Course:CONS370/Projects/The fire management regime of the Syilx Indigenous communities in the South Okanagan, British Columbia, Canada- practices and prospects in the Anthropocene

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Summary

Low intensity fires have long since been a part of the Southern Okanagan's forest regime in interior British Columbia.[1] This is due to the traditional practices of the Syilx and Okanagan Nations that have gone on for generations, long before European settlement in North America.[2] Since colonial settlement, forest fire management was altered to be strictly fire suppression, increasing the fuel build up in many of today's BC forests.[3] This fuel buildup in combination with the increasing effects of climate change have drastically increased the frequency and intensity of large forest fires in the last decade alone.[4] This study will take a look at how the Syilx Nation and their traditional knowledge and practices could be the key to keeping Southern Okanagan forests safe, and reduce large wildfire frequency. Moreover, it will examine how Syilx fire management practices have changed over time, the differences between them and other indigenous groups that also use prescribed burning, and discuss the importance of using indigenous knowledge in the context of climate change.

Location and History of the Fire Management Regime of the Syilx Nation

The Syilx and Okanagan Nation are a transboundary tribe whose traditional territory extends across the 49th parallel of the Canadian and United States border.[5] The Nation has seven member communities: the Okanagan Indian Band, Osoyoos Indian Band, Penticton Indian Band, Upper Nicola band, Upper and Lower Similkameen Indian Bands and the Westbank First Nation in the Southern British Columbia Interior, and the Colville Confederate Tribes in Northern Washington state.[5] The nations share the same nsyilxcən language, culture, customs and land and represent a distinct sovereign nation.[5] The language and culture honour the natural laws of tmixw (that which gives us life). Traditionally and currently the Syilx/Okanagan People assert their jurisdiction and responsibility over land and resource stewardship as well as quality of life of their citizens.[5] The Syilx territory is described as a diverse set of landscapes from deserts, lakes, alpine forests and endangered grasslands that extend more than 60,000 square kilometers.[5] The Okanagan People existed with a reciprocal relationship with the land. The land provides the people its food, resources, shelter, and water, where the Syilx people feel a responsibility for maintaining the health of the land.[6]

Traditionally, the Syilx people used prescribed burns, also known as Cikilaxwm, to help maintain the health of their natural resources (Timixw). Nowadays, they also use prescribed burns to reduce wildfire risks in neighbouring communities.[2] Prescribed fire, sometimes called controlled burn or prescribed burn, is a fire that is planned.[7]Such fires are used to meet certain management objectives. historically and today prescribed fire is considered one of the most important tools used in fire management.[7] Fires are planned in advance with fuels, size and environmental conditions highly considered to create a mosaic of diverse habitats or reduce fuels to prevent destructive fires.[7]

The Sylix people are intimately familiar with their land, and know that fire was a natural component of their forests. Historically, the land was known to have frequent low-intensity fires.[6] Controlled burns were carried out using prayers and protocols that were used by their ancestors, and are still used today.[6] Fire was used as a necessity to survive and adapt to local environmental conditions, promote desired habitats and species, and to increase the abundance of desired resources and landscape conditions.[8] Unlike western scientists who use prescribed burns to achieve a specific quantitative goal, the Sylix people value the social, ecological, cultural, and spiritual benefits that come with fire.[6] Since European settlement, the frequent fire regime has transformed into a lengthier one with longer return intervals in between.[6]

Strong connections suggest the forest and understory were linked to the way the syilx cared and interacted historically with the land. Fire Keeper Annie Kruger, counts fire as an essential component of their traditional practices to enhance ecological and cultural values.[9] Fire suppression has contributed to significant fuel loading in the Syilx territory. Thus, resulting in longer, more intense and more destructive wildfire seasons and a loss of resilience in forest and grassland ecosystems. The indigenous fire use era can be dated from thousands of years ago to approximately 1865 where Europeans were then introduced to the territory.[9] The Okanagan Nation Alliance supports the role of Syilx communities to re-establish traditional burning practices in the Okanagan landscape.[10]


Current Practices (Post-colonialism)

After European colonization from the mid 1850s, forest management has drastically transitioned from an ecological-based system to an economic-based system. The settlers were focused on harvesting timber purely for economic gain, as it was used for furniture, cooking, heating, housing, and commercial establishment.[11] In contrast, the Syilx communities managed the forest to increase the abundance of desired resources and maintain the health of the forest, as they possessed a reciprocal relationship with the land.[8] Subsequently, Indigenous Peoples all across BC were forced out of their traditional territories into marginal lands that were less productive. As the forest management shifted, so did the fire management. The colonial worldview saw fire as a threat to timber productivity, because it degrades timber quality and quantity. It was also seen as a threat to neighbouring communities, which further increased with the number of people settling in BC[8]. Therefore, the BC government encouraged a culture of active fire suppression, which was the polar opposite of what the Syilx Nation had been doing since time immemorial. Consequently, colonial fire management has brought unforeseen social, economic, and ecological consequences to the forest landscape.

For instance, the Trout Creek Ecological Reserve (TCER) near Summerland B.C. was an area that was historically managed by Syilx communities, but was later designated as a reserve by the BC government in 1971.[12] They fenced off the area and added additional biking trails, which ultimately affected the biodiversity in the area through increased vegetation ingrowth and cluttering of fuel within the forest. Unbeknownst to the settlers, the TCER had a cyclical growth regime characterized by frequent low intensity fires that occurred every 16 years or so. As a result, a culture of fire-suppression has transformed this once lush forest into an incredibly vulnerable landscape.

In recent years, there have been increased efforts by the Canadian government to achieve Reconciliation with all First Nations.[13] Generally Aboriginal Peoples hope that Reconciliation might mean supporting their plans of self-governance and self-determination, as well as establishing laws to safeguard First Nations traditional territories from third party licensees who attempt to operate on their lands without consent. In practice, this has led a gradual transition in a few small spots from conventional fire-suppression practices into Indigenous knowledge systems that value biodiversity and ecosystem health. For instance, the Okanagan National Alliance collaborated with the BC wildfire services to conduct a prescribed burn on Crater Mountain in April 2019.[10] Also some licensees still continue to use fire suppression as a method to maintain timber quality, other licensees are beginning to recognise the role of fire in maintaining forest health and ecosystem resilience, such as B.A. Blackwell & Associated Ltd.[14] [Explain what is done differently.]

Tenure Arrangements in the Okanagan

Prior to European settlement, the Okanagan region was governed by the Syilx Nation. They used their vast traditional knowledge systems to manage the plants and animals, as it is their inherent responsibility to care for tmxwulaxw­ , which means ‘our land’.[15] However, after European colonisation, most of the lands in BC were under the ownership of the newly established provincial government. White settlers used the 1865 Land Ordinance for the BC mainland to claim the Mission Creek flood plain, Mission Creek Valley, and Black Mountain.[16] The 1865 Land Ordinance introduced the first colonial laws for having legal rights over unoccupied land for the purposes of logging and grazing. The tenure systems were simple, and focused on a “first come first-license rule”, because it was encouraging agrarian occupation rather than determining what is the “best use” of the land.[17]

This Land Ordinance completely ignored the pre-existing customary rights of Indigenous Peoples, which led to the forceful displacement of the local Syilx people out of their traditional territories, lands, and resources, and forced them to settle on the Westbank of the central Okanagan. As a result, the White settlers were free to maximise their use of the more fertile grasslands that they had then procured, and begin their cattle ranching business. The Okanagan nation banded together with the people of the Trepanier River to communally share the limited resources available at the Westbank. Over the years, they have attempted to reassert their claim on Mission Valley as an attempt to increase the band’s capacity for stock raising, but it was unsuccessful.

The Syilx Nation were granted a reserve of sorts in the 1900s, but they were actively excluded from the local cattle ranching economy to reduce competition. The commissions written by Peter O’Reiley stated that no additional reserves were deemed necessary, even though the communities were living on marginal lands. The Westbank Band, a member community of the Syilx Nation, were assigned a reserve, but it was so small that they were unable to compete with the cattle ranching industry, as it was only a total of 1310 hectares with no seasonal grazing areas. Their cattle were also subject to fresh encroachment and overgrazing due to poor fencing.[16]

More recently, there has been growing attention towards Indigenous People’s rights to their lands, thanks to the continual protests of many First Nations and Canadian citizens. This has led to the introduction of more First Nations forest tenures, which is a stepping stone for Indigenous Peoples towards reasserting themselves in their traditional territories in BC. For example, the First Nations Woodland Licence (FNWL) is a long-term and area-based tenure that grants First Nations exclusive access to all timber and non-timber resources within a specified landbase, as well as protection of their traditional use practices for up to 25 years.[18] However, only a few FNWLs have been issued. There still has been no major changes in government legislation or recognition regarding the Syilx People’s customary ownership of the Okanagan to this day.[19]

Administrative Arrangements in the Okanagan

In Syilx culture, the term “captikwł” refers to all the rules, teachings, laws, and governance principles of the Syilx people.[20] It specifies the rights and responsibilities that all members have towards the Syilx nation, such as having good stewardship over the lands and sea, so that the future generations can also enjoy the bountiful treasures offered by nature. captikwł also includes creation stories that define the natural laws that govern all of Syilx/Okanagan, and these knowledge systems are passed down from generation to generation. For example, a major natural law is to respect water or “siwɬkʷ”, and not see it as a commodity.[21] It is a sacred entity that connects all aspects of life, and it also teaches us about the importance of humility, because although it looks soft and gentle, it possesses the power to bend mountains. The Okanagan Nation Alliance is run by the Chief Executive Council, which is comprised of Seven Nation Chiefs and CCT Chairman of the nation, who currently is Grand Chief Stewart Phillip.[22] Each of these chiefs represent one of the many bands who are part of the ONA, including the Syilx nation. All issues are reported to the chiefs, and meetings are held once every month to discuss these ongoing issues in each band. All members of the Syilx nation are encouraged to participate in drafting laws and responsibilities, as well as voice their opinions about any issues happening in their lands, as an act of self-determination.[23]

Affected Stakeholders

  • Syilx First Nation - Okanagan Nation Alliance.[2]
    • Relative Power - Reservation, tenure, and Indigenous rights, but generally little power.
    • Goals
      • To establish a Syilx Cikilaxwm working group, and a collaborative Okanagan Prescribed Fire steering committee, led by Syilx communities.
      • To support Syilx communities to develop and implement prescribed fire objectives and projects.
      • To provide a platform for relationship building and meaningful, collectively developed landscape management objectives, specifically as they apply to the use of prescribed fire to protect and enhance values and resources.
  • Government - Local regulation
    • Relative Power - Lawmakers, majority power.
    • Goals
      • Proposed National Park Reserve in Similkameen.[24]
        • Protect the diversity of vegetation and landscape features of representative ecosystems that define the Interior Dry Plateau natural region;
        • Maintain the ecological integrity of wildlife habitat and plant species; and
        • Provide opportunities for quality visitor experiences, such as recreational activities and the presentation of natural and cultural heritage.
  • Local community/recreators of the forest
    • Relative Power - Voting rights and private property rights.
      • Ranching - Cattle grazing, hunting[25]
      • Recreationalists - aesthetics and availability to use,[25] bird watching, hiking.
      • Safety - Fire.[19]

Interested Outside Stakeholders

  • BC Government
    • Relative Power - Lawmakers, rule enforcers, much power.
    • Goals.
      • FRPA - Forest and Range Practices Act.[26]
        • Economic, ecologic, and social sustainability of forests in BC through management guidelines.
      • Indigenous Rights - UN Declaration.[27]
        • To maintain Indigenous institutions, cultures, and traditions (including forest management/use).
  • Environmental activists
    • Relative Power - Protesting and voting power, basically veto power.
    • Goals
      • No fires, no management, only untouched reserves. Just absolute preservation.[25]

Importance of Prescribed Burning in the Anthropocene

Recently, human-induced and natural disturbances have been increasingly recognized as important drivers of ecosystem dynamics, nutrient and energy flows and biodiversity, changes in these fire regimes are widely understood as a catalyst for ecological changes.[28] Burning biomass on the global level is thought to exceed the last 22,000 years [29], with extensive increases in fires in the last 40 years for boreal, tropical, temperate and semiarid ecosystems.[30] Global warming and past fire suppression have been linked to recent megafire events, and is only predicted to increase in the future.[31] Understanding the causes of fire and the consequences over temporal and spatial scales is identified as a priority for earth science, resource management and conservation.[30]

For over 40 million years fire has played a part in the earth system, with human management for at least the last 600,000 years.[32] At first humans used fire to procure game, facilitate travel, provide protection and promote plant and products. [30] As populations grew burning increased as a way to clear land to facilitate agriculture and pastoral activities. [30] European colonization resulted in a peak for forest clearance, the reduction of fire activity was seen in the first half of the 20th century in the form of fire elimination and suppression as a result of settlement density and land use.[30] Land use contributed to a fragmentation of fuel loads and reduced burning areas.[33] What we are now seeing is that past fire management and climate change have actually increased fire size, intensity and frequency, [34] as a result of inappropriately managed fuel loads.

While that is the case, there has also been a growing recognition for the importance of fire as an ecological process,[30] prescribed burning is now being seen as a practice that lowers risks to wildlife, economic costs, while also promoting ecosystem health.[35] For fire prone areas, motivations and approaches for prescribed burning can vary for different stakeholders.[35] It is apparent that wildfire management decisions can be co uncertain, complex and often controversial in response to the risks. [30] Today, landscape management is understood to be strongly characterized by fire regimes with some landscapes being heavily influenced by fire suppression, land use activities or deliberate burning.[34] Moving forward, fire management decisions benefit from understanding past fire regimes and how we got to where we are now.

Prescribed Burning Around the World

Besides the Syilx Nation, many other indigenous groups around the world also use prescribed burning as a management tool to stimulate species regeneration. Typically, indigenous burnings occur in cooler, moist conditions as opposed to the lightning season during the Summer.[36] Although these practices increased the ignition frequency, in the long-term it resulted in less intense, smaller fires on average. This pattern of disturbance would protect wildlife populations, and maintain habitat quality. Similar to the Syilx Nation, prescribed burning is an integral part of many Indigenous Peoples cultures and traditions. The fact that indigenous groups halfway across the world, prior to European colonisation, have also used prescribed burning as a method to manage ecosystem health for millennia for similar reasons, suggests that indigenous knowledge systems are valuable though often undermined compared to the modern approaches of western Science. There is a rich body of traditional and ecological knowledge that should be used in today’s context of forest management, due to the increasingly unpredictable natures of climate change and the need for indigenous people’s to reassert themselves in their traditional territories.

Australian Aboriginals of Arnhem land, Northern Australia

In the tropical savannas of Arnhem Land, Northern Australia, the aboriginal communities believe that fire and people are interconnected physically and spiritually. To them, fire management is termed as “caring for country”, where the maintenance of ecosystem health is intrinsically linked to human wellbeing, spirituality, and culture.[37] Historically, Arnhem Land was one of the world’s most fire prone areas, dominated by 1-3 year fire return intervals. The aboriginal communities used indigenous burnings to maintain the health of Callitris intratropica, a conifer that requires long fire intervals for establishment.[36] To achieve this, the aboriginal communities created a patchy, low-intensity fire regime to increase the occurrence of habitat patches that are older and burned less frequently. This also helped create habitat mosaics that promoted the occupation of a variety of plants and animals, which increased the area’s biodiversity and stability. However, after European colonisation in the early 1800s.[38] , disease, displacement, and economic development have eradicated these traditional practices. As a result, the fire regime at Arnhem Land has transformed from a series of frequent and low-intensity fires to large and high-intensity fires, which led to the decline of multiple taxa, notably small mammals.[36]

Xingu Groups of the Amazonian Rainforest

Historically, they also used fire as a method to aid with plantations and favouring the regeneration of hyperdominant tree species. However, they were forced to alter their practices due to the increased risks of wildfires as a result of climate change.[39]

Recommendations

The principal recommendation would be to better communicate and work with peoples in the Syilx nation who have the knowledge of how to practice Cikilaxwm, and to make a cooperative plan in each community regarding the use of Cikilaxwm where need be locally. This is much easier said than done, but it has worked before in other parts of the world. For example the Cultural Fire Management Council in Northern California, who practice traditional prescribed burns on the Yurok Reservation and Ancestral lands.[40] Though there is still some friction with the regional Cal Fire offices at times, there is still open communication between the two, and practice has been working effectively to prevent large wildfires for over ten years.[41] Before any Cikilaxwm can happen regularly and effectively in BC, the relationship between the BC government, post-colonialism society, and the Okanagan/Syilx nation must become healthier, open, and fair.

References

  1. ↑ "Forest fire ecology in the Pacific Northwest". The Harvey Lab. Retrieved April 11, 2020.
  2. ↑ 2.0 2.1 2.2 "Prescribed Burns". Okanagan Nation Alliance. 2017. Retrieved April 9, 2020.
  3. ↑ Berry, Alison. "Forest Policy Up in Smoke: Fire Suppression in the United States" (PDF). Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  4. ↑ "Wildfire Averages". Government of British Columbia. Retrieved April 11, 2020.
  5. ↑ 5.0 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 "Syilx/Okanagan Nation". Okanagan Nation Alliance. 2017. Retrieved April 9, 2020.
  6. ↑ 6.0 6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 Simmons, Ellen (2012). "British Columbia's Indigenous People - The Burning Issue". Journal of Ecosystems and Management. 13: 1–2 – via ProQuest.
  7. ↑ 7.0 7.1 7.2 "Wildland Fire: What is a Prescribed Fire?". National Park Service. 2020. Retrieved April 9, 2020.
  8. ↑ 8.0 8.1 8.2 Lake, Frank; Christianson, Amy (2019). "Indigenous Fire Stewardship" (PDF). Encyclopedia of Wildfires and Wildland-Urban Interface (WUI) Fires: 1–9 – via Springer.
  9. ↑ 9.0 9.1 Pogue, Alexandra (2017). "Humans, climate, and an ignitions-limited fire regime at Vaseux Lake". University of British Columbia: 1–82 – via Open Collections: UBC Theses and Dissertations.
  10. ↑ 10.0 10.1 "cikilaxwm (Prescribed Fire) Used to Manage Bighorn Sheep Habitat on Syilx Territory". Okanagan Nation Alliance. March 18, 2019. Retrieved April 9, 2020.
  11. ↑ "History of Commercial Logging". BC Campus. 2020.
  12. ↑ Gayton, Don (2013). "Documenting Fire History in a British Columbia Ecological Reserve". Journal of Ecosystems and Management. 14: 1–10 – via ProQuest.
  13. ↑ "Advancing Reconciliation With Indigenous Peoples". Government of Canada. March 19, 2019. Retrieved April 9, 2020.
  14. ↑ "Forest Fire Management". B.A. Blackwell and Associates LTD. Retrieved April 11, 2020.
  15. ↑ "Governance". Okanagan Nation Alliance. 2017. Retrieved April 11, 2020.
  16. ↑ 16.0 16.1 Pooley, Ian (2017). "(RE)SETTLING THE CENTRAL OKANAGAN, 1860-1904: Land Monopoly, Small-Scale Ranching, and Marginalized First People". Springer. 193: 41–63 – via ProQuest.
  17. ↑ Begg, Michael (2007). "Legislating British Columbia : a history of B. C. land law, 1858-1978". UBC Theses and Dissertations – via Open Collections.
  18. ↑ "First Nations Forest Tenures". Government of British Columbia. Retrieved April 11, 2020.
  19. ↑ 19.0 19.1 "About Us". Okanagan Nation Alliance. 2017. Retrieved April 11, 2020.
  20. ↑ "captíkwł". Okanagan Nation Alliance. 2017. Retrieved April 11, 2020.
  21. ↑ "Syilx Nation Siwɬkʷ Declaration" (PDF). 2014: 1–5. Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  22. ↑ "Chief Executive Council". Okanagan Nation Alliance. 2017. Retrieved April 11, 2020.
  23. ↑ "Rebuilding our Syilx Nation" (PDF). Okanagan Nation Alliance. 2019.
  24. ↑ "Proposed National Park Reserve in the South Okanagan-Similkameen". Government of Canada: Parks Canada. November 8, 2019. Retrieved April 11, 2020.
  25. ↑ 25.0 25.1 25.2 Grego, Caroline (2015). "Maybe National Park: Consultation, Conservation, and Conflict in the Okanagan-Similkameen". BC Studies.
  26. ↑ "Forest & Range Practices Act (FRPA)". Government of British Columbia. Retrieved April 11, 2020.
  27. ↑ "B.C. Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Act". Government of British Columbia. Retrieved April 11, 2020.
  28. ↑ Penman, T.D.; Christie, F.J.; Andersen, A.N.; Bradstock, R.A.; Cary, G.J.; Henderson, M.K.; Price, O.; Tran, C.; et al. (2011). "Prescribed burning: how can it work to conserve the things we value?". International Journal of Wildland Fire. 20: 721–733 – via CSIRO PUBLISHING.
  29. ↑ Marlon, Jennifer; Kelly, Ryan; Daniau, Anne-Laure; Vannière, Boris; Power, Mitchell; Bartlein, Patrick; Higuera, Philip; Blarquez, Olivier; et al. (2016). "Reconstructions of biomass burning from sediment-charcoal records to improve data–model comparisons". Biosciences. 13: 3225–3244 – via EGU Publications.
  30. ↑ 30.0 30.1 30.2 30.3 30.4 30.5 30.6 Gillson, Lindsey; Whitlock, Cathy; Humphrey, Glynis (2019). "Resilience and fire management in the Anthropocene". Ecology and Society. 23.
  31. ↑ Balch, Jennifer; Schoennagel, Tania; Williams, A. Park; Abatzoglou, John T.; Cattau, Megan E.; Mietkiewicz, Nathan P.; St. Denis, Lise A. (2018). "Switching on the Big Burn of 2017". Fire. 1 – via MDPI.
  32. ↑ Bowman, David; Balch, Jennifer; Artaxo, Paulo; Bond, William J.; Cochrane, Mark A.; D’Antonio, Carla M.; DeFries, Ruth; Johnston, Fay H.; et al. (2011). "The human dimension of fire regimes on Earth". Journal of Biogeography. 38: 2223–2236 – via Wiley Online Library.
  33. ↑ Archibald, Sally; Lehmann, Caroline; Gómez-Dans, Jose; Bradstock, Ross (2013). "Defining pyromes and global syndromes of fire regimes". PNAS. 16: 6442–6447.
  34. ↑ 34.0 34.1 North, M.P.; Stephens, S. L.; Collins, B. M.; Agee, J. K.; Aplet, G.; Franklin, J. F.; Fulé, P. Z. (2015). "Reform forest fire management". Science. 346: 1280–1281 – via AAAS.
  35. ↑ 35.0 35.1 Freeman, Johanna; Kobziar, Leda; Rose, Elizabeth White; Cropper, Wendell (2017). "A critique of the historical‐fire‐regime concept in conservation". Conservation Biology. 31: 976–985 – via Wiley Online Library.
  36. ↑ 36.0 36.1 36.2 Schwartzman, Stephan; Villas Boas,, André; Yukari Ono,, Katia; Gesteira Fonseca,, Marisa; Doblas, Juan; Zimmerman, Barbara; Junqueira, Paulo; Jerozolimski, Adriano; Salazar, Marcelo (2013). "The natural and social history of the indigenous lands and protected areas corridor of the Xingu River basin". Philos Trans R Soc Lond B Biol Sci. 368.CS1 maint: extra punctuation (link)
  37. ↑ McKemey, Michelle; Ens, Emilie; Mangi Rangers, Yugul; Costello, Oliver; Reid, Nick (2020). "Indigenous Knowledge and Seasonal Calendar Inform Adaptive Savanna Burning in Northern Australia". Sustainable Use of the Environment and Resources. 12: 1–18 – via Sustainability.
  38. ↑ "Colonial heritage". NorthernTerritory. Retrieved April 11, 2020.
  39. ↑ Trauernicht,, Clay; W Brook,, Barry; P Murphy,, Brett; J Williamson,, Grant; M J S Bowman, David (2015). "Local and global pyrogeographic evidence that indigenous fire management creates pyrodiversity". Ecology and Evolution. 5: 1908–1918 – via PMC.CS1 maint: extra punctuation (link)
  40. ↑ "Partners". Cultural Fire Management Council. 2020. Retrieved April 11, 2020.
  41. ↑ "'Fire is medicine': the tribes burning California forests to save them". The Guardian. November 21, 2019. Retrieved April 11, 2020.

This conservation resource was created by Alyssa Chursinoff, Nicole Haye, and Adrianne Lam through the Cons 370 Aboriginal Forestry course at the University of British Columbia.

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