Course:GEOG350/2024/Green Space Inequality in Vancouver

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This VPSN map shows the different levels of open space compared with the population of each neighbourhood (VPSN)

Introduction

Like many cities, Vancouver faces challenges from a growing and diversifying population; aging infrastructure; the impacts of climate change on ecosystem health; and budgets that can’t fully tackle the needed improvements to parks and recreation infrastructure.[1] These factors compound the issue of green space inequality, as the city's limited resources and competing priorities make it difficult to ensure equitable access to green spaces. In fact, inequality in the spatial distribution of urban green spaces occurs globally, with greater green spaces in neighbourhoods with higher socioeconomic status. [2] It is a pervasive issue that manifests in urban and rural settings, across state and national borders, and from region to region. On top of that, it remains one of the most fundamental elements to understand how a city or a place's dynamics are shaped, as well as how to shape those dynamics, because spatial inequality is an element in society that parts of the population would feel day to day, month to month, year to year. Urban green spaces can promote physical activity, well-being, and public health. These green spaces, which include parks, urban forests, and other natural amenities, play a vital role in enhancing the quality of life for residents, providing opportunities for recreation, relaxation, and engagement with the natural environment. However, disparities in the distribution of such spaces predominantly benefit affluent communities.[3] In Vancouver, research in the field of urban green equity has revealed that the benefits of green spaces are not enjoyed equitably by all residents; existing disparities in the distribution, accessibility, and experience of urban greening disproportionately affect historically marginalized communities and residents.[4] Addressing the issue of spatial inequality in the context of green spaces is crucial not only for enhancing the overall well-being of a city's population but also for fostering a more equitable and sustainable urban environment. This requires a multifaceted approach that considers policy interventions, community-led initiatives, and the integration of principles of environmental justice into urban planning and decision-making processes. This textbook chapter will provide an overview of spatial inequality in Vancouver's green spaces, with a case study directed to the unequal distribution of green spaces surrounding public elementary schools in the city. Through an analysis of data and case studies, the disparities in access to green spaces, the underlying factors contributing to these inequalities, and the impact on the health and well-being of students and their communities will be examined. And by highlighting the complex interplay of social, economic, and environmental factors, this chapter will offer insights into the challenges of promoting environmental justice, as well as the possibilities to create a more inclusive and sustainable city through fostering a more equitable urban landscape in Vancouver.

Overview of issue/focus

Spatial Inequality in Vancouver's Context

According to a recent study by the University of British Columbia, Vancouver ranks among the least equitable of Canada’s major cities when it comes to access to green space.[5] For example, the Downtown Eastside is one of the hottest neighbourhoods in the city due to its lack of green space and abundance of pavement.[6] Some other areas, such as Marpole and parts of Vancouver’s southeast, also have the same issue. According to Census Tract data in Metro Vancouver, these areas have the percentage green space of ≤18, including the area with the lowest percentage of green space (1%). Contrastingly, some other areas like West Point Grey, Dunbar-Southlands and UBC in the west part of the city of Vancouver, have percentage green space ranging from 24-85. The same study by UBC also measured urban vegetation in 31 Canadian cities, in which it compared access to urban green space with a number of social, economic and demographic variables, including age, education, income and race/ethnicity. It found that in 8 of the 31 cities studied, urban vegetation was found to increase alongside income, and the connection between income and green space was strongest in Vancouver.[5] So, it is no surprise that regions with less green covers, including parks, street trees, lawns, gardens and roadside planting, generally consist of low to mixed-income communities in Vancouver. According to City of Vancouver 2021 Census, Southwest Vancouver with more green covers (24-85%) has a median annual household income of $84000, whereas Southeast Vancouver with less green covers (5-14%) has a median annual household income of $62000. This signifies the unequal resource allocation to the more marginalized neighbourhoods in terms of the availability of public green spaces, which would leave an impact on the city’s cohesion and the wellness to certain populations in the less privileged areas.

Factors Contributing to Inequitable Green Space Distribution

Socio-economic Disparities

Spatial inequality in the distribution of urban green spaces is closely tied to socioeconomic disparities within a city. This uneven access to green spaces is influenced by a complex web of historical, social, and economical factors. Research has consistently shown that neighbourhoods with higher socioeconomic status (SES) tend to have more parks, playgrounds, and other green spaces, while lower-SES neighbourhoods often have less access to these resources.[7] Furthermore, a report by the Trust for Public Land states that "real estate values and property taxes tend to be higher in areas with greater green space availability, creating a self-reinforcing cycle of green space inequity.[8] This dynamic is further exacerbated by the observed negative relationship between socio-economic status and outdoor leisure time, in which individuals with a less comfortable standing in society reported lower use of urban green spaces, compared to those in professional jobs that are better able to control their daily work schedules and/or work remotely and increase their access to urban nature throughout the day.[9] Therefore, societal trends also play a crucial role in shaping inequitable green space distributions.

Urban Planning & Policy Decisions

The spatial distribution of urban green spaces is also heavily influenced by the decisions and priorities of urban planners, policymakers, and local government officials in the City of Vancouver. Factors such as zoning regulations, land-use policies, and budgetary allocations for parks and recreation can all contribute to the uneven distribution of green spaces, in which policies that prioritize economic development and private investment over environmental concerns can result in the loss of green spaces, particularly in low-income neighbourhoods.[7] On top of that, the location and design of urban green spaces are often shaped by the perceived needs and preferences of the dominant demographic groups, rather than considering the diverse needs of the entire community.[10] This can lead to the creation of green spaces that are inaccessible or culturally irrelevant to marginalized populations in Vancouver.

Impacts of Green Space Inequality

“Urban Heat Island” Effect

Data from the City of Vancouver shows that the average temperature of the city’s streetscape varies by more than 20°C between the coolest and hottest city blocks during the summer, which the “Urban Heat Island” effect from the lack of tree covers in the relatively marginalized areas brings more extreme temperatures to the neighbourhood than their surrounding rural areas.[6] These areas, particularly the Downtown Eastside, generally suffer from isolation, mental illness, homelessness, substance use, as well as physical disability in many cases. With the predicted longer periods of summer and more extreme heat events in the future, in which days with temperatures above 25°C may increase to 43 compared to the 18-day average now,[6] the spatial inequality is likely to result in even more vulnerabilities to the already vulnerable communities if this issue is not looked into and mitigated effectively.

Health and Well-being

It is found that physical activities can be a conduit for improving men and women’s social connectedness as well as physical gains for well-being.[11] And this would need to be supported by the accessibility to urban greenery. Not only do built environments that provide greeneries offer opportunities for beneficial ‘green exercise’ such as walking, they may also influence social capital positively by providing a meeting place for users to develop and maintain neighbourhood social ties.[12] The social interaction not only enhances the personal and social communication skills of users, but also helps to build their connectivity and sense of belonging within the neighbourhood. Oppositely, residents in neighbourhoods with limited green spaces often face higher rates of obesity, mental health issues, and reduced opportunities for physical activity and social interaction.[10] In fact, substance use behaviours are also arguably fuelled by boredom and a lack of opportunities to address underlying traumas and issues,[11] which can also be a result from the lack of green spaces in the marginalized areas in the city, where individuals are challenged to gain social connectedness and commit in physical activities regularly with the help of greeneries.

Case Study: Inequality of Urban Green Spaces Surrounding Public Elementary Schools in Vancouver

City of Vancouver landcover classes and area-weighted averages of median household income within 300 m radii of public elementary schools (darker colours indicate higher income)

According to a study that investigated 91 public elementary schools in Metro Vancouver, the ones that are in areas with higher median annual household incomes (>$80000 cad) were surrounded by an average of 14% more green spaces and 16% less grey spaces than schools located in areas with lower annual household incomes (<$50000 cad).[2] As such, spatial inequality is not just a stressor for adults and elderly in the society, but also applies to all ages and affects the children’s well-being as well. Needless to mention all the health benefits that having more green covers would bring to children around their schools, something that is also worth acknowledging is how the existence of these green areas would provide education opportunities for the young individual to build their senses of greenness and environmental literacy. Therefore, an inequality of urban green spaces surrounding public elementary schools may further entrench the vicious cycle of spatial inequality, as children with fewer chances to engage with nature may grow up less empowered to advocate for equitable resource allocation in their communities. In fact, the City of Vancouver used to run an annual tree sale program that contributed to Vancouver reaching its goal of planting 150,000 trees across the city by 2020.[5] However, the program was cancelled afterwards because of the lack of literacy around how to maintain them. That being said, addressing spatial imbalances around elementary schools should be one of the key priorities for urban planners and policymakers, and drive collaborative efforts to ensure all students, regardless of their family’s socio-economic status, can thrive in green, stimulating school environments.

Impacts on Student Well-being

The impacts of green space inequality does not only put a toll on adults’, but also children’s well-being. Limited opportunities for contact with nature and physical activity also have negative health implications on young populations who are less privileged.[10] For example, parks that lack significant play amenities are less beneficial for young children’s physical activity levels than parks with play spaces. Also, parks located in low-income areas tended to have lower levels of intimacy, showing a partial lack of vegetation.[10] This could limit their use of green spaces surrounding their schools, especially during summer months, which would mean less opportunities to contact nature and foster their physical, cognitive and social development.

Proven benefits of green spaces to children also include enhanced motor development as well as creativity. On top of that, children with attention deficit disorder would also get the benefits of having their symptoms reduced when they are exposed to green space.[2] Improving green spaces surrounding schools may be a centralized way to ameliorate health and academic disadvantages faced by children from lower income households who otherwise disproportionately lack exposure to green space and its attendant benefits.[2]

Community Perspectives and Engagement

The inequitable distribution of green spaces near elementary schools is not solely an urban planning issue, but one that is deeply rooted in the historical marginalization of certain communities in Vancouver. Far too often, urban development decisions are made with little input from the very populations they will most impact. Failures related to spatial inequalities are an indication that developing top-down policy responses is insufficient.[13]  The lack of community engagement and participatory planning processes in the development of urban green infrastructure can perpetuate spatial inequalities, as when local residents, especially from underserved communities, are not meaningfully involved in the decision-making, their needs and priorities are often overlooked or undervalued.[14] To disrupt this pattern, planners and policymakers must elevate the perspectives of affected communities as essential to the design and implementation of equitable green infrastructure projects. This means driving more inclusive public consultation processes that empower marginalized groups to define their own visions and belongings for the urban landscape and green spaces surrounding their homes. Residents with a stronger sense of ownership over their local green spaces are also more likely to actively maintain and utilize them,[13] which produces a virtuous cycle of environmental stewardship and social cohesion. As summers get hotter and drier as a result of climate change, engaging community members to help maintain trees and public green spaces only becomes more important.[5] However, all of this has to start with education, and even prior to that, there has to be a systemic change that drives an equity-focused approach to urban planning and green infrastructure development, so that people could develop a sense of stewardship to tree covers and literacy on how to maintain them as more equal distribution of parks and other green spaces emerge.

Collaborative Approaches and Strategies

Incorporating urban greening in city planning entails a clear strategy and long-term implementation plan, which requires urban greening to be a fundamental aspect of city governance.[13] Readdressing the inequitable distribution of green spaces near public schools in Vancouver will require collaborative approaches and strategies that centre the needs of the most affected stakeholders, which will require building policy networks and associations collaboratively. Governments recently, more effectively, have not been working in isolation, but in collaboration with the civil society, NGOs and the different communities.[13] This is because they often have a deeper and localized knowledge of the unique barriers and priorities of their own neighbourhoods. Public-private partnerships in solving access to nature

issues and a bottom-up approach involving local communities in decision making would be beneficial.[10] On top of that, inducing collaborations and encouraging partnerships for green space implementation, management, and maintenance require more than just an 'engaging management' approach. Instead, it requires a comprehensive understanding of the values and meanings in addition to the capacities and motives of the different stakeholders in order to yield successful collaborations and placemaking benefits.[13] In the sense of addressing spatial inequities in green space access around Vancouver’s elementary schools, it is important to recognize the meanings and cultural significance that different groups of students, families and community members ascribe to green spaces, as well as the the barriers that prevent them from accessing and using these spaces. This could involve focus groups and neighbourhood walking tours from the City of Vancouver to centre the lived experiences and self-determined priorities that students who study in schools with less greenery would have. Moreover, it is also important to encourage collaborative place-makings among these schools to empower the relationships between the students and the land. Activities like maintaining a school garden, growing food and looking after trees would reconnect children with nature, which can potentially contribute to the development and maintenance of green spaces in their school environments.[13] Local communities surrounding schools with less green covers could also take action to create new open spaces designed, built, and managed by the community itself, such as community gardens.[10] These spaces can constitute a viable alternative to traditional parks for reconnecting elementary students with nature.

Towards a More Equitable Urban Landscape

Working towards a more equitable urban landscape, Vancouver can benefit from a program focused on supporting communities with limited green space. That could include outreach and education, as well as financial and physical support, for trees on private property, as well as creating more green covers for those in need within the city.[5] A targeted approach that prioritizes equity is needed, such as developing suitability analysis tools to define locations that are underserved in terms of access to green spaces and play, thus needing interventions, and creating sub-community plans that focuses on ameliorating new green spaces.[10] It is also important to note that in order to avoid creating additional injustices when seeking to

address distributional inequities, the participation and engagement process would also need to be democratic and carried out with attention to principles of recognitional equity.[15] This means actively dismantling barriers to participation, building trust with marginalized groups, and ensuring equitable power-sharing and decision-making throughout the process. City focus groups, neighbourhood tours, and workshops should also be tailored to accommodate language, cultural, and accessibility needs. On top of that, gentrification should also be avoided after the urban greening process. The City of Vancouver needs to consider how to ensure households in underserved areas will not be displaced once vegetation has increased.[15] In order for greening methods to be authentic, it has to at least benefit longtime residents, so the goal should be to enhance environmental quality and community health without pricing them out.

Lessons learned

From the overview of green space inequality in Vancouver as well as from the public elementary school case study within the city, we have learned that neighbourhoods with higher socioeconomic status tend to have more parks, green spaces, and recreational amenities, while lower-income areas often lack these resources. This self-reinforcing cycle of "green space inequity" exacerbates existing socio-economic divides in the city. Moreover, the uneven distribution of green spaces is heavily influenced by zoning regulations, land-use policies, and budget allocations that may prioritize economic development over environmental concerns, and that the design and placement of green spaces often cater to the perceived needs of dominant demographic groups, rather than the diverse communities across the city. The case study from public elementary schools in Vancouver also highlights the disparities in green space access for children from lower-income households compared to their more affluent peers. This indicates that spatial inequality not only impacts adults and seniors, but also children and teenagers’ health and well-being, as well as their environmental literacy and advocacy. Addressing these inequities requires an equity-focused, collaborative approach that centres the perspectives and priorities of the most impacted communities. Top-down, expert-driven urban planning has proven insufficient, as it often overlooks or undervalues the needs of marginalized groups. Instead, genuine community engagement and participatory processes are essential to ensure green infrastructure projects reflect the visions and belongings of local residents. The importance of building environmental stewardship and literacy at the community level should also be recognized. The cancellation of Vancouver's tree sale program due to lack of maintenance knowledge demonstrates that simply increasing green cover is not enough. Empowering residents, especially youth, with the skills and sense of ownership to care for their local green spaces is crucial for sustaining equitable access over time. Additionally, there’s also a need for a comprehensive strategy that aligns city governance, policy, and program implementation, which includes developing suitability analysis tools to identify underserved areas, creating targeted sub-community plans, and leveraging public-private partnerships to fund and maintain new green infrastructure. Such efforts must be paired with measures that would ensure greening does not lead to gentrification and even further marginalization for the communities involved.


And of course, the issue of spatial inequality in green spaces is not unique to Vancouver. Countless cities all around the world like New York, Mumbai, and Hong Kong, also have unequal distributions based on income levels, so the Vancouver case is just part of a broader global phenomenon of urban inequities that requires the same amount of attention.

References

  1. ↑ Howard, Katherine and Culbertson, Kurt. “More Equitable Access to Open Space? Vancouver Has A Plan for That.” The City Fix. https://thecityfix.com/blog/equitable-access-open-space-vancouver-plan-katherine-howard-kurt-culbertson/
  2. ↑ 2.0 2.1 2.2 2.3 Ng, Aeryn, Sarah E. Gergel, and Bianca N. I. Eskelson. "Inequality and Allergenic Cover of Urban Greenspaces Surrounding Public Elementary Schools in Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada." Ecosystems and People, vol. 17, no. 1, 2021/12//, pp. 178-190. https://doi.org/10.1080/26395916.2021.1903557.
  3. ↑ Wu, Jiayu, et al. "Neglected Green Street Landscapes: A Re-Evaluation Method of Green Justice." Urban Forestry & Urban Greening, vol. 41, 2019, pp. 344-353. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ufug.2019.05.004
  4. ↑ Sax, Daniel L., Lorien Nesbitt, and Shannon Hagerman. "Expelled from the Garden? Understanding the Dynamics of Green Gentrification in Vancouver, British Columbia." Environment and Planning. E, Nature and Space (Print), vol. 6, no. 3, 2023, pp. 2008-2028. https://doi.org/10.1177/25148486221123134
  5. ↑ 5.0 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 Griffiths, Nathan. “Vancouver among least equitable cities for green space: Study”. Vancouver Sun. October 6, 2022. https://vancouversun.com/news/local-news/vancouver-among-least-equitable-cities-for-green-space-study
  6. ↑ 6.0 6.1 6.2 Cheung, Christopher. “VANCOUVER’S SHADY INEQUALITY”. Spacing. June 30, 2021. https://spacing.ca/vancouver/2021/06/30/vancouvers-shady-inequality/
  7. ↑ 7.0 7.1 Wolch, Jennifer R., Jason Byrne, and Joshua P. Newell. "Urban Green Space, Public Health, and Environmental Justice: The Challenge of Making Cities ‘just Green enough’." Landscape and Urban Planning, vol. 125, 2014, pp. 234-244. https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0169204614000310
  8. ↑ Trust for Public Land. (2020). The Heat is On: A Trust for Public Land Special Report. Retrieved from https://www.tpl.org/sites/default/files/The%20Heat%20is%20On%20-%20A%20Trust%20for%20Public%20Land%20Special%20Report.pdf
  9. ↑ Bock, Johanna L., et al. "Attributes and Benefits of Urban Green Space Visits – Insights from the City of Vancouver." Urban Forestry & Urban Greening, vol. 98, 2024. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ufug.2024.128399
  10. ↑ 10.0 10.1 10.2 10.3 10.4 10.5 10.6 Rigolon, Alessandro, and Travis L. Flohr. "Access to Parks for Youth as an Environmental Justice Issue: Access Inequalities and Possible Solutions." Buildings (Basel), vol. 4, no. 2, 2014, pp. 69-94. https://www.mdpi.com/2075-5309/4/2/69
  11. ↑ 11.0 11.1 Darroch, Francine E., et al. "Barriers to Physical Activity for father’s Living in Marginalising Conditions." Health (London, England : 1997), vol. 27, no. 1, 2023, pp. 147-166. https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/13634593211014275?utm_source=summon&utm_medium=discovery-provider
  12. ↑ Lee, A. C. K., and R. Maheswaran. "The Health Benefits of Urban Green Spaces: A Review of the Evidence." Journal of Public Health (Oxford, England), vol. 33, no. 2, 2011, pp. 212-222. https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/20833671/
  13. ↑ 13.0 13.1 13.2 13.3 13.4 13.5 Keleg, Merham M., Georgia Butina Watson, and Mohamed A. Salheen. "A Critical Review for Cairo’s Green Open Spaces Dynamics as a Prospect to Act as Placemaking Anchors." Urban Design International (London, England), vol. 27, no. 3, 2022, pp. 232-248. https://link.springer.com/article/10.1057/s41289-022-00193-x
  14. ↑ Trust for Public Land. (2020). The Heat is On: A Trust for Public Land Special Report. Retrieved from https://www.tpl.org/sites/default/files/The%20Heat%20is%20On%20-%20A%20Trust%20for%20Public%20Land%20Special%20Report.pdf
  15. ↑ 15.0 15.1 Quinton, Jessica, Lorien Nesbitt, and Agatha Czekajlo. "Wealthy, Educated, and… Non-Millennial? Variable Patterns of Distributional Inequity in 31 Canadian Cities." Landscape and Urban Planning, vol. 227, 2022, pp. 104535. https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0169204622001840
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