GRSJ224/MasculinityandSexuality

Masculinity & Sexuality: Homosexual Subcultures

Homosexuality is one of the many different manifestations of sexuality in human beings, one which affects people’s identity and influences group belonging. Many people assume that being “gay” is a clear term and homosexual culture is homogenous. In reality, the homosexual community contains many subcultures, each one of the defined by intersecting variables such as race, class, age, sexual preferences and so on. It is actually quite difficult to maneuver in the gay culture if you are a newcomer. Also, homosexual subcultures have been formed as a result of historical and social developments. For example, queerness and prostitution were very visible for a while but they have been driven underground by economically-driven actions meant to clean up, gentrify and develop parts of the city into very expensive living enclaves. All subcultures show the way in which gender and sexuality interact, whether it is in the way "bear" homosexuals defy the expectations of gays as feminine, or the way in which Asian are seen too asexual to be desirable, even in the gay communities.

Here is an overview of some homosexual subcultures and their intersectional derivatives. The discussion of “queerness,” its roots and history, it’s fight for human rights, is largely surrounded by the idea of trauma. Queer identity is often surrounded by trauma due to the pains related to accepting one’s sexuality, defining one’s identity, coming out, experiencing rejection and/or exploitation, fearing HIV/AIDS and so on.

Homosexuals and Prostitution

In Vancouver, homosexuality flourished on and around Davie Street and inn 1975, it is noted that Davie St. became “the first tranny stroll in the city,” on top of being home to a number of different queer sex workers (Ross, 2010, p. 200). Ironically, the city and many residents from the area engaged in bitter legal battles to stop prostitution from happening. Prostitution, and particularly homosexual prostitution became an underground culture. Ross (2010) argues that “for young gay hustlers, evacuation from the West End’s ‘gay utopia’ signalled a painful irony” (p. 209). Homosexual prostitution is a space in which race, socio-economic class, and queerness intersect, and historically homosexual prostitution has served an important role as a subculture but one which has been pushed underground by political and social decisions to gentrify certain areas of the city.

'“Bear” Masculinity

' The “Bear” subculture within homosexual communities is a very interesting development which has taken place within the last twenty years. “Bears” are those homosexual males who wished to “resist the stereotypical association of homosexuality with effeminacy” and therefore adopted the husky, heavy-set, naturally hairy and bearded look (Hennen, 2005, p. 24-25). Being a “bear” however is not just a matter of looks. The attitude is very important and is defined by the following: “natural, down-to-earth, easy going, likes to have fun,” “closer to the heterosexual community in their tastes,” “a sense of independence,” “an easiness with the body,” and last but not least, a tendency towards enhanced masculinity (Hennen, 2005, p. 25). Hennen (2005) argues that gay men who could be mistaken for “rednecks” is not just about a fad, but it is actually “conventionally gendered” and it contrasts with the expectation of “gay cultures” (p. 25-27). The “Bear” subculture emerged as a reaction of extreme standards of fitness, slim bodies and objectification within the gay community. These are men who say they have feelings, who are natural, healthy, outdoorsy perhaps, who like to cuddle, and so on. the “bear culture advertises itself as racially inclusive but remains overwhelmingly white,” (Hennen, 2005, p. 31). From this perspective, the “Bear” subculture is heavily influenced by race and other “dynamics of hegemonic masculinity” (Hennen, 2005, p. 32).

Asian Homosexuality

In homosexual subcultures, race heavily influences how individuals are perceived but also how they see themselves. Race and sexuality are a powerful combination, seriously affecting people’s sense of identity. Asian males, as a homosexual subculture, are experiencing serious tensions between the expectations imposed on them by their racial background, which largely denies homosexuality exists, and their sexual identity. There is a great contrast between many Asians’ tendency to deny homosexuality as a reality, or condemn it as a crime, and the western view of Asian males as naturally effeminate. If Asian males are seen as naturally effeminate, “pretty,” and not in line with expected ideas of hyper-masculinity, then the logical assumption would be that they would be darlings in the gay community. In reality, Asian males who identify as homosexuals have to deal with a lot of rejection and a feeling that they are not accepted anywhere. It is not enough to be “gay” to be accepted within the gay community. In fact, Asian males are often met with rejection and “high levels of racism in the gay community” (Han, Proctor & Choi, 2014, p. 53). Being gay while Asian puts individuals in a very difficult position. These people face rejection from their families, who are traditional and deny homosexuality as a legitimate form of sexuality. They also face rejection from the homosexual community because “whiteness” is the main feature of the gay community, whether in everyday practices or in images that are disseminated by the media (Tsunokai et al., 2014, p. 798). In terms of desirability, Asian bodies are at the bottom of the list, as white, fit and manly looking males are the stereotypical ideal of beauty. Asian males have a hard time competing in a community which “idealizes tall, masculine, young, white, male, able bodies while pathologizing other types of bodies as ‘unattractive’ and ‘abnormal’” (Poon & Ho, 2008, p. 257). Poon & Ho (2008) find that Asian males are practically “invisible in the mainstream gay community,” and largely “undesirable as potential partners” (p. 246). What is more, while white homosexual males do not want Asian partners, Asian males idealize the white body and most of them express a desire to get a “white boyfriend” (Poon & Ho, 2008, p. 257). It follows that the large number of Asian gays have to compete over the very few white males who are willing to date Asians. The only demographic in the gay community which shows a preference for Asian partners are “rice queens,” who are older, wealthy males looking for effeminate partners with soft features (Poon & Ho, 2008, p. 258).

Emo Queerness

The “emo” are “subculture consisting of white heterosexual boys,” which challenges the boundaries of gender and rejects hyper-masculinity (Ryalls, 2013, p. 83). Emo boys embrace “non-normative performance of masculinity,” are “predominantly white [and] middle class,” brought together by the power and anonymity the Internet provides, engage in “non-normative gender performances,” such as kissing and being intimate with other boys, talk openly about their feelings and even “revel in their victim status, constructing their masculinity as in crisis” (Ryalls, 2013, p. 84). Even though many of these males cannot be defined as homosexuals in the strictest sense od the word, Ryalls (2013) argues that “emos cross the borders into queer maleness,” by engaging in same-sex kissing, for example (p. 84). Even though they are still largely heterosexuals, the emo subculture is very interesting because it does challenge gender expectations, not only though how the males look (heavy makeup, oddly effeminate clothing choices, thin, non-muscular bodies) but by their behavior as well. As Ryalls (2013) puts it, “while dominant expectations of gender are such that women should be vulnerable and emotive, and men should be aggressive and emotionally self-contained, emos are typically constructed as reveling in their emotions” (p. 87). This subculture is ridden with contradictions, for example, the emo males’ willingness to kiss other straight males in order to attract women who find the “gay aesthetic” a turn on (Ryalls, 2013, p. 88).

References

Han, C., Proctor, K., & Choi, K. (2014). We pretend like sexuality doesn’t exist: Managing homophobia in gayasian America. The Journal of Men’s Studies, 22(1), 53-63.

Hennen, P. (2005). Bear bodies, bear masculinity: Recuperation, resistance, or retreat? Gender and Society, 19(1), 25-43.

Poon, M. K. & Ho, P. T. (2008). Negotiating social stigma among gay Asian men. Sexualities, 11(2), 245-268.

Ryalls, E. (2013). Emo angst, masochism, and masculinity in crisis. Text and Performance Quarterly, 33(2), 83-97.

Ross, B. (2010). Sex and (evacuation from) the city): The moral and legal regulation of sex workers in Vancouver’s west end, 1975-1985. Sexualities, 13(2), 197-218.

Tsunokai, G. T., McGrath, A. R., & Kavanagh, J. K. (2014). Online dating preferences of Asian Americans. Journal of Social and Personal Relationships, 31(6), 796-814.