Assessing the participation in and impacts of gold mining on Maroons and Indigenous Peoples of Suriname

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This study considers the relationship between gold mining and the Indigenous and Traditional Maroon Peoples of Suriname. Suriname is a small country in South America that borders Guyana, French Guyana and Brazil. The country was colonized by Europeans in the 1600’s and later taken control of by the Dutch in the 17th century. Suriname was home to various Indigenous Peoples, but after colonization became primarily occupied on plantations dependent on African slaves. Many of these slaves escaped and formed communities, living in the forested areas of the country.[1]

Currently Suriname is being influenced by a gold rush that started in the and is a main source of economic growth for the country. The majority of people working in the small scale gold mines are Maroon peoples, often those who live in nearby communities in the forest. These mining projects have caused concern over land use and rights, especially by Indigenous groups.[2]

Flag of Suriname
Rosebel mine in Suriname

Description

History of Suriname

Suriname is a small country with a land area of 163,820 square kilometers in South America. It has a coastline on the Atlantic ocean to the North and to the south, the majority of the country is Amazonian rain forest.[3] Suriname was originally inhabited by a number of distinct Indigenous groups, the Taino (Arawak), Kali’nago (Carib), Warrau, Wayana and Akurio. In 1498, Christopher Columbus was the first European to observe Suriname. From 1500 to 1651, European settlements in Suriname never succeeded due to the resistance from the Indigenous peoples. In 1651 however, the first British settlement was formed. The Dutch then seized the country from the English in 1667. Suriname then became a plantation colony, producing mainly sugar, but also cacao, coffee and wood. An approximated 300,000 West African slaves were forced into labor by the Dutch working in these plantations. Suriname remained a colony of the Netherlands until 1975, when Suriname became independent from Dutch parliament.[4]

Traditional and Indigenous Peoples of Suriname

In the present day, Suriname is an ethnically diverse country with the largest ethnic group being Indo-Pakistani people, who make up over a quarter of the population. Now, Indigenous peoples of Suriname account for less than 4% of the population. A number of groups of traditional peoples, referred to broadly as “Maroons”, are the second largest ethnic group, who make up approximately one fifth of the Surinamese population.[3]

Maroons are a traditional people who descended from West-African slaves of Ashanti and Akan origin that fled from Dutch forced labour in plantations to the interior rainforests. There they developed into six distinct groups with distinct languages, culture and social structures. The Eastern branch consists of the Djuka (Aucaner, Awka), the Aluku (Aluku nenge, Boni), and the Paramaka (Paramacca). The Central branch consists of the Saramaka (Saramacca), the Matawai, and the Kwinti. [3][5]

Gold Mining in Suriname

A gold rush has been occurring in Suriname since the mid 1980s, and has been a main source of income for both colonial citizens and Maroon peoples. Deposits of gold are especially rich in the upper river basins of the Marowijne (Tapanahoni and Lawa) and the Saramaca River. There has been a long running tradition of small scale gold mining operations living along these rivers. The communities of Ndyuka, Paramaka, Aluku and Matawai Maroons account for approximately a quarter of Suriname’s small scale gold miners. [6]

Approximately 10,000 to 20,000 small scale gold miners work in Suriname, With only around a quarter of them being from Suriname. Maroon people make up the majority of the people working in the small scale mines.The remaining amount are migrants from Brazil called garimpeiros, as well as a small number of Chinese immigrants.[7]

Tenure

Administrative arrangements

Affected Stakeholders

An affected stakeholder is a person who has been affected due to loss of land, house, assets, livelihood or a combination of these due to project activities [8]. Affected stakeholders largely includes, but not limited to, Indigenous and Maroon groups:

  • Indigenous groups: Lokono (also: Arowak); Kalina (also: Carib); Trio (also Tiryo) and related ethnic groups; Wayana and related ethnic groups.
  • Maroon groups: Ndyuka (also: Okanisi, Aukaners), Saamaka (also: Saramaka), Paamaka (also: Paramaka), Matawai, Kwinti, and Aluku (also: Boni)[9]

The amount of time a person has been affected does not change the definition. Displacement due to mining activities could be months to years, potentially even permanent as site restoration is rare. There is also a large change in the landscapes due to mining, which may create further displacement. As original land may now be uninhabitable due to infertile soils due to the immense deforestation associated with mining. [10]

Affected people are able to participate in hearings associated with mining projects. At least one consultation meeting will take place in the most accessible location in the region where the project is going to be implemented. An additional method of informing people, also employed by the Ministry of Regional development, is to spread information through community radio, for example Radio Paakati for the Ndyuka. They also use national radio and TV stations from Paramaribo that broadcast in the tribal languages and are popular with a maroon audience, such as Koyeba and Asosié radio and TV.[11]

Interested Outside Stakeholders

Governments of Amazon countries have incentive to support small-scale gold mining as it provides a source of income for poorer populations and if it is controlled tax revenues can be collected. There has been an increase in national annual gold production from a few kilograms per year in the 1980s to approximately 10-15 tons of gold per year in 2001.[12]

Small scale gold mining also has impacts on the rates of violent conflict, spreading disease such as malaria and sexually transmitted diseases, as well as mercury pollution in people and aquatic resources in Suriname according to past research. The mining projects in Suriname have also been of concern as one of the main threats concerning deforestation in the Amazon.[13]

Besides Maroon miners, there are also large populations of Chinese and Brazilian immigrants that work on the small scale mining projects in Suriname, and depend on them for steady income.[14]

Discussion

This case study aims to bring attention to the rights and violations of Indigenous and Traditional peoples of Suriname in the use of their land for resource extraction. These violations are perpetuated by the lack of legislature and responsible governance regarding these issues. The Surinamese government has shown some commitment to change in their current revision of the Mining Code. However, progress toward the inclusion of Indigenous land rights is slow and requires improved federal involvement. [15]

Currently, forced resettlement is disruptive to Indigenous and Traditional peoples. It causes discontinuation to Indigenous and Traditional livelihoods, which includes management of their land. In Suriname there is discussion of adopting the Mining Policy Framework (MPF). The MPF has been developed by the Intergovernmental Forum on Mining, Minerals, Metals and Sustainable Development (IGF). Historically mining in Suriname has exploited Indigenous and Traditional lands. The many different languages spoken throughout the country creates a barrier for communication, especially for Indigenous and Traditional persons. The MPF provides optimism for the future. The three priority areas of the MPF are; Legal and policy environment, Post-mining transition and mine closure, and Artisanal and Small-Scale Mining. Federal adoption is the next step. Additionally, environmental and social impact assessments (ESIAs), where consultants assess the impacts that mining could have on a community, aim to ensure that Indigenous decisions are respected.[16]

Assessment of Governance

During 1998-1999, the government in Suriname was suffering from economic deficits and failed repeatedly to pay wages of employees and social security benefits. The root causes for participation of Maroon Peoples in small scale gold mining are poverty, and very limited opportunities for advancement or employment. The government has also not allocated sufficient funding to schools and healthcare institutions, which would improve quality of life and decrease dependence on mining for income.[17]

In some Maroon cultures, for example in Ndjuka society, men are expected to supply their household with cash, even though many of these jobs are no longer available. These jobs, such as in bauxite and timber industries and in construction, have been lost to the political and economic instability during the past two decades.[17]

The government of Suriname is struggling to improve economic well being by funding and supporting industrial mining projects. These projects are in violation of customary land rights of both Indigenous and Maroon Peoples in many instances, as they are occuring on their traditional territories, and the government has been giving mining concessions to big companies without the consent or even knowledge of traditional area inhabitants. Both groups contest these mines as they value the conserving the forest as a source of subsistence, and a place to live, and are also concerned with degradation to the health of their communities and the environment. This issue has resulted in a lot of conflict and has led to protests by both Indigenous and Maroon peoples. One example of this were the violent protests which broke out multiple times in the past decade between local small‐scale gold miners associations, mainly N.V. Gowtuman ’94 of Brownsweg and Makamboa of Koffiekamp, versus Rosebel Gold Mines. This mine concession directly overlaps with Matawai traditional territory.[18]

Recommendations

For Suriname, mining remains a vital source of revenue for the country and a source of employment for many people. However, many fundamental regulatory frameworks are lacking for the mining sector. There must be legislative reform so that the government and mining companies recognize the rights of Indigenous and Maroon stakeholders. The new legislature should promote companies to seek FPIC measures when operating on land that they do not own the rights to.[19] A financial penalty should be imposed on companies that do not comply with the new laws. Additionally, the integration of environmental and social impact assessments (ESIAs) will force companies to act responsibly and encourage corporate and government accountability. The ESIAs are also aimed to assess the livelihood impacts on Indigenous peoples and ensure that their cultures and customs were respected.[16]

The largest changes that the Surinamese government needs to make is the inclusion of Indigenous human and land rights in legislature. As it stands, Indigenous peoples are not legally recognized as people or collectives[20]. This will continue to result in conflicts if these issues persist. The government must consider the human rights of Indigenous and Maroon peoples to align themselves with international laws and standards.[21]

A draft of the Mining Act was created in 2004 but the act is still under review by parliament. It is recommended that the inclusion of acts that will benefit Indigenous communities' rights to FPIC are expedited into the legislature[16]. It is also recommended that Suriname commits to implementing the IGF’s Mining Policy Framework (MPF) expeditiously.

  1. Kambel, E.-R., & MacKay, F. (1999). The rights of indigenous peoples and Maroons in Suriname. Copenhagen: IWGIA. p. 28-31
  2. Marieke Heemskerk (2002) Livelihood Decision Making and Environmental Degradation: Small-Scale Gold Mining in the Suriname Amazon, Society & Natural Resources, 15:4, 327-344, DOI: 10.1080/089419202753570819. p. 5
  3. 3.0 3.1 3.2 Chin, H. and Menke, J. (2019). Suriname. Retrieved from Encyclopædia Britanica.
  4. Minority Rights Group International. (2020). Minorities and Indigenous People in Suriname. Retrieved from minorityrights.org/country/suriname.
  5. Minority Rights Group International. (2008). Suriname: Maroons. Retrieved from minorityrights.org/minorities/maroons/.
  6. The Amazon Conservation Team. Land Rights, Tenure, and Use of Indigenous Peoples and Maroons in Suriname. (2010). Retrieved from http://www.act-suriname.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/12/ENGCollective-Rights_Land-rights-and-use_Final.pdf. p. 29
  7. Marieke Heemskerk. (2001) Maroon Gold Miners and Mining Risks in the Suriname Amazon.  Cultural Survival Quarterly 25: 25-29. p. 1
  8. The World Bank. (2019). Suriname Competitiveness and Sector Diversification Project: Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Planning Framework. Retrieved from Suriname Competitiveness and Sector Diversification Project. p. 2
  9. The World Bank. (2019). Suriname Competitiveness and Sector Diversification Project: Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Planning Framework. Retrieved from Suriname Competitiveness and Sector Diversification Project. p. 5
  10. The World Bank. (2019). Suriname Competitiveness and Sector Diversification Project: Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Planning Framework. Retrieved from Suriname Competitiveness and Sector Diversification Project. p. 27
  11. The World Bank. (2019). Suriname Competitiveness and Sector Diversification Project: Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Planning Framework. Retrieved from Suriname Competitiveness and Sector Diversification Project. p. 54
  12. Marieke Heemskerk (2002) Livelihood Decision Making and Environmental Degradation: Small-Scale Gold Mining in the Suriname Amazon, Society & Natural Resources, 15:4, 327-344, DOI: 10.1080/089419202753570819. p. 1
  13. Peterson, G. D., & Heemskerk, M. (2001). Deforestation and forest regeneration following small-scale gold mining in the Amazon: the case of Suriname. Environmental Conservation, 28(2), 117–126. doi: 10.1017/s0376892901000121. p. 328
  14. The Amazon Conservation Team. Land Rights, Tenure, and Use of Indigenous Peoples and Maroons in Suriname. (2010). Retrieved from http://www.act-suriname.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/12/ENGCollective-Rights_Land-rights-and-use_Final.pdf. p. 5
  15. Intergovernmental Forum on Mining, Minerals, Metals and Sustainable Development (IGF). (2017). IGF Mining Policy Framework Assessment: Suriname. Retrieved from International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD). p. 31
  16. 16.0 16.1 16.2 Intergovernmental Forum on Mining, Minerals, Metals and Sustainable Development (IGF). (2017). IGF Mining Policy Framework Assessment: Suriname. Retrieved from International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD), p. 8.
  17. 17.0 17.1 Marieke Heemskerk (2002) Livelihood Decision Making and Environmental Degradation: Small-Scale Gold Mining in the Suriname Amazon, Society & Natural Resources, 15:4, 327-344, DOI: 10.1080/089419202753570819. p. 331-338
  18. The Amazon Conservation Team. Land Rights, Tenure, and Use of Indigenous Peoples and Maroons in Suriname. (2010). Retrieved from http://www.act-suriname.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/12/ENGCollective-Rights_Land-rights-and-use_Final.pdf. p. 41, 44, 59
  19. Molenaar, Bente. (2007). Is There Gold In All That Glitters? Indigenous Peoples and Mining in Suriname. Retrieved from The North-South Institute. http://www.nsi-ins.ca/wp-content/uploads/ 2013/03/Is-there-gold-in-all-that-glitters.pdf
  20. Intergovernmental Forum on Mining, Minerals, Metals and Sustainable Development (IGF). (2017). IGF Mining Policy Framework Assessment: Suriname. Retrieved from International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD), p. 10.
  21. Intergovernmental Forum on Mining, Minerals, Metals and Sustainable Development (IGF). (2017). IGF Mining Policy Framework Assessment: Suriname. Retrieved from International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD), p. 18.