has been a sudden increase in drinking and dining establishments, 7 new openings just in 2010. This was accompanied by commercial development permits and region rezoning in efforts of guaranteed “revitalization”. Nevertheless, only 20% of the new rental units would allow for low-income or social assistance housing, and the rest would be market rate, indicating gentrification.

On the other hand, the Vancouver housing issue is amplified in DTES as there are reports of a decrease in Single Room Occupancy Hotels (Ernst14). Over the last 10 years the availability of these rooms have decreased by 4.5% for a mere population of 18,000 people. Hence, the study proves that there is a correlation between decrease in Single Room Occupancy and increase in market housing, indicating signs of gentrification. The hotels are constantly exchanging hands and increasing conserving value by keeping occupancy low.

Analysis/Discussion

The psychogeographic analysis of DTES reveals a complex urban landscape where the built environment, social dynamics, and individual experiences intersect to shape the lived realities of its homeless population. The scarcity of public amenities, as previously discussed, creates a psychogeographic map of exclusion. This urban design failure impacts physical health and mental well-being, contributing to a constant sense of displacement and disconnection from the broader urban community.

Gentrification processes have further reshaped its psychogeographic landscape. As new developments appear near low-income areas or even replace them, the stark visual and experiential contrast between “high-end” gentrified spaces and areas of poverty creates a contradictory urban experience, reinforcing feelings of exclusion and erasing the sense of belonging of homeless residents. The socio-cultural changes that come from gentrification also alters the collective memory and emotions felt by DTES. The loss of familiar businesses and community spaces disrupt the social networks that homeless individuals rely on for survival and support. This transformation aligns with Lefebvre's critique of how capitalist urbanization can lead to the fragmentation of social life and the erosion of community bonds.

However, beneath this challenge lies a resilient community. Leslie's account provides a powerful insight into this aspect: "Everyone is here for a reason; we are a community, in it together. We all look out for each other and love each other. If I didn't have this community I'd rather die (Clark 22)." Her words reveal a sense of belonging and support that exists in parallel with, and often in spite of, the urban deprivations of the area. The bonds formed between residents like them create an emotional geography of solidarity that counters the alienating effects of social exclusion, creating spaces of understanding and healing that formal institutions often struggle to provide.

Organizations like Mission Possible further reinforce this community resilience. By providing skill training, work experience, and addressing food insecurity, they create new opportunities and connections within the urban landscape of the DTES (Mission Possible). These initiatives represent a bottom-up response to top-down policies that often disregard marginalized neighborhoods. These grassroots efforts can reshape the psychogeographic landscape in positive ways, offering pathways to empowerment.

In conclusion, while the DTES faces significant challenges, its psychogeographic landscape is also one of resilience, community, and mutual support. Participatory placemaking could empower DTES residents, including the unhoused, to actively shape their urban environment and restore their “right to the city” (Cilliers and Timmermans 413). By recognizing and amplifying these positive aspects, while addressing systemic inequalities, we can work towards a more inclusive urban environment for all residents.

Lesson Learned

Importance of Historical Context

It is important to remember that the DTES, with its unique identity that we see today, is the outcome of being shaped by historical events. From job seekers of the Great Depression era to the housing shortage to immigration after World War II, people migrate to the DTES due to economic challenges. Expo 86 led to the gentrification of the area, causing displacement for many of the DTES residents. The influx of recently released psychiatric patients, the spread of HIV, and substance abuse further shaped the urban identity of the DTES. Thus, to understand the urban identity of space, we must understand how these historical events impacted space and thus led to the creation of this identity. Vancouver’s DTES did not materialize overnight, it was created and shaped by historical events that impacted and were impacted by the movement of people, city planning, and the lived experiences and meaning of the residents. We cannot separate the DTES from its history.

Built Environment

The DTES offers an important lesson in the role of the built environment on the impact of the well-being of its residents. The shortage of public bathrooms means that the movement of those who are homeless is restricted and one is often discriminated against when relying on private businesses for bathrooms. Public urination, due to the lack of bathrooms, further contributes to the stigma that impacts the well-being of DTES residents. Furthermore, the lack of green space in the DTES is an aspect of the built environment that takes away opportunities for residents to relax. This increases the psychological stress experienced by the homeless population and also marks the area as a marginalized space. From the DTES, we can conclude a built environment should support the needs of its users since failing to do so leads to further stigmatization of the residents, thus perturbating a cycle of marginalization that portrays the space as of lower importance.

Social Support Services

The DTES also illustrates what happens due to the lack of appropriate social support services. Given its history with the migration of psychiatric patients, the continued failure in social support services, especially mental health assistance, shapes the psychogeography of the DTES. This led to further issues such as drug abuse, homelessness, and violence, leading to marginalization of the area as people associate the area with these issues. Because mental health is not addressed, other departments are drained of resources, thus leading to a self-reinforcing cycle of a city that failed its residents. A city needs to offer social support services appropriate to the context that it operates within.

Gentrification and Community

Furthermore, the gentrification of the DTES continues to marginalize DTES residents. This marginalization takes place in the form of restaurants and businesses excluding those who are homeless in their business and hiring processes despite the city’s plan to improve housing and economic opportunities for its low-income residents (many of whom are homeless). This indicates that plans to improve housing and economic opportunities should aim to avoid gentrification of an area while changing the perception of everyday decision-makers (like restaurant managers) to foster inclusion at the individual level. The DTES illustrates the importance of bridging divided communities, as opposed to the ineffective slow and bureaucratic tactic by the city government.

Lastly, the drastic changes to the cityscape from gentrification mean a loss of familiarity with one’s environment, leading to a loss in the sense of belonging and comfort many once found in the DTES. It is important to ensure that the social networks and communities of residents are not disturbed as this would lead to further stress and negative impacts on one’s well-being, especially for the homeless population. Thus, this DTES case study illustrates the importance of enhancing the existing community, as opposed to trying to create a new one.

Final Takeaways

A place’s history must be taken into account as what happened in the past created the context in which current problems of an urban space situate themselves. The built environment impacts the well-being of its residents and can reinforce cycles of marginalization, impacting how this space is represented through city plans. This can lead to the gentrification of an area, further harming the already marginalized community of this space. In addition, the lack of the appropriate social support service, as evident from this DTES case study, illustrates how we must consider the problems associated with the context the city operates when providing social support. There is no one-size-fits-all solution. Lastly, acknowledging and centering plans around the lived experiences of communities that live within this space is the utmost critical element. The lens of psychogeography allows us to create cities with built environments, social programs, and communities that place the mental well-being of its residents at the center of all efforts.

References

Baker, Rafferty. "Expo 86 Evictions: Remembering the Fair's Dark Side." CBC, 4 May 2016, www.cbc.ca/news/canada/british-columbia/expo-86-evictions-remembered-1.3566844. Accessed 22 June 2024.

Bhatti, Andy. "Fentanyl Addition in Vancouver." Andy Bhatti Interventions & Addiction Services, Apr. 2017, https://andybhatti.com/addictions/fentanyl-addiction-in-vancouver/. Accessed 22 June 2024.

Clarke, Carly. “Remember Me: Vancouver’s DTES .” Carly Clarke Photographer, 2024, https://www.carlyclarkephotography.co.uk/remember-me-vancouver-s-dtes#22. Accessed 22 June 2024.

Cilliers, Elizelle J., and Wim Timmermans. “The Importance of Creative Participatory Planning in the Public Place-Making Process.” Environment and Planning B: Planning and Design, vol. 41, no. 3, June 2014, pp. 413–29, https://doi.org/10.1068/b39098.

Gangdev, Srushti. “‘It’s so Frustrating’: Lack of Public Toilets Leaves Downtown Eastside Residents with Few Options - BC | Globalnews.ca.” Global News, 10 September 2020, https://globalnews.ca/news/7327479/its-so-frustrating-lack-of-public-toilets-leaves-downtown-eastside-residents-with-few-options/. Accessed 22 June 2024.

Gouldhawke, M. "The Great Depression & Radical History in Vancouver." An Archive, 2002, https://mgouldhawke.wordpress.com/2020/04/24/the-great-depression-radical-history-in-vancouver-2002/.

Government of Canada, Statistics Canada. “Census of Environment: Urban Greenness, 2022.” Www150.Statcan.gc.ca, 17 November 2022, https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/221117/dq221117e-eng.htm. Accessed 22 June 2024.

Griffiths, Nathan. “Green Space Fell across B.C. Cities since 2000: StatCan.” Vancouver Sun, 23 Nov. 2022, https://vancouversun.com/news/local-news/green-space-fell-bc-cities-since-2000-statcan. Accessed 22 June 2024.

Hussein, Aliya. “How Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside Became What It Is Today.” 604 Now, An Elite Cafe Media Publisher, 17 May 2020, https://604now.com/vancouver-downtown-eastside/.  Accessed 22 June 2024.

McPhee, Siobhan. "Lefebvre Lecture". GEOG 350 Urban Worlds, 27 May 2024, University of British Columbia, Collaborative Learning Annotation System. Asynchronous Recorded Lecture.

Mission Possible. “About Us.” Www.mission-Possible.ca, 2024, https://www.mission-possible.ca/about-us#who-we-are. Accessed 22 June 2024.

Mussett, Ben. "Expo 86." British Columbia an Untold History, https://bcanuntoldhistory.knowledge.ca/1980/expo-86. Accessed 22 June 2024.

Newnham, John. “An Overview of Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside for Ubc Learning Exchange Trek Program Participants.” UBC Learning Exchange, Jan. 2005, https://www.learningexchange.ubc.ca/files/2010/11/overviewdtes2016.pdf