UBC Wiki - User contributions [en]

Course:CONS200/2016w2/Wiki Projects/CE5b

2017-09-16T20:44:13Z

JenniferMansour: /* Local Laws Made for Protecting Suburban Area */

{{Projectbox Conservation
|names=Christian Holzhey, Spencer Kreutz, Xiaoyue Lu
}}
[[File:Old sign for Galashiels Golf Course - geograph.org.uk - 777436.jpg|thumb|Old sign for Galashiels Golf Course - geograph.org.uk - 777436|"[http://www.geograph.org.uk/photo/777436 A back road gem]. Walter Baxter, [https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/2.0/ CC BY-SA 2.0]"]]

==Introduction==
Urbanization is a trend that continues to remain consistent and dominant in our world today. Countries continue to expand infrastructure and grow industry in order to meet both global and national demands. As countries develop, rural landscapes are continually transformed into urban settings. In 1950, only 30% of the population lived in an urban setting compared to today where over half of the population resides in cities. (<ref>United Nations Centre for Human Settlements, Urbanization: Facts and Figures. Retrieved on April 2, 2017, from: http://www.un.org/ga/Istanbul+5/bg10.htm</ref>)This statistic continues to rise which sparks many questions dealing with conservation. Primarily, conservationists examine how to find new avenues of protecting the environment within the confounds of an urban setting. One possibility lies within golf courses since many urban cities have various golf courses within a close vicinity of them. While nothing overcomes the conservation value of an untouched piece of natural land, are golf courses the next best option? Being that golf courses often try to display and showcase natural beauty, do they also help conserve nature? While there is value to be found in golf courses, most of it is not actualized and remains as potential.

==Local Forms of Golf Course Conservation Management==
Canadian’s have long had a love for the game of golf, although in recent years it has been widely debated whether some have taken it too far. Has this sport begun to hinder Canada’s vastly diverse ecosystems? Is it possible to reverse these effects, and who is there to help? Looking at the facts and piecing together some background conservation knowledge, it is possible to integrate a solution to benefit both the environment and the Canadian golfing industry.With around 2400 golf courses in Canada and only a little over 600 players per course, many believe golf is a dying sport.<ref>Sorensen, Chris. Why Canadian golf is dying. Maclean’s. Retrieved on (March 15 2017) from: http://www.macleans.ca/economy/business/the-end-of-golf/
</ref> This lack of interest, if properly capitalized upon, can lead to excellent conservation opportunities. Depending on the zoning for a course, and taking location into account, there are typically two ways a golf course can go after shutting down. If possible, it is most likely that the land will immediately be purchased to be converted to multiple lots of town homes or apartment buildings. As with many aspects of society, money comes out on top to influence the final decisions. In a few, more rare cases, one may be driving along a back country road and see a slowly disintegrating “Privately Run Golf Course, Stop By!” sign; this indicates a whole new opportunity for those interested in preserving some of their local nature. Often times, when an individual, not a company, purchases a small golf course or a large portion of land on which to construct one, they are in it for the love of the game and the beauty of the place they live, above the money that they may be able to make. In a country with an aging population and what seems to be a worldwide loss of interest in golf, now may be the time that allows conservation to benefit most from the game of golf. When privately owned golf courses start to lose funding, the first things to go are typically any grounds crew that are not absolutely necessary for functioning. This allows much of the course, typically along the edge of hazards such as forested areas or waterways, to begin to grow back to a more natural state. These boundary zones are typically some of the most biologically diverse areas and provide excellent routes for a variety of fauna to travel safely across the partially developed landscape. If the course is able to operate in this fashion for some time, it does at least provide a more substantial habitat for some of the species it displaces. If the course must close, two things may happen. In most cases the land will be purchased for development and destroyed forever. However, if local government or non-government organizations are able to step in and buy the land to either refurbish and re-engineer the course, or convert the land into an area of preservation, an excellent conservation opportunity is presented. If it is decided that the course offers monetary value to the organization that purchased it, this can be used to compensate for the original purchase and work required and eventually be funneled back into more conservation efforts. If the course is not worth saving, typically in places where it would require a lot of watering and feeding, the undernourished land should be allowed to return to the natural environmental state of that area. In either case, the golf course, operating or not, continues to act as both a green and waterway. If a golf course is designed correctly, whether it is forty acres or four hundred, and follows some of the government and scientifically recommended actions for conservation, the life there will benefit, along with both the players and course owners.<ref>Government of British Columbia. Develop with Care 2014, Fact sheet #9, Golf Courses. gov.bc.ca. Retrieved on March 20 2017) from: http://www.env.gov.bc.ca/wld/documents/bmp/devwithcare/Fact-Sheet-9-golf-courses.pdf

</ref> Being able to claim your course is fully environmentally conscience will bring in more customers, especially if you capitalize on the natural beauty available and use it to increase the value of your land at little to no cost. Increased vegetation along waterways helps to cool the aquatic environment, allowing fish to thrive along with providing plenty of habitat for amphibians to lay their eggs safely. Forest edge vegetation acts similarly and is an excellent place for many small animals to hunt throughout a variety of microhabitats, while always remaining under cover. This excess vegetation will only slightly increase the difficulty of the golf course and in some cases may provide an advantage to players, such as deflecting their ball away from the hazards so it is not lost to the ecosystem, in turn this is also a huge positive for the environment. If this plant matter becomes too obtrusive, it can be trimmed down and mulched to be used as natural fertilizer on other parts of the course, once again benefiting everyone involved. If an open minded approach is taken, and plans for long term success are formulated, such as maintaining and using the waterways and vegetation locally available, it is clear that a more natural approach to a golf course will end with the most advantageous results.

==Layering Perspectives: Golf Course Conservation Management==
In this section we welcome contributions from scholars and students that widen the discussion of strategies for conservation management of golf courses.

==Description and Discussion of Potential Conservation Value in Foreign Countries==
Many recent studies have suggested that golf courses have potential value in their ability to provide urban refuge for native wildlife. However, some still argue that there is huge variation between golf courses and locations. For example, in Australia, a lot of golf courses only allow some urban-adapted wildlife that live in the area. Because of this situation, the protected wild species are limited and the rate of extinction of wildlife is high, making the overall conservation value of these golf courses low. However, others argue that the suburban golf courses host a lot of native species of vegetation, which could support the conservation of smaller species of wildlife, for instance, birds, invertebrates, and some amphibians. In one study, scientists found that because their study area was larger than the small suburban golf courses, the could not apply the results to a typical suburban golf course. In other words, this study could not confirm that golf courses could provide a significant increase of the amount of wildlife under protection.
In the United States, some scientists believe that golf courses have undiscovered value in conservation. They found that the development of golf course was more important than the protection of the biodiversity, and that value is mostly a result of different environmental conditions of the golf courses' locations. This statement caused some Australian scientists to note that, "It is important to determine the factors influencing the conservation value of golf courses in Australia." (Hodgjison, Hero, & Warnken, 2006).<ref>Simon Hodgkison, Jean-Mark Hero, Jan Warnken, Assessing the conservation value of Australian golf courses. Research 8.4,Pg 36-40. from: https://www.agcsa.com.au/sites/default/files/uploaded-content/website-content/conservation_value_of_aust_golf_courses_8.4.pdf</ref>
Based on this statement, the scientists found that most golf courses still share a few significant influence when considering conservation value. For example, there are always invertebrates in the grass soil of the courses, and the worms provide food for birds. Furthermore, because of the small pools in the golf courses, there are always some amphibians in or near by. As the rate of urbanization increase, the amount of amphibians will be decrease, leading to lower water quality, and an increasing number of pests. If the golf courses are developed, there is a high possibility that rarer species of amphibians will inhabit the courses because they provide better food resources and living environment. Some studies shows that suburban golf courses might decrease the genetic differentiation of some wildlife from high rate urbanization. On average, every 2.3 km could find substantial genetic differentiation in urban amphibian populations. (Hitchings & Beebee 1997).<ref> Jarmo Saarikivi, Biodiversity in golf courses and its contribution to the diversity of open green spaces in an urban setting, 2016. from: https://helda.helsinki.fi/bitstream/handle/10138/160886/biodiver.pdf?sequence=1</ref>
[[File:1-caiman.jpg|thumb|Jacaré do Papo Amarelo or broad-snouted caiman (Caiman latirostris) is a hazard most golfers would likely prefer not to meet. Rogerio Ponton. [https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/deed.en CC BY-SA 3.0.], via [https://news.mongabay.com/2016/05/new-rio-olympic-golf-course-harmed-environment-say-critics/ Mongabay]]]

==Layering Perspectives: Description and Discussion of Potential Conservation Value in Foreign Countries==
In this section we welcome contributions from scholars and students that widen the scope of conservations considerations posed in this case study.

== Local Laws Made for Protecting Suburban Area==

In the city of Vancouver, municipal government has also focused on the conservation value of suburban areas. On September, 29, 2015, the Heritage Conservation Area Official Development Plan was adopted as a by-law. It is intended to protect and rebuild " heritage character or heritage value of heritage property or a heritage conservation area". ( By-law, 2015)<ref> By-law No. 11349, HERITAGE CONSERVATION AREA
OFFICIAL DEVELOPMENT PLAN, 2015. from http://bylaws.vancouver.ca/odp/FSD.PDF</ref>But not only golf courses, other suburban playground are also considered by the plan, such as lawn bowling club area, tennis courts. It shows people that not only scientists, but also local governments need to pay more attention the conservation value of suburban golf courses.

==Water Usage==

[[File:Seashore paspalum.jpg|thumb|A type of grass commonly used for greens and fairways. Scot Nelson, [https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/ CC by 2.0 International], via [https://www.flickr.com/photos/scotnelson/20491912555/in/photolist-D9qPDt-Dt6xEZ-Ee9dfL-DRZs24-DsaFZ2-DDHNkm-Ee795W-xdNpFa-whdrHM-wWbegU-xdMwS6-xcwhd8-DuaZKr-DVNVoN-EoaqBC-Dfz6fd-Dfz5QA-DSepuW Flickr]]]

Water consumption is a significant issue when determining the conservation value of golf courses. Golf courses are partly judged by the condition of their fairways and greens and as a result, they are often inclined to using more water than perhaps is necessary. According to the United States Golf Association (USGA), golf courses collectively in the US consumed 2.08 billion gallons of water per day in 2005 (<ref>United States Golf Association, How Much Water Does Golf Use and Where Does It Come From. Retrieved on April 7, 2017 from: http://usgatero.msu.edu/v11/216335.pdf</ref>). This statistic evidently indicates that golf courses have a negative impact on water conservation. While certain governmental acts, like the Clean Water Act, are in place to ensure standards for water pollution control (<ref>National Golf Course Owners Association, Clean Water Act. Retrieved on April 6, 2017, from: http://www.ngcoa.org/pageview.asp?doc=2591</ref>), little government regulation exists when dealing with water consumption. However, multiple water conservation approaches exist which possess the potential for improvement. Firstly, more than $18 million has been distributed by the USGA to university environmental grant programs since 1982 with the goal to develop new grasses that require less water and pesticides. The USGA states that certain cultivars of grass have been developed to use 30% to 50% less water while also being more tolerant in specific environments, thus requiring less pesticides. Irrigation technology has also been developed to improve the efficiency of golf courses. Examples being, on site weather stations and moisture sensors which help predict how much irrigation is required, new sprinkler head designs which are more efficient, storage ponds to capitalize on rainwater collection as an alternative water supply, and the development of reverse-osmosis desalinization plants to convert ocean water into irrigation water. The design and layout of a golf course can also be optimized to ensure proper drainage into storage ponds so that water can be recycled, as well as minimizing the amount of fairways and greens which require more water (<ref>United States Golf Association, Water Conservation on Golf Courses. Retrieved on April 6, 2017 from: http://www.usga.org/course-care/water-conservation-on-golf-courses-fbe1f5ee.html</ref>). While technological developments, as mentioned above, contribute to the conservation value of golf courses, further governmental actions are required to properly manage and regulate the amount of water usage. One possibility resides in the implementation of further laws and fines that deter golf courses from consuming more water than they require. While this does exist in parts of the US, a more comprehensive, global approach to regulating water usage is required in order to truly solve this problem.

==Conclusion==

Although golf courses do house potential to provide conservation value, this potential likely fails to exceed that of an area of natural, untouched land. Certain problems such as water usage and diversity concerns hinder golf courses’ ability to provide value in this way. However, it is important to consider factors that possess the capability to unlock golf courses’ potential. Firstly, technology continues to be a pertinent factor which has led to various conservation improvements such as saving water. The design of a golf course is another factor that can be improved upon to take advantage of recycling opportunities. Additionally, making intelligent decisions based on what to do with closed golf courses presents an opportunity to create more land for preservation. If governments are able to effectively regulate and implement some of these factors, then golf courses could potentially become a viable conservation option, especially for an urban setting. As our world continues to develop, we are faced with decisions as to how we develop rural land. From a conservation perspective, while golf courses may not be ideal, they posses the potential to become an excellent compromise between urbanization and conservation.

==Layering Perspectives: Conclusion==
In this section we invite contributions from scholars, students, and industry professionals that widen the scope of potential conclusions to be drawn from this case study.

==References==
<references/>

[[Category:Conservation]]

Course:CONS200/2016w2/Wiki Projects/CE5b

2017-09-16T20:41:16Z

JenniferMansour: /* Conclusion */

{{Projectbox Conservation
|names=Christian Holzhey, Spencer Kreutz, Xiaoyue Lu
}}
[[File:Old sign for Galashiels Golf Course - geograph.org.uk - 777436.jpg|thumb|Old sign for Galashiels Golf Course - geograph.org.uk - 777436|"[http://www.geograph.org.uk/photo/777436 A back road gem]. Walter Baxter, [https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/2.0/ CC BY-SA 2.0]"]]

==Introduction==
Urbanization is a trend that continues to remain consistent and dominant in our world today. Countries continue to expand infrastructure and grow industry in order to meet both global and national demands. As countries develop, rural landscapes are continually transformed into urban settings. In 1950, only 30% of the population lived in an urban setting compared to today where over half of the population resides in cities. (<ref>United Nations Centre for Human Settlements, Urbanization: Facts and Figures. Retrieved on April 2, 2017, from: http://www.un.org/ga/Istanbul+5/bg10.htm</ref>)This statistic continues to rise which sparks many questions dealing with conservation. Primarily, conservationists examine how to find new avenues of protecting the environment within the confounds of an urban setting. One possibility lies within golf courses since many urban cities have various golf courses within a close vicinity of them. While nothing overcomes the conservation value of an untouched piece of natural land, are golf courses the next best option? Being that golf courses often try to display and showcase natural beauty, do they also help conserve nature? While there is value to be found in golf courses, most of it is not actualized and remains as potential.

==Local Forms of Golf Course Conservation Management==
Canadian’s have long had a love for the game of golf, although in recent years it has been widely debated whether some have taken it too far. Has this sport begun to hinder Canada’s vastly diverse ecosystems? Is it possible to reverse these effects, and who is there to help? Looking at the facts and piecing together some background conservation knowledge, it is possible to integrate a solution to benefit both the environment and the Canadian golfing industry.With around 2400 golf courses in Canada and only a little over 600 players per course, many believe golf is a dying sport.<ref>Sorensen, Chris. Why Canadian golf is dying. Maclean’s. Retrieved on (March 15 2017) from: http://www.macleans.ca/economy/business/the-end-of-golf/
</ref> This lack of interest, if properly capitalized upon, can lead to excellent conservation opportunities. Depending on the zoning for a course, and taking location into account, there are typically two ways a golf course can go after shutting down. If possible, it is most likely that the land will immediately be purchased to be converted to multiple lots of town homes or apartment buildings. As with many aspects of society, money comes out on top to influence the final decisions. In a few, more rare cases, one may be driving along a back country road and see a slowly disintegrating “Privately Run Golf Course, Stop By!” sign; this indicates a whole new opportunity for those interested in preserving some of their local nature. Often times, when an individual, not a company, purchases a small golf course or a large portion of land on which to construct one, they are in it for the love of the game and the beauty of the place they live, above the money that they may be able to make. In a country with an aging population and what seems to be a worldwide loss of interest in golf, now may be the time that allows conservation to benefit most from the game of golf. When privately owned golf courses start to lose funding, the first things to go are typically any grounds crew that are not absolutely necessary for functioning. This allows much of the course, typically along the edge of hazards such as forested areas or waterways, to begin to grow back to a more natural state. These boundary zones are typically some of the most biologically diverse areas and provide excellent routes for a variety of fauna to travel safely across the partially developed landscape. If the course is able to operate in this fashion for some time, it does at least provide a more substantial habitat for some of the species it displaces. If the course must close, two things may happen. In most cases the land will be purchased for development and destroyed forever. However, if local government or non-government organizations are able to step in and buy the land to either refurbish and re-engineer the course, or convert the land into an area of preservation, an excellent conservation opportunity is presented. If it is decided that the course offers monetary value to the organization that purchased it, this can be used to compensate for the original purchase and work required and eventually be funneled back into more conservation efforts. If the course is not worth saving, typically in places where it would require a lot of watering and feeding, the undernourished land should be allowed to return to the natural environmental state of that area. In either case, the golf course, operating or not, continues to act as both a green and waterway. If a golf course is designed correctly, whether it is forty acres or four hundred, and follows some of the government and scientifically recommended actions for conservation, the life there will benefit, along with both the players and course owners.<ref>Government of British Columbia. Develop with Care 2014, Fact sheet #9, Golf Courses. gov.bc.ca. Retrieved on March 20 2017) from: http://www.env.gov.bc.ca/wld/documents/bmp/devwithcare/Fact-Sheet-9-golf-courses.pdf

</ref> Being able to claim your course is fully environmentally conscience will bring in more customers, especially if you capitalize on the natural beauty available and use it to increase the value of your land at little to no cost. Increased vegetation along waterways helps to cool the aquatic environment, allowing fish to thrive along with providing plenty of habitat for amphibians to lay their eggs safely. Forest edge vegetation acts similarly and is an excellent place for many small animals to hunt throughout a variety of microhabitats, while always remaining under cover. This excess vegetation will only slightly increase the difficulty of the golf course and in some cases may provide an advantage to players, such as deflecting their ball away from the hazards so it is not lost to the ecosystem, in turn this is also a huge positive for the environment. If this plant matter becomes too obtrusive, it can be trimmed down and mulched to be used as natural fertilizer on other parts of the course, once again benefiting everyone involved. If an open minded approach is taken, and plans for long term success are formulated, such as maintaining and using the waterways and vegetation locally available, it is clear that a more natural approach to a golf course will end with the most advantageous results.

==Layering Perspectives: Golf Course Conservation Management==
In this section we welcome contributions from scholars and students that widen the discussion of strategies for conservation management of golf courses.

==Description and Discussion of Potential Conservation Value in Foreign Countries==
Many recent studies have suggested that golf courses have potential value in their ability to provide urban refuge for native wildlife. However, some still argue that there is huge variation between golf courses and locations. For example, in Australia, a lot of golf courses only allow some urban-adapted wildlife that live in the area. Because of this situation, the protected wild species are limited and the rate of extinction of wildlife is high, making the overall conservation value of these golf courses low. However, others argue that the suburban golf courses host a lot of native species of vegetation, which could support the conservation of smaller species of wildlife, for instance, birds, invertebrates, and some amphibians. In one study, scientists found that because their study area was larger than the small suburban golf courses, the could not apply the results to a typical suburban golf course. In other words, this study could not confirm that golf courses could provide a significant increase of the amount of wildlife under protection.
In the United States, some scientists believe that golf courses have undiscovered value in conservation. They found that the development of golf course was more important than the protection of the biodiversity, and that value is mostly a result of different environmental conditions of the golf courses' locations. This statement caused some Australian scientists to note that, "It is important to determine the factors influencing the conservation value of golf courses in Australia." (Hodgjison, Hero, & Warnken, 2006).<ref>Simon Hodgkison, Jean-Mark Hero, Jan Warnken, Assessing the conservation value of Australian golf courses. Research 8.4,Pg 36-40. from: https://www.agcsa.com.au/sites/default/files/uploaded-content/website-content/conservation_value_of_aust_golf_courses_8.4.pdf</ref>
Based on this statement, the scientists found that most golf courses still share a few significant influence when considering conservation value. For example, there are always invertebrates in the grass soil of the courses, and the worms provide food for birds. Furthermore, because of the small pools in the golf courses, there are always some amphibians in or near by. As the rate of urbanization increase, the amount of amphibians will be decrease, leading to lower water quality, and an increasing number of pests. If the golf courses are developed, there is a high possibility that rarer species of amphibians will inhabit the courses because they provide better food resources and living environment. Some studies shows that suburban golf courses might decrease the genetic differentiation of some wildlife from high rate urbanization. On average, every 2.3 km could find substantial genetic differentiation in urban amphibian populations. (Hitchings & Beebee 1997).<ref> Jarmo Saarikivi, Biodiversity in golf courses and its contribution to the diversity of open green spaces in an urban setting, 2016. from: https://helda.helsinki.fi/bitstream/handle/10138/160886/biodiver.pdf?sequence=1</ref>
[[File:1-caiman.jpg|thumb|Jacaré do Papo Amarelo or broad-snouted caiman (Caiman latirostris) is a hazard most golfers would likely prefer not to meet. Rogerio Ponton. [https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/deed.en CC BY-SA 3.0.], via [https://news.mongabay.com/2016/05/new-rio-olympic-golf-course-harmed-environment-say-critics/ Mongabay]]]

==Layering Perspectives: Description and Discussion of Potential Conservation Value in Foreign Countries==
In this section we welcome contributions from scholars and students that widen the scope of conservations considerations posed in this case study.

== Local Laws Made for Protecting Suburban Area==

In city of Vancouver, our government had also focused on the conservation value. Sep, 29, 2015, Heritage Conservation Area Official Development Plan has been adopted by By-law. The definition of this play is to protect and rebuild " heritage character or heritage value of heritage property or a heritage conservation area". ( By-law, 2015)<ref> By-law No. 11349, HERITAGE CONSERVATION AREA
OFFICIAL DEVELOPMENT PLAN, 2015. from http://bylaws.vancouver.ca/odp/FSD.PDF</ref>But not only golf courses, other suburban playground are also introduced by the plan, such as lawn bowling club area, tennis courts. It showed to people that not only scientists, our government had also pay more attention on the conservation value of suburban golf courses. The government used their own way to develop and protect the suburban areas.

==Water Usage==

[[File:Seashore paspalum.jpg|thumb|A type of grass commonly used for greens and fairways. Scot Nelson, [https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/ CC by 2.0 International], via [https://www.flickr.com/photos/scotnelson/20491912555/in/photolist-D9qPDt-Dt6xEZ-Ee9dfL-DRZs24-DsaFZ2-DDHNkm-Ee795W-xdNpFa-whdrHM-wWbegU-xdMwS6-xcwhd8-DuaZKr-DVNVoN-EoaqBC-Dfz6fd-Dfz5QA-DSepuW Flickr]]]

Water consumption is a significant issue when determining the conservation value of golf courses. Golf courses are partly judged by the condition of their fairways and greens and as a result, they are often inclined to using more water than perhaps is necessary. According to the United States Golf Association (USGA), golf courses collectively in the US consumed 2.08 billion gallons of water per day in 2005 (<ref>United States Golf Association, How Much Water Does Golf Use and Where Does It Come From. Retrieved on April 7, 2017 from: http://usgatero.msu.edu/v11/216335.pdf</ref>). This statistic evidently indicates that golf courses have a negative impact on water conservation. While certain governmental acts, like the Clean Water Act, are in place to ensure standards for water pollution control (<ref>National Golf Course Owners Association, Clean Water Act. Retrieved on April 6, 2017, from: http://www.ngcoa.org/pageview.asp?doc=2591</ref>), little government regulation exists when dealing with water consumption. However, multiple water conservation approaches exist which possess the potential for improvement. Firstly, more than $18 million has been distributed by the USGA to university environmental grant programs since 1982 with the goal to develop new grasses that require less water and pesticides. The USGA states that certain cultivars of grass have been developed to use 30% to 50% less water while also being more tolerant in specific environments, thus requiring less pesticides. Irrigation technology has also been developed to improve the efficiency of golf courses. Examples being, on site weather stations and moisture sensors which help predict how much irrigation is required, new sprinkler head designs which are more efficient, storage ponds to capitalize on rainwater collection as an alternative water supply, and the development of reverse-osmosis desalinization plants to convert ocean water into irrigation water. The design and layout of a golf course can also be optimized to ensure proper drainage into storage ponds so that water can be recycled, as well as minimizing the amount of fairways and greens which require more water (<ref>United States Golf Association, Water Conservation on Golf Courses. Retrieved on April 6, 2017 from: http://www.usga.org/course-care/water-conservation-on-golf-courses-fbe1f5ee.html</ref>). While technological developments, as mentioned above, contribute to the conservation value of golf courses, further governmental actions are required to properly manage and regulate the amount of water usage. One possibility resides in the implementation of further laws and fines that deter golf courses from consuming more water than they require. While this does exist in parts of the US, a more comprehensive, global approach to regulating water usage is required in order to truly solve this problem.

==Conclusion==

Although golf courses do house potential to provide conservation value, this potential likely fails to exceed that of an area of natural, untouched land. Certain problems such as water usage and diversity concerns hinder golf courses’ ability to provide value in this way. However, it is important to consider factors that possess the capability to unlock golf courses’ potential. Firstly, technology continues to be a pertinent factor which has led to various conservation improvements such as saving water. The design of a golf course is another factor that can be improved upon to take advantage of recycling opportunities. Additionally, making intelligent decisions based on what to do with closed golf courses presents an opportunity to create more land for preservation. If governments are able to effectively regulate and implement some of these factors, then golf courses could potentially become a viable conservation option, especially for an urban setting. As our world continues to develop, we are faced with decisions as to how we develop rural land. From a conservation perspective, while golf courses may not be ideal, they posses the potential to become an excellent compromise between urbanization and conservation.

==Layering Perspectives: Conclusion==
In this section we invite contributions from scholars, students, and industry professionals that widen the scope of potential conclusions to be drawn from this case study.

==References==
<references/>

[[Category:Conservation]]

Course:CONS200/2016w2/Wiki Projects/CE5b

2017-09-16T20:38:45Z

JenniferMansour: /* Description and Discussion of Potential Conservation Value in Foreign Countries */

{{Projectbox Conservation
|names=Christian Holzhey, Spencer Kreutz, Xiaoyue Lu
}}
[[File:Old sign for Galashiels Golf Course - geograph.org.uk - 777436.jpg|thumb|Old sign for Galashiels Golf Course - geograph.org.uk - 777436|"[http://www.geograph.org.uk/photo/777436 A back road gem]. Walter Baxter, [https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/2.0/ CC BY-SA 2.0]"]]

==Introduction==
Urbanization is a trend that continues to remain consistent and dominant in our world today. Countries continue to expand infrastructure and grow industry in order to meet both global and national demands. As countries develop, rural landscapes are continually transformed into urban settings. In 1950, only 30% of the population lived in an urban setting compared to today where over half of the population resides in cities. (<ref>United Nations Centre for Human Settlements, Urbanization: Facts and Figures. Retrieved on April 2, 2017, from: http://www.un.org/ga/Istanbul+5/bg10.htm</ref>)This statistic continues to rise which sparks many questions dealing with conservation. Primarily, conservationists examine how to find new avenues of protecting the environment within the confounds of an urban setting. One possibility lies within golf courses since many urban cities have various golf courses within a close vicinity of them. While nothing overcomes the conservation value of an untouched piece of natural land, are golf courses the next best option? Being that golf courses often try to display and showcase natural beauty, do they also help conserve nature? While there is value to be found in golf courses, most of it is not actualized and remains as potential.

==Local Forms of Golf Course Conservation Management==
Canadian’s have long had a love for the game of golf, although in recent years it has been widely debated whether some have taken it too far. Has this sport begun to hinder Canada’s vastly diverse ecosystems? Is it possible to reverse these effects, and who is there to help? Looking at the facts and piecing together some background conservation knowledge, it is possible to integrate a solution to benefit both the environment and the Canadian golfing industry.With around 2400 golf courses in Canada and only a little over 600 players per course, many believe golf is a dying sport.<ref>Sorensen, Chris. Why Canadian golf is dying. Maclean’s. Retrieved on (March 15 2017) from: http://www.macleans.ca/economy/business/the-end-of-golf/
</ref> This lack of interest, if properly capitalized upon, can lead to excellent conservation opportunities. Depending on the zoning for a course, and taking location into account, there are typically two ways a golf course can go after shutting down. If possible, it is most likely that the land will immediately be purchased to be converted to multiple lots of town homes or apartment buildings. As with many aspects of society, money comes out on top to influence the final decisions. In a few, more rare cases, one may be driving along a back country road and see a slowly disintegrating “Privately Run Golf Course, Stop By!” sign; this indicates a whole new opportunity for those interested in preserving some of their local nature. Often times, when an individual, not a company, purchases a small golf course or a large portion of land on which to construct one, they are in it for the love of the game and the beauty of the place they live, above the money that they may be able to make. In a country with an aging population and what seems to be a worldwide loss of interest in golf, now may be the time that allows conservation to benefit most from the game of golf. When privately owned golf courses start to lose funding, the first things to go are typically any grounds crew that are not absolutely necessary for functioning. This allows much of the course, typically along the edge of hazards such as forested areas or waterways, to begin to grow back to a more natural state. These boundary zones are typically some of the most biologically diverse areas and provide excellent routes for a variety of fauna to travel safely across the partially developed landscape. If the course is able to operate in this fashion for some time, it does at least provide a more substantial habitat for some of the species it displaces. If the course must close, two things may happen. In most cases the land will be purchased for development and destroyed forever. However, if local government or non-government organizations are able to step in and buy the land to either refurbish and re-engineer the course, or convert the land into an area of preservation, an excellent conservation opportunity is presented. If it is decided that the course offers monetary value to the organization that purchased it, this can be used to compensate for the original purchase and work required and eventually be funneled back into more conservation efforts. If the course is not worth saving, typically in places where it would require a lot of watering and feeding, the undernourished land should be allowed to return to the natural environmental state of that area. In either case, the golf course, operating or not, continues to act as both a green and waterway. If a golf course is designed correctly, whether it is forty acres or four hundred, and follows some of the government and scientifically recommended actions for conservation, the life there will benefit, along with both the players and course owners.<ref>Government of British Columbia. Develop with Care 2014, Fact sheet #9, Golf Courses. gov.bc.ca. Retrieved on March 20 2017) from: http://www.env.gov.bc.ca/wld/documents/bmp/devwithcare/Fact-Sheet-9-golf-courses.pdf

</ref> Being able to claim your course is fully environmentally conscience will bring in more customers, especially if you capitalize on the natural beauty available and use it to increase the value of your land at little to no cost. Increased vegetation along waterways helps to cool the aquatic environment, allowing fish to thrive along with providing plenty of habitat for amphibians to lay their eggs safely. Forest edge vegetation acts similarly and is an excellent place for many small animals to hunt throughout a variety of microhabitats, while always remaining under cover. This excess vegetation will only slightly increase the difficulty of the golf course and in some cases may provide an advantage to players, such as deflecting their ball away from the hazards so it is not lost to the ecosystem, in turn this is also a huge positive for the environment. If this plant matter becomes too obtrusive, it can be trimmed down and mulched to be used as natural fertilizer on other parts of the course, once again benefiting everyone involved. If an open minded approach is taken, and plans for long term success are formulated, such as maintaining and using the waterways and vegetation locally available, it is clear that a more natural approach to a golf course will end with the most advantageous results.

==Layering Perspectives: Golf Course Conservation Management==
In this section we welcome contributions from scholars and students that widen the discussion of strategies for conservation management of golf courses.

==Description and Discussion of Potential Conservation Value in Foreign Countries==
Many recent studies have suggested that golf courses have potential value in their ability to provide urban refuge for native wildlife. However, some still argue that there is huge variation between golf courses and locations. For example, in Australia, a lot of golf courses only allow some urban-adapted wildlife that live in the area. Because of this situation, the protected wild species are limited and the rate of extinction of wildlife is high, making the overall conservation value of these golf courses low. However, others argue that the suburban golf courses host a lot of native species of vegetation, which could support the conservation of smaller species of wildlife, for instance, birds, invertebrates, and some amphibians. In one study, scientists found that because their study area was larger than the small suburban golf courses, the could not apply the results to a typical suburban golf course. In other words, this study could not confirm that golf courses could provide a significant increase of the amount of wildlife under protection.
In the United States, some scientists believe that golf courses have undiscovered value in conservation. They found that the development of golf course was more important than the protection of the biodiversity, and that value is mostly a result of different environmental conditions of the golf courses' locations. This statement caused some Australian scientists to note that, "It is important to determine the factors influencing the conservation value of golf courses in Australia." (Hodgjison, Hero, & Warnken, 2006).<ref>Simon Hodgkison, Jean-Mark Hero, Jan Warnken, Assessing the conservation value of Australian golf courses. Research 8.4,Pg 36-40. from: https://www.agcsa.com.au/sites/default/files/uploaded-content/website-content/conservation_value_of_aust_golf_courses_8.4.pdf</ref>
Based on this statement, the scientists found that most golf courses still share a few significant influence when considering conservation value. For example, there are always invertebrates in the grass soil of the courses, and the worms provide food for birds. Furthermore, because of the small pools in the golf courses, there are always some amphibians in or near by. As the rate of urbanization increase, the amount of amphibians will be decrease, leading to lower water quality, and an increasing number of pests. If the golf courses are developed, there is a high possibility that rarer species of amphibians will inhabit the courses because they provide better food resources and living environment. Some studies shows that suburban golf courses might decrease the genetic differentiation of some wildlife from high rate urbanization. On average, every 2.3 km could find substantial genetic differentiation in urban amphibian populations. (Hitchings & Beebee 1997).<ref> Jarmo Saarikivi, Biodiversity in golf courses and its contribution to the diversity of open green spaces in an urban setting, 2016. from: https://helda.helsinki.fi/bitstream/handle/10138/160886/biodiver.pdf?sequence=1</ref>
[[File:1-caiman.jpg|thumb|Jacaré do Papo Amarelo or broad-snouted caiman (Caiman latirostris) is a hazard most golfers would likely prefer not to meet. Rogerio Ponton. [https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/deed.en CC BY-SA 3.0.], via [https://news.mongabay.com/2016/05/new-rio-olympic-golf-course-harmed-environment-say-critics/ Mongabay]]]

==Layering Perspectives: Description and Discussion of Potential Conservation Value in Foreign Countries==
In this section we welcome contributions from scholars and students that widen the scope of conservations considerations posed in this case study.

== Local Laws Made for Protecting Suburban Area==

In city of Vancouver, our government had also focused on the conservation value. Sep, 29, 2015, Heritage Conservation Area Official Development Plan has been adopted by By-law. The definition of this play is to protect and rebuild " heritage character or heritage value of heritage property or a heritage conservation area". ( By-law, 2015)<ref> By-law No. 11349, HERITAGE CONSERVATION AREA
OFFICIAL DEVELOPMENT PLAN, 2015. from http://bylaws.vancouver.ca/odp/FSD.PDF</ref>But not only golf courses, other suburban playground are also introduced by the plan, such as lawn bowling club area, tennis courts. It showed to people that not only scientists, our government had also pay more attention on the conservation value of suburban golf courses. The government used their own way to develop and protect the suburban areas.

==Water Usage==

[[File:Seashore paspalum.jpg|thumb|A type of grass commonly used for greens and fairways. Scot Nelson, [https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/ CC by 2.0 International], via [https://www.flickr.com/photos/scotnelson/20491912555/in/photolist-D9qPDt-Dt6xEZ-Ee9dfL-DRZs24-DsaFZ2-DDHNkm-Ee795W-xdNpFa-whdrHM-wWbegU-xdMwS6-xcwhd8-DuaZKr-DVNVoN-EoaqBC-Dfz6fd-Dfz5QA-DSepuW Flickr]]]

Water consumption is a significant issue when determining the conservation value of golf courses. Golf courses are partly judged by the condition of their fairways and greens and as a result, they are often inclined to using more water than perhaps is necessary. According to the United States Golf Association (USGA), golf courses collectively in the US consumed 2.08 billion gallons of water per day in 2005 (<ref>United States Golf Association, How Much Water Does Golf Use and Where Does It Come From. Retrieved on April 7, 2017 from: http://usgatero.msu.edu/v11/216335.pdf</ref>). This statistic evidently indicates that golf courses have a negative impact on water conservation. While certain governmental acts, like the Clean Water Act, are in place to ensure standards for water pollution control (<ref>National Golf Course Owners Association, Clean Water Act. Retrieved on April 6, 2017, from: http://www.ngcoa.org/pageview.asp?doc=2591</ref>), little government regulation exists when dealing with water consumption. However, multiple water conservation approaches exist which possess the potential for improvement. Firstly, more than $18 million has been distributed by the USGA to university environmental grant programs since 1982 with the goal to develop new grasses that require less water and pesticides. The USGA states that certain cultivars of grass have been developed to use 30% to 50% less water while also being more tolerant in specific environments, thus requiring less pesticides. Irrigation technology has also been developed to improve the efficiency of golf courses. Examples being, on site weather stations and moisture sensors which help predict how much irrigation is required, new sprinkler head designs which are more efficient, storage ponds to capitalize on rainwater collection as an alternative water supply, and the development of reverse-osmosis desalinization plants to convert ocean water into irrigation water. The design and layout of a golf course can also be optimized to ensure proper drainage into storage ponds so that water can be recycled, as well as minimizing the amount of fairways and greens which require more water (<ref>United States Golf Association, Water Conservation on Golf Courses. Retrieved on April 6, 2017 from: http://www.usga.org/course-care/water-conservation-on-golf-courses-fbe1f5ee.html</ref>). While technological developments, as mentioned above, contribute to the conservation value of golf courses, further governmental actions are required to properly manage and regulate the amount of water usage. One possibility resides in the implementation of further laws and fines that deter golf courses from consuming more water than they require. While this does exist in parts of the US, a more comprehensive, global approach to regulating water usage is required in order to truly solve this problem.

==Conclusion==

Although golf courses do house potential to provide conservation value, this potential likely fails to exceed that of an area of natural, untouched land. Certain problems such as water usage and diversity concerns hinder golf courses’ ability to provide value in this way. However, it is important to consider factors that possess the capability to unlock golf courses’ potential. Firstly, technology continues to be a pertinent factor which has led to various conservation improvements such as saving water. The design of a golf course is another factor that can be improved upon to take advantage of recycling opportunities. Additionally, making intelligent decisions based on what to do with closed golf courses presents an opportunity to create more land for preservation. If governments are able to effectively regulate and implement some of these factors, then golf courses could potentially become a viable conservation option, especially for an urban setting. As our world continues to develop, we are faced with decisions as to how we develop rural land. From a conservation perspective, while golf courses may not be ideal, they posses the potential to become an excellent compromise between urbanization and conservation.
==References==
<references/>

[[Category:Conservation]]

Course:CONS200/2016w2/Wiki Projects/CE5b

2017-09-16T20:21:35Z

JenniferMansour: /* Local Forms of Golf Course Conservation Management */

{{Projectbox Conservation
|names=Christian Holzhey, Spencer Kreutz, Xiaoyue Lu
}}
[[File:Old sign for Galashiels Golf Course - geograph.org.uk - 777436.jpg|thumb|Old sign for Galashiels Golf Course - geograph.org.uk - 777436|"[http://www.geograph.org.uk/photo/777436 A back road gem]. Walter Baxter, [https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/2.0/ CC BY-SA 2.0]"]]

==Introduction==
Urbanization is a trend that continues to remain consistent and dominant in our world today. Countries continue to expand infrastructure and grow industry in order to meet both global and national demands. As countries develop, rural landscapes are continually transformed into urban settings. In 1950, only 30% of the population lived in an urban setting compared to today where over half of the population resides in cities. (<ref>United Nations Centre for Human Settlements, Urbanization: Facts and Figures. Retrieved on April 2, 2017, from: http://www.un.org/ga/Istanbul+5/bg10.htm</ref>)This statistic continues to rise which sparks many questions dealing with conservation. Primarily, conservationists examine how to find new avenues of protecting the environment within the confounds of an urban setting. One possibility lies within golf courses since many urban cities have various golf courses within a close vicinity of them. While nothing overcomes the conservation value of an untouched piece of natural land, are golf courses the next best option? Being that golf courses often try to display and showcase natural beauty, do they also help conserve nature? While there is value to be found in golf courses, most of it is not actualized and remains as potential.

==Local Forms of Golf Course Conservation Management==
Canadian’s have long had a love for the game of golf, although in recent years it has been widely debated whether some have taken it too far. Has this sport begun to hinder Canada’s vastly diverse ecosystems? Is it possible to reverse these effects, and who is there to help? Looking at the facts and piecing together some background conservation knowledge, it is possible to integrate a solution to benefit both the environment and the Canadian golfing industry.With around 2400 golf courses in Canada and only a little over 600 players per course, many believe golf is a dying sport.<ref>Sorensen, Chris. Why Canadian golf is dying. Maclean’s. Retrieved on (March 15 2017) from: http://www.macleans.ca/economy/business/the-end-of-golf/
</ref> This lack of interest, if properly capitalized upon, can lead to excellent conservation opportunities. Depending on the zoning for a course, and taking location into account, there are typically two ways a golf course can go after shutting down. If possible, it is most likely that the land will immediately be purchased to be converted to multiple lots of town homes or apartment buildings. As with many aspects of society, money comes out on top to influence the final decisions. In a few, more rare cases, one may be driving along a back country road and see a slowly disintegrating “Privately Run Golf Course, Stop By!” sign; this indicates a whole new opportunity for those interested in preserving some of their local nature. Often times, when an individual, not a company, purchases a small golf course or a large portion of land on which to construct one, they are in it for the love of the game and the beauty of the place they live, above the money that they may be able to make. In a country with an aging population and what seems to be a worldwide loss of interest in golf, now may be the time that allows conservation to benefit most from the game of golf. When privately owned golf courses start to lose funding, the first things to go are typically any grounds crew that are not absolutely necessary for functioning. This allows much of the course, typically along the edge of hazards such as forested areas or waterways, to begin to grow back to a more natural state. These boundary zones are typically some of the most biologically diverse areas and provide excellent routes for a variety of fauna to travel safely across the partially developed landscape. If the course is able to operate in this fashion for some time, it does at least provide a more substantial habitat for some of the species it displaces. If the course must close, two things may happen. In most cases the land will be purchased for development and destroyed forever. However, if local government or non-government organizations are able to step in and buy the land to either refurbish and re-engineer the course, or convert the land into an area of preservation, an excellent conservation opportunity is presented. If it is decided that the course offers monetary value to the organization that purchased it, this can be used to compensate for the original purchase and work required and eventually be funneled back into more conservation efforts. If the course is not worth saving, typically in places where it would require a lot of watering and feeding, the undernourished land should be allowed to return to the natural environmental state of that area. In either case, the golf course, operating or not, continues to act as both a green and waterway. If a golf course is designed correctly, whether it is forty acres or four hundred, and follows some of the government and scientifically recommended actions for conservation, the life there will benefit, along with both the players and course owners.<ref>Government of British Columbia. Develop with Care 2014, Fact sheet #9, Golf Courses. gov.bc.ca. Retrieved on March 20 2017) from: http://www.env.gov.bc.ca/wld/documents/bmp/devwithcare/Fact-Sheet-9-golf-courses.pdf

</ref> Being able to claim your course is fully environmentally conscience will bring in more customers, especially if you capitalize on the natural beauty available and use it to increase the value of your land at little to no cost. Increased vegetation along waterways helps to cool the aquatic environment, allowing fish to thrive along with providing plenty of habitat for amphibians to lay their eggs safely. Forest edge vegetation acts similarly and is an excellent place for many small animals to hunt throughout a variety of microhabitats, while always remaining under cover. This excess vegetation will only slightly increase the difficulty of the golf course and in some cases may provide an advantage to players, such as deflecting their ball away from the hazards so it is not lost to the ecosystem, in turn this is also a huge positive for the environment. If this plant matter becomes too obtrusive, it can be trimmed down and mulched to be used as natural fertilizer on other parts of the course, once again benefiting everyone involved. If an open minded approach is taken, and plans for long term success are formulated, such as maintaining and using the waterways and vegetation locally available, it is clear that a more natural approach to a golf course will end with the most advantageous results.

==Layering Perspectives: Golf Course Conservation Management==
In this section we welcome contributions from scholars and students that widen the discussion of strategies for conservation management of golf courses.

==Description and Discussion of Potential Conservation Value in Foreign Countries==
Since suburban golf courses' value in conservation as an urban refuge for native wildlife, a lot of recent studies have confirmed that golf courses has the potential value. However, some people think the potential value itself still owns a huge variation possibility. For example, in Australian, a lot of golf courses could only allow some urban-adapted wildlife that live in the area. This kind of golf course does not have a high potential conservation value. Because of this situation, the protected wild species are limited and the rate of extinction of wildlife is high. However, another group of people believe that the suburban golf could keep a lot of native species of vegetation, which could support the smaller wildlife conservation. For instance, birds, invertebrates, and some amphibians. After some studies and researches, the scientists found that their thesis is not quite correct, because their expect landscape ecology studies area was larger than the small suburban golf courses. In other words, the scientists cannot promise that golf courses could provide a significant increase of the amount of wildlife who are under protection.
In the United States, some scientists were still believing that the golf courses have undiscovered value in conservation, so they kept paying attention to the studies. They found that the development of golf course was more important on the protection of the biodiversity, and the value are mostly showed by the different environment conditions of the golf courses' locations. This statement gives some Australian scientists, an idea that "It is important to determine the factors influencing the conservation value of golf courses in Australia." (Hodgjison, Hero, & Warnken, 2006).<ref>Simon Hodgkison, Jean-Mark Hero, Jan Warnken, Assessing the conservation value of Australian golf courses. Research 8.4,Pg 36-40. from: https://www.agcsa.com.au/sites/default/files/uploaded-content/website-content/conservation_value_of_aust_golf_courses_8.4.pdf</ref>
Based on the proved statement, the scientists found that most golf courses still share a few significant influence on the conservation value. For example, there are always invertebrates in the grass soil of the courses, and the worms provide food for birds. Furthermore, because of the small pools in the golf courses, there are always some amphibians in or near the courses. As the rate of urbanization increase, the amount of amphibians will be decreasing. The decrease of amphibians would lead to lower water quality, and the increasing number of pests. If the golf courses are developed, there is a high possibility of rarer species of amphibians will move to the courses, so they can get enough food resources and better living environment. Some studies shows that suburban golf courses could decrease the genetic differentiation of some wildlife from high rate urbanization. On average, every 2.3 km could find substantial genetic differentiation in urban amphibian populations. (Hitchings & Beebee 1997).<ref> Jarmo Saarikivi, Biodiversity in golf courses and its contribution to the diversity of open green spaces in an urban setting, 2016. from: https://helda.helsinki.fi/bitstream/handle/10138/160886/biodiver.pdf?sequence=1</ref>
[[File:1-caiman.jpg|thumb|Jacaré do Papo Amarelo or broad-snouted caiman (Caiman latirostris) is a hazard most golfers would likely prefer not to meet. Rogerio Ponton. [https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/deed.en CC BY-SA 3.0.], via [https://news.mongabay.com/2016/05/new-rio-olympic-golf-course-harmed-environment-say-critics/ Mongabay]]]

== Local Laws Made for Protecting Suburban Area==

In city of Vancouver, our government had also focused on the conservation value. Sep, 29, 2015, Heritage Conservation Area Official Development Plan has been adopted by By-law. The definition of this play is to protect and rebuild " heritage character or heritage value of heritage property or a heritage conservation area". ( By-law, 2015)<ref> By-law No. 11349, HERITAGE CONSERVATION AREA
OFFICIAL DEVELOPMENT PLAN, 2015. from http://bylaws.vancouver.ca/odp/FSD.PDF</ref>But not only golf courses, other suburban playground are also introduced by the plan, such as lawn bowling club area, tennis courts. It showed to people that not only scientists, our government had also pay more attention on the conservation value of suburban golf courses. The government used their own way to develop and protect the suburban areas.

==Water Usage==

[[File:Seashore paspalum.jpg|thumb|A type of grass commonly used for greens and fairways. Scot Nelson, [https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/ CC by 2.0 International], via [https://www.flickr.com/photos/scotnelson/20491912555/in/photolist-D9qPDt-Dt6xEZ-Ee9dfL-DRZs24-DsaFZ2-DDHNkm-Ee795W-xdNpFa-whdrHM-wWbegU-xdMwS6-xcwhd8-DuaZKr-DVNVoN-EoaqBC-Dfz6fd-Dfz5QA-DSepuW Flickr]]]

Water consumption is a significant issue when determining the conservation value of golf courses. Golf courses are partly judged by the condition of their fairways and greens and as a result, they are often inclined to using more water than perhaps is necessary. According to the United States Golf Association (USGA), golf courses collectively in the US consumed 2.08 billion gallons of water per day in 2005 (<ref>United States Golf Association, How Much Water Does Golf Use and Where Does It Come From. Retrieved on April 7, 2017 from: http://usgatero.msu.edu/v11/216335.pdf</ref>). This statistic evidently indicates that golf courses have a negative impact on water conservation. While certain governmental acts, like the Clean Water Act, are in place to ensure standards for water pollution control (<ref>National Golf Course Owners Association, Clean Water Act. Retrieved on April 6, 2017, from: http://www.ngcoa.org/pageview.asp?doc=2591</ref>), little government regulation exists when dealing with water consumption. However, multiple water conservation approaches exist which possess the potential for improvement. Firstly, more than $18 million has been distributed by the USGA to university environmental grant programs since 1982 with the goal to develop new grasses that require less water and pesticides. The USGA states that certain cultivars of grass have been developed to use 30% to 50% less water while also being more tolerant in specific environments, thus requiring less pesticides. Irrigation technology has also been developed to improve the efficiency of golf courses. Examples being, on site weather stations and moisture sensors which help predict how much irrigation is required, new sprinkler head designs which are more efficient, storage ponds to capitalize on rainwater collection as an alternative water supply, and the development of reverse-osmosis desalinization plants to convert ocean water into irrigation water. The design and layout of a golf course can also be optimized to ensure proper drainage into storage ponds so that water can be recycled, as well as minimizing the amount of fairways and greens which require more water (<ref>United States Golf Association, Water Conservation on Golf Courses. Retrieved on April 6, 2017 from: http://www.usga.org/course-care/water-conservation-on-golf-courses-fbe1f5ee.html</ref>). While technological developments, as mentioned above, contribute to the conservation value of golf courses, further governmental actions are required to properly manage and regulate the amount of water usage. One possibility resides in the implementation of further laws and fines that deter golf courses from consuming more water than they require. While this does exist in parts of the US, a more comprehensive, global approach to regulating water usage is required in order to truly solve this problem.

==Conclusion==

Although golf courses do house potential to provide conservation value, this potential likely fails to exceed that of an area of natural, untouched land. Certain problems such as water usage and diversity concerns hinder golf courses’ ability to provide value in this way. However, it is important to consider factors that possess the capability to unlock golf courses’ potential. Firstly, technology continues to be a pertinent factor which has led to various conservation improvements such as saving water. The design of a golf course is another factor that can be improved upon to take advantage of recycling opportunities. Additionally, making intelligent decisions based on what to do with closed golf courses presents an opportunity to create more land for preservation. If governments are able to effectively regulate and implement some of these factors, then golf courses could potentially become a viable conservation option, especially for an urban setting. As our world continues to develop, we are faced with decisions as to how we develop rural land. From a conservation perspective, while golf courses may not be ideal, they posses the potential to become an excellent compromise between urbanization and conservation.
==References==
<references/>

[[Category:Conservation]]

Course:CONS200/2016w2/Wiki Projects/Suburban Golf Courses

2017-09-16T20:17:44Z

JenniferMansour: /* Environmental Guidelines for Urban and Rural Land Development in British Columbia */

{{Projectbox Conservation
|names
}}
'''Do Golf Courses Have Conservation Value?'''

There is much debate within our society today about whether or not golf courses provide conservation value. While some articles portray golf courses as improving conservation value by creating habitat for sensitive organisms, others sources are cynical in their outlook towards the conservation value of golf courses. The naysayers suggest golf courses remove the habitat of the natural organisms, replacing it with habitat that only suits common, urbanized species.<ref>Hodgkison, S., C., (2005). The ecological value of suburban golf courses in south-east Queensland, Chapter 2, The Conservation Value of Suburban Golf Courses. Retrieved from https://www120.secure.griffith.edu.au/rch/file/dff563b8-307b-87bd-aee6-1fe1cfdf327b /1/02Main.pdf</ref> Many of these differences in opinion stem from both sides understanding about what defines 'conservation value' since there are various aspects that contribute to it. Many of these aspects work independently from each other; thus, it is very difficult to come up with one definition for the term 'conservation value.' Despite this, most sources do agree that improvement on conservation value stems from improvements in management decisions.
[[File:17th and 18th Valley Course of Greetham Valley Golf Course - geograph.org.uk - 771345.jpg|frame|right|Golf Courses Can Provide Many Different Forms of Habitat. Chris Miles, [https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/2.0/deed.en CC BY-SA 2.0], via [https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=13443975 Wikimedia Commons]]]

==Aspects of Golf Courses that Affect Conservation Value==
When considering the conservation value of the ecosystem, there are many factors that must be considered:

===Conservation Value of Suburban Golf Courses with Regard to Species===
Some of these factors include aspects of the quality of life of the ecosystem's organisms. This quality of life can be often measured by observing various abiotic factors such as water and soil.<ref>Colding, J., & Folke, C. (2008). The Role of Golf Courses in Biodiversity Conservation and Ecosystem Management. Ecosystems, 191-206.</ref> Depending on how the golf course is managed, various aspects may benefit or suffer; it is dependent on how those who oversee the golf course choose to act. However, not all of the information found states that habitats are negatively affected by the location of a golf course; some less common organisms are also able to thrive where there are golf courses when otherwise, they may not. Salamanders, for example, have a narrow suitability niche; golf courses are able to provide habitat for them.<ref>Goldman, J., G. (2014), University of Washington Conservation, Could golf courses actually boost conservation. Retrieved from http://www.conservationmagazine.org/2014/04/could-golf-courses-actually-boost-conservation</ref> The possibility of being able to provide suitable habitat for other non-native species also exists as well. Thus, if such environments are managed and used correctly, then it should be entirely possible for golf courses to have a powerful impact on conservation as we know of it today. On the other hand, in Australia, studies about the contribution of suburban golf courses to conservation almost unanimously conclude that golf courses are bad for conservation. One such study concludes that the niche of potential species created by golf courses is extremely thin, and that they are only able to support heavily urbanized species.<ref>Hodgkison, S. C., Hero, J. M., & Warnken, J. (2006). The conservation value of suburban golf courses in a rapidly urbanising region of Australia. Landscape and Urban Planning, 79, 323-337. doi:10.1016/j.landurbplan.2006.03.009 </ref> Another study concluded that only honeybees were able to settle within the proximity of the golf course, even though the researchers who conducted the study originally intended to introduce multiple species of bees into the area of the golf course.<ref>Threlfell, C. G., Walker, K., Williams, N. S. G., Hahs, A. K., Mata, L., Stork, N., & Liversely, S. J. (2015). The conservation value of urban green space habitats for Australian native bee communities. Biological Conservation, 187, 240-248. doi:http://dx.doi.org.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/10.1016/j.biocon.2015.05.003</ref> This information, once again, reinforces how suburban golf courses have a tendency to favour urbanized species, while, at the same time, having a tendency to restrict natural species.

===Conservation Value of Suburban Golf Courses with Regard to Plants===
Golf courses serve to establish a grassland community where there would otherwise be none; this allows for the potential use of native plants, including grasses and shrubs.<ref>Nelson, M. (1997). Establishing natural areas on the golf course. Retrieved from ASGG: http://www.asgq.org/documents/pdf/communication/archives/EstablishingNaturalAreasOnTheGolfCourse.pdf</ref> This particular aspect of golf courses can lead to improved water conservation if native grasses are used, as well as biological conservation if natural species are utilized and provided for. Thus, if golf courses are created in natural grasslands, only little differences would exist between the natural environment and the environment created by the golf course. The landscapes of golf courses also provide an improvement in the variety of habitat, often including tall and short grasses, as well as small bodies of water. With some research and knowledge, golf courses have the potential to have an powerfully, positive influence for conservation value.

===Conservation Value of Suburban Golf Courses with Regard to Water===
Golf courses have a tendency to overuse water in an effort to maintain their aesthetics when compared with other comparable sports industries.<ref>Deford, F. (2008), NPR, Water-Thirsty Golf Courses Need to Go Green. Retrieved from http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=91363837</ref> As a result, golf courses can have a negative effect on natural species conservation, as they can modify the natural environment. This does, however, allow for other biological species to thrive in this environment that normally would not be able to (salamanders are an example of this). Unfortunately, many of these non-native species are considered invasive to the local environment, and thus, they have a negative effect on conservation. The most likely solution is to urge for legislation that limits the water usage of commercial organizations. Many golf courses have already taken the initiative with this novel suggestion by planting specialized grasses that require less water. If this specialized grass utilization can become law, then the conservation value of golf courses can be improved exponentially. However, caution should still be used, as the grasses must be suitable to the growing conditions of the location; otherwise, the grasses will die and will need to be replaced once again.

==Layering Perspectives: Aspects of Golf Courses that Affect Conservation Value==
In this section we invite contributions from scholars, students, and industry professionals that widen the scope of conservation considerations posed in this case study.

==Environmental Guidelines for Urban and Rural Land Development in British Columbia==
British Columbia (BC) has created guidelines that help improve the conservation value for both urban and rural golf courses. These guidelines serve to mitigate the potential harm that golf courses can cause; they also direct golf courses to provide suitable habitat where possible, including those for native birds and amphibians. They also advise for the retention of bodies of water and grassy roughs.<ref>Government of British Columbia. (2014, March). Develop with Care 2014. Retrieved from Government of British Columbia: http://www.env.gov.bc.ca/wld/documents/bmp/devwithcare/Fact-Sheet-9-golf-courses.pdf</ref> As a result of these guidelines, golf courses in British Columbia have seen improvements in their conservation value. One of the problems with these guidelines, however, is that they are vague, and they do not offer any method to measure progress and improvement.

==Layering Perspectives: Environmental Guidelines for Urban and Rural Land Development in British Columbia==
In this section we invite contributions from scholars, students, and industry professionals that widen the scope of potential environmental guidelines posed in this case study.

==Conclusion==
While it is true that suburban golf courses do take away from the natural conservation value that the areas would otherwise have, there are more factors to consider. One such factor is the improvement of technology. Our world is changing at an incredible rate, and with it, our values, and what we are able to accomplish to achieve those said values. One such improvement is how we manage specific areas of our land. Correct management of specific land areas can not only prevent loss of conservation value, but it can also improve conservation value beyond a minimal amount. We should also consider an alternative land use for these suburban golf courses. A fully untouched, natural ecosystem would almost certainly be better, if not only for the aesthetics, but also for the natural conservation of native biological and plant species. However, in a suburban area, the most likely alternative scenario is that the land would eventually be developed into either a residential or zone or a commercial urban area. If it is a residential zone, or anything created for the survival/recreation needs and wants of humans, then it would likely have an even lower conservation value than a golf course. In terms of conservation value, golf courses are by no means perfect; moreover, in many situations, they drive species out of their natural habitat. However, they are generally better than a congregation of buildings. With correct management decisions, these golf courses can also prove to have conservation value that approaches or even exceeds protected zones.

==References==
<references/>

[[Category:Conservation]]

Course:CONS200/2016w2/Wiki Projects/Suburban Golf Courses

2017-09-16T20:16:22Z

JenniferMansour: /* Aspects of Golf Courses that Affect Conservation Value */

{{Projectbox Conservation
|names
}}
'''Do Golf Courses Have Conservation Value?'''

There is much debate within our society today about whether or not golf courses provide conservation value. While some articles portray golf courses as improving conservation value by creating habitat for sensitive organisms, others sources are cynical in their outlook towards the conservation value of golf courses. The naysayers suggest golf courses remove the habitat of the natural organisms, replacing it with habitat that only suits common, urbanized species.<ref>Hodgkison, S., C., (2005). The ecological value of suburban golf courses in south-east Queensland, Chapter 2, The Conservation Value of Suburban Golf Courses. Retrieved from https://www120.secure.griffith.edu.au/rch/file/dff563b8-307b-87bd-aee6-1fe1cfdf327b /1/02Main.pdf</ref> Many of these differences in opinion stem from both sides understanding about what defines 'conservation value' since there are various aspects that contribute to it. Many of these aspects work independently from each other; thus, it is very difficult to come up with one definition for the term 'conservation value.' Despite this, most sources do agree that improvement on conservation value stems from improvements in management decisions.
[[File:17th and 18th Valley Course of Greetham Valley Golf Course - geograph.org.uk - 771345.jpg|frame|right|Golf Courses Can Provide Many Different Forms of Habitat. Chris Miles, [https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/2.0/deed.en CC BY-SA 2.0], via [https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=13443975 Wikimedia Commons]]]

==Aspects of Golf Courses that Affect Conservation Value==
When considering the conservation value of the ecosystem, there are many factors that must be considered:

===Conservation Value of Suburban Golf Courses with Regard to Species===
Some of these factors include aspects of the quality of life of the ecosystem's organisms. This quality of life can be often measured by observing various abiotic factors such as water and soil.<ref>Colding, J., & Folke, C. (2008). The Role of Golf Courses in Biodiversity Conservation and Ecosystem Management. Ecosystems, 191-206.</ref> Depending on how the golf course is managed, various aspects may benefit or suffer; it is dependent on how those who oversee the golf course choose to act. However, not all of the information found states that habitats are negatively affected by the location of a golf course; some less common organisms are also able to thrive where there are golf courses when otherwise, they may not. Salamanders, for example, have a narrow suitability niche; golf courses are able to provide habitat for them.<ref>Goldman, J., G. (2014), University of Washington Conservation, Could golf courses actually boost conservation. Retrieved from http://www.conservationmagazine.org/2014/04/could-golf-courses-actually-boost-conservation</ref> The possibility of being able to provide suitable habitat for other non-native species also exists as well. Thus, if such environments are managed and used correctly, then it should be entirely possible for golf courses to have a powerful impact on conservation as we know of it today. On the other hand, in Australia, studies about the contribution of suburban golf courses to conservation almost unanimously conclude that golf courses are bad for conservation. One such study concludes that the niche of potential species created by golf courses is extremely thin, and that they are only able to support heavily urbanized species.<ref>Hodgkison, S. C., Hero, J. M., & Warnken, J. (2006). The conservation value of suburban golf courses in a rapidly urbanising region of Australia. Landscape and Urban Planning, 79, 323-337. doi:10.1016/j.landurbplan.2006.03.009 </ref> Another study concluded that only honeybees were able to settle within the proximity of the golf course, even though the researchers who conducted the study originally intended to introduce multiple species of bees into the area of the golf course.<ref>Threlfell, C. G., Walker, K., Williams, N. S. G., Hahs, A. K., Mata, L., Stork, N., & Liversely, S. J. (2015). The conservation value of urban green space habitats for Australian native bee communities. Biological Conservation, 187, 240-248. doi:http://dx.doi.org.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/10.1016/j.biocon.2015.05.003</ref> This information, once again, reinforces how suburban golf courses have a tendency to favour urbanized species, while, at the same time, having a tendency to restrict natural species.

===Conservation Value of Suburban Golf Courses with Regard to Plants===
Golf courses serve to establish a grassland community where there would otherwise be none; this allows for the potential use of native plants, including grasses and shrubs.<ref>Nelson, M. (1997). Establishing natural areas on the golf course. Retrieved from ASGG: http://www.asgq.org/documents/pdf/communication/archives/EstablishingNaturalAreasOnTheGolfCourse.pdf</ref> This particular aspect of golf courses can lead to improved water conservation if native grasses are used, as well as biological conservation if natural species are utilized and provided for. Thus, if golf courses are created in natural grasslands, only little differences would exist between the natural environment and the environment created by the golf course. The landscapes of golf courses also provide an improvement in the variety of habitat, often including tall and short grasses, as well as small bodies of water. With some research and knowledge, golf courses have the potential to have an powerfully, positive influence for conservation value.

===Conservation Value of Suburban Golf Courses with Regard to Water===
Golf courses have a tendency to overuse water in an effort to maintain their aesthetics when compared with other comparable sports industries.<ref>Deford, F. (2008), NPR, Water-Thirsty Golf Courses Need to Go Green. Retrieved from http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=91363837</ref> As a result, golf courses can have a negative effect on natural species conservation, as they can modify the natural environment. This does, however, allow for other biological species to thrive in this environment that normally would not be able to (salamanders are an example of this). Unfortunately, many of these non-native species are considered invasive to the local environment, and thus, they have a negative effect on conservation. The most likely solution is to urge for legislation that limits the water usage of commercial organizations. Many golf courses have already taken the initiative with this novel suggestion by planting specialized grasses that require less water. If this specialized grass utilization can become law, then the conservation value of golf courses can be improved exponentially. However, caution should still be used, as the grasses must be suitable to the growing conditions of the location; otherwise, the grasses will die and will need to be replaced once again.

==Layering Perspectives: Aspects of Golf Courses that Affect Conservation Value==
In this section we invite contributions from scholars, students, and industry professionals that widen the scope of conservation considerations posed in this case study.

==Environmental Guidelines for Urban and Rural Land Development in British Columbia==
British Columbia (BC) has created guidelines that help improve the conservation value for both urban and rural golf courses. These guidelines serve to mitigate the potential harm that golf courses can cause; they also direct golf courses to provide suitable habitat where possible, including those for native birds and amphibians. They also advise for the retention of bodies of water and grassy roughs.<ref>Government of British Columbia. (2014, March). Develop with Care 2014. Retrieved from Government of British Columbia: http://www.env.gov.bc.ca/wld/documents/bmp/devwithcare/Fact-Sheet-9-golf-courses.pdf</ref> As a result of these guidelines, golf courses in British Columbia have seen improvements in their conservation value. One of the problems with these guidelines, however, is that they are vague, and they do not offer any method to measure progress and improvement.

==Conclusion==
While it is true that suburban golf courses do take away from the natural conservation value that the areas would otherwise have, there are more factors to consider. One such factor is the improvement of technology. Our world is changing at an incredible rate, and with it, our values, and what we are able to accomplish to achieve those said values. One such improvement is how we manage specific areas of our land. Correct management of specific land areas can not only prevent loss of conservation value, but it can also improve conservation value beyond a minimal amount. We should also consider an alternative land use for these suburban golf courses. A fully untouched, natural ecosystem would almost certainly be better, if not only for the aesthetics, but also for the natural conservation of native biological and plant species. However, in a suburban area, the most likely alternative scenario is that the land would eventually be developed into either a residential or zone or a commercial urban area. If it is a residential zone, or anything created for the survival/recreation needs and wants of humans, then it would likely have an even lower conservation value than a golf course. In terms of conservation value, golf courses are by no means perfect; moreover, in many situations, they drive species out of their natural habitat. However, they are generally better than a congregation of buildings. With correct management decisions, these golf courses can also prove to have conservation value that approaches or even exceeds protected zones.

==References==
<references/>

[[Category:Conservation]]

Course:CONS200/2016w2/Wiki Projects/Gwaii Haanas National Park Reserve

2017-09-16T19:57:22Z

JenniferMansour: /* Co-management of Marine Resources */

{{Projectbox Conservation
|names=Ferguson, Andy. Moric, Joseph. Timmermans, Joseph. Watson, David
}}
'''Co-management in Gwaii Haanas National Park Reserve and Haida Heritage Site'''

Gwaii Haanas Park reserve and Haida Heritage site is an archipelago of 138 islands that lies 130km off the coast of mainland British Columbia; known simply as Gwaii Haanas, this area is protected as both a National Park reserve and an important Heritage site for the Haida First Nation.<ref name="PC">[http://www.pc.gc.ca/en/pn-np/bc/gwaiihaanas Parks Canada Website]</ref> The islands are a very popular tourist destination due to the large temperate rainforests that house a vast diversity of animals.<ref name="PC"/>The Haida First Nation have a rich history on Gwaii Haanas, ranging back over 12,000 years, and even have a [http://www.pc.gc.ca/en/pn-np/bc/gwaiihaanas/decouvrir-discover/cultural-sites-culturels/cultural-sites-culturels-5 UNESCO World Heritage Site] at one of the village sites on the islands.<ref name="PC"/>
[[File:SGaang Gwaii.JPG|thumb|SGaang Gwaii. Ryan D - Ryan D image files. [https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/deed.en CC BY 3.0], via [[ https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=4155855|Wikimedia Commons]]]]

==History of Gwaii Haanas==
There is evidence of human habitation of these islands ranging back 13,000 years, the Haida are descendant from these original inhabitants and have developed their own distinct language and a complex social class system over that time.<ref name="GH">[http://www.gohaidagwaii.ca/ Go Haida Gwaii]</ref> From this uninterrupted habitation of the islands, the Haida claim inherent communal rights to their traditional, ancestral, customary, and unceded territory, this claim gives them the inherent rights to sovereignty, self-governance, and the jurisdiction over this territory.<ref name="McN">McNeil, K. (2007). The jurisdiction of inherent right aboriginal governments National Centre for First Nations Governance.</ref> During their 13,000 years of living on the islands, the Haida became skilled seafarers and traders, establishing many trade relationships with other first nations on the mainland of British Columbia.<ref name="GH"/>
[[File:Haida Houses-300x257.jpg|thumb|Skidegate Indian Village of the Haida tribe. Skidegate Inlet, British Columbia, Canada. George M. Dawson. Public domain, via [https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Haida_Houses.jpg Wikimedia Commons]]]
The islands were first encountered by Europeans in 1774 by Juan Perez from Spain, however they remained unclaimed and unnamed (by Europeans) until British Captain George Dixon claimed them for England in 1787 and named them after his ship, Queen Charlotte.<ref name="GH"/> The primary encounters between the Haida and the Europeans involved the trade of sea otter furs, until the populations collapsed from over hunting brought on by pressures from the Europeans; along with the trade came diseases that the Haida had never encountered before like small pox and tuberculosis.<ref name="GH"/> These diseases decimated over 90% of the Haida population (from over 7,00 to under 700), this decimation combined with pressures from involuntary assimilation, a new colonial government, and missionaries, forced the Haida to leave the majority of their villages and move to Old Massett and Skidegate Mission.<ref name="GH"/>

After World War 1, the Canadian Government encouraged immigration to the islands in an attempt to ward off US expansionism and to "settle" the lands.<ref name="GH"/> Most of these actions committed by the Canadian Government were illegal, as the Royal Proclamation of 1763 recognized Indigenous peoples as “Nations or Tribes” and noted that they are not to be interfered with, and that they continued to own (although they could only sell it to the crown) the land they have used and occupied, these rights are also protected under Section 35(1) of the Canadian Constitution.<ref name="Ten">Tennant, P. (01/01/1990). Aboriginal people and politics: The Indian land question in British Columbia, 1849-1989 University of British Columbia Press.</ref>

After World War 2, the fishing and logging industries both began to expand rapidly, numerous Haida used their traditional knowledge of the area to excel in these industries, especially in the fishing industry.<ref name="GH"/> The logging industry continued its rapid growth for decades, threatening to destroy important habitats for the species that live on the islands, and countless heritage sites for the Haida, this growth did not stop until the combined pressures of Haida blockades and international attention forced Canada and British Columbia to create the National Park and Haida Heritage Site in 1986.<ref name="GH"/> The international attention around the park reflects a growing effort to recognize Indigenous Rights and Title, including the International Labour Organization Convention 169, and the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, combined these recognize the individual and collective rights of Indigenous peoples to territorial, political, economic, development, cultural, environmental, civil and legal rights on their ancestral lands.<ref name="Ste">Stevens, S. (2014). Indigenous peoples, national parks, and protected areas: A new paradigm linking conservation, culture, and rights University of Arizona Press.</ref> Recently there has also been a shift towards combing the recognition of Indigenous Rights and Title with conversation efforts, and the Gwaii Haanas National Park, and Haida Heritage site is a prime of example of this shift in Canada.<ref name="Ste"/>

This National Park was the first one to be co-managed by a joint board of state and first nations representatives, the board must always contain 50% Haida membership to ensure that they have a voice in all the management processes.<ref name="GH"/> This co-managed system is often heralded as one of the best park systems in all of Canada.<ref name="Bor">Borrini, G. (2007). Sharing power: Learning-by-doing in co-management of natural resources throughout the world Earthscan.</ref>
[[File:Gh-map-eng2.gif|thumb|Map of Gwaii Haanas National Park Reserve, National Marine Conservation Area Reserve and Haida Heritage Site. The reproduction is a copy of the version available at [https://www.pc.gc.ca/en/pn-np/bc/gwaiihaanas/visit/cartes-maps Parks Canada], Government of Canada.]]

==Haida Heritage Site==

Archipelago is Haida nation’s jurisdiction, designated, Gwaii Haanas Heritage Site. The size of the heritage site is 1495 kilometers squared, and consists of 138 islands, and a marine conservation area of a proposed 3400 kilometers squared.<ref name="UNESCO">Parks Canada Agency. (2004). Gwaii Haanas: Description. Retrieved from http://whc.unesco.org/en/tentativelists/1938/</ref> Included in the park reserve is the SGaang World Heritage Site, inscribed under cultural criterion in 1981, covering 3 km2.<ref name="UNESCO"/> Tank and Skedans villages are within the boundary of the reserve as well.<ref name="UNESCO"/> There are around 600 archeological features that are evidence of Haida occupation at the site for the last 12000 years.<ref name="UNESCO"/> Sitka spruce stand tall over the totem poles carved by the Haida people and fallen longhouses lay in the rich vegetation of the rain-forest islands. <ref name="Parks Canada"/> The reserve is intimately connected to the Haida people through traditional songs, narratives, language and places names.<ref name="UNESCO"/> It holds an abundance of natural resources used by the Haida people as essential parts of their traditional culture and life on the land and sea.<ref name="UNESCO"/> San Christoval mountains, an abundance of freshwater lakes, fjords, old-growth temperate rain-forests and rich wildlife are just some of the natural features that this area holds.<ref name="UNESCO"/> Abundant marine animals including sub-tidal and inter-tidal communities, large seabird populations, and over 20 species of whales and dolphins are dwellers of the proposed marine conservation area.<ref name="UNESCO"/> This marine area is also an essential stop for migrating species due to its feeding opportunities. <ref name="UNESCO"/>

==Gwaii Haanas National Park Reserve==

Archipelago is crown land, designated, National and Marine Park reserves, with federal jurisdiction, National Parks Acts applied. There are many opportunities for travel and exploration of the park. Camping in Gwaii Haanas gives the feeling of being the first person to visit the land.<ref name="Parks Canada"/> There are no actual campsites, but stretches of sand and pebble beaches, that people can use as their own, with the expectation that the land be left the way it was found.<ref name="Parks Canada"/> Historically, Haida watchmen were situated at posts to warn their people of an approaching enemy.<ref name="Parks Canada"/> There is now a program funded by Parks Canada that provides employment to many Haida people of different ages, to act as watchmen, guiding tourists through attractions at the park and sharing parts of their culture with them.<ref name="Parks Canada"/> Marine mammal watching is another attraction of this park, providing people with the possibility of seeing the over 20 species of whales and dolphins along with sea lions.<ref name="Parks Canada"/> A key attraction at the Gwaii Haanas National Park is the 42-foot Gwaii Haanas Legacy Pole, carved in honour of the 20th anniversary of the Gwaii Haanas Agreement, raised on August 13th, 2013.<ref name="Parks Canada"/>

==Co-management==

Gwaii Haanas is widely considered an excellent example of co-management between indigenous peoples and the Government of Canada. The status of National Park-Reserve (NPR) provides the backdrop against which this management of Gwaii Haanas takes place, as it essentially allows for land claim disputes between the Haida Nation and the Federal Government to remain unsettled whilst ensuring National Park protection <ref name="Bor"/>. Thus, NPR status creates a space for both parties to be involved in the management of Gwaii Haanas, and shifts the primary focus from conflict onto working towards common goals, despite differences in views of ownership. Though co-management arrangements are often seen as interim to resolution of land claim disputes, this case study will discuss its strengths and weakness by measure of its ability to facilitate successful and equitable management in light of the current situation of unresolved land ownership.

Co-management has many definitional aspects. At the most conceptual level, co-management refers to arrangements between indigenous and non-indigenous people to share governance of a delineated area <ref name="Thomlinson">Thomlinson, E., & Crouch, G.(2012). Aboriginal peoples, Parks Canada, and Protected Spaces: A Case Study in Co-Management at Gwaii Haanas National Park Reserve. Annals of Leisure Research, (15)1, 69-86. </ref>. At Gwaii Haanas NPR, it is the mechanism by which both Parks Canada and the Council of the Haida nation have agreed to protect the area and promote ecological integrity in the midst of unresolved land claim negotiations. This is not to say that co-management arrangements do not face their own set of challenges. As with any form of management, decisions are made based in certain knowledge frameworks. However, co-management between indigenous and non indigenous peoples often requires making decisions grounded in two distinct knowledge frameworks. Thus, a mutual respect for the knowledge that drives each system of management is needed in order for co-management to have success <ref name="Doberstein">Doberstein, B., and S. Devin. (2004). Traditional ecological knowledge in parks management: A Canadian perspective. Environments 32(1), 1-22. </ref>. The knowledge framework that has become increasingly widely accepted as that through which indigenous people conduct land management is called Traditional Ecological Knowledge – which can be defined broadly as dynamic local indigenous world-views, continuously integral to the local culture that govern all relationships between humans and nature <ref name="Doberstein"/>. Houde identifies TEK as multi-faceted, including aspects such as “management systems, factual knowledge regarding past and current uses of the environment, ethics and values, and cosmology”, as well as being a key component of cultural identity <ref name="Houde">Houde, N.(2007). The Six Faces of Traditional Ecological Knowledge. Ecology and Society, 12(2). https://www.ecologyandsociety.org/vol12/iss2/art34/main.html#THEFACESOFTEK11 </ref>.

It is crucial to note that from a non-indigenous perspective, TEK is often seen as merely supplementary to western science. For example, science often critiques TEK for its spiritual component when spiritual explanations do not align with scientific ones. Furthermore, political power imbalances between Indigenous and non-indigenous mean that TEK can often be forced into a subordinate role to western science. Instead of mutual respect and acknowledgement of each framework, the political dominance of scientific knowledge can make what ought to be equitable co-management attempts into selective integration of TEK into existing scientific frameworks, at the discretion of non-indigenous scientists. <ref name="Doberstein"/>. In other words, with the sovereign and executive power still largely in the hands of the state, the power dynamic is still hegemonic and recognition of TEK is arguably reduced to a new oppressive colonial tool <ref name="Coulthard"> Coulthard, G. (2014). Red skin, white masks: Rejecting the colonial politics of recognition. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press.</ref>.Therefore we must examine the political structures of governance in Gwaii Haanas to see the extent to which political power may be influencing the nature of TEK inclusion in management.

The main manifestation of co-management is in the Archipelago Management Board. Made up of equal number of members from Parks Canada and the Council of the Haida Nation (CHN), the Archipelago Management Board holds the administrative and management authority in Gwaii Haanas <ref name="Parks Canada"/>. The AMB was a result of the Gwaii Haanas Agreement in 1996, and has since been the primary co-management mechanism of Gwaii Haanas. From a strictly numerical point of view, there is equitable representation on this level of park-reserve management <ref name="Doberstein"/>. This does not necessarily ensure that use of Traditional Ecological Knowledge is widely apparent in the concrete management activities of the park reserve. Are the outcomes generated by the AMB in line with the principles of co-management? Thomlinson argues that according to the 5 principles of co-management outlined by the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN), the AMB has had great success <ref name="Thomlinson"/>. The IUCN 5 principles include the following; 1) common objectives, 2) mutual understanding and respect, 3) decentralization and participation, 4) Equal benefits, and 5) cross-jurisdictional agreements. There is clear evidence that the first principle of the IUCN is being met, given the common goal of promoting ecological integrity <ref name="Thomlinson"/>. This can be seen in the crest of the AMB, the work of a local Haida artist depicting an otter and a sea urchin.
[[File:Archipelago Management Board Crest.png|frame| The Archipelago Management Board crest, designed by local Haida artist, Giitsxaa. The reproduction is a copy of the version available at [http://www.pc.gc.ca/en/pn-np/bc/gwaiihaanas/info/index/plans/plans-2 Parks Canada], Government of Canada]]
Eradication of the otter during the fur trade brought about harm to kelp forests in Haida Gwaii, as sea urchin populations were left unchecked. The crest represents the commitment by the AMB to maintaining integrity in a vulnerable ecosystem <ref name="Parks Canada">Parks Canada (2017). Gwaii Haanas National Park Reserve, National Marine Conservation Area Reserve, and Haida Heritage Site. Retrieved from http://www.pc.gc.ca/en/pn-np/bc/gwaiihaanas/info/index/plans/plans-2 </ref>. The second principle, mutual understanding and respect, is seen in the guarantee of Haida access for tradition subsistence activities. Despite the historical approach by Parks Canada of preventing any scale of harvesting within parks, there is a level of respect and understanding of Haida TEK such that these practices are guaranteed. Furthermore, both sides have committed to the prevention of commercial scale harvesting activities, and all traditional activities are reviewed by the AMB <ref name="Thomlinson"/>. Evidence of meeting the third principle of decentralization and participation can be seen in the Watchmen Program, a program initiated by the Haida people that places Haida Watchmen over ecologically and culturally critical sites as a measure of protection from and education of visitors. This is also a prime example of the application of TEK on a level that goes beyond the AMB. On a similar note, the fourth principle, equitable benefits, shows evidence of being met in the distribution of employment in Gwaii Haanas. Over half of park employees are Haida people, a fact that Thomlinson argues is beneficial to Haida communities and can be a source of respect for and within the Haida culture. Equitable employment in Gwaii Haanas is a direct result of the work of the AMB, which is responsible for the hiring <ref name="Thomlinson"/>. Finally, the principle of cross jurisdictional agreements is demonstrated as the boundaries delineated by Parks Canada and the Council of the Haida Nation differ and overlap in many areas, however arrangements such as the AMB work across these boundaries. However, one place where this principle of cross-jurisdictional agreements is weak is in the distinction between land and sea. The Haida make no distinction between the land of Gwaii Haanas and its surrounding waters, while Parks Canada identifies a distinct boundaries <ref name="Bor"/> This has the potential of being limiting for the co-management of the AMB when items fall outside Park-Reserve boundaries. By the measures set out by the IUCN, it appears that the co-management arrangement of the AMB has so far been a relatively successful one. Though there is room for improvement in some areas, the power balance on the AMB has allowed common goals to be set, TEK to be diversely applied, indigenous participation to be widespread, benefits to be shared and agreements to be made across jurisdictions <ref name="Thomlinson"/>.

==Co-management of Marine Resources==

The Information provided in this section is based on one main source<ref name="pncima">Jones, R., Rigg, C., & Lee, L. (2010). Haida Marine Planning: First Nations as a Partner in Marine Conservation. Ecology and Society, 15(1). doi:10.5751/es-03225-150112</ref>. This source is a detailed outline of the case of interest.

This case summary is an example of the Haida locals integrating their values into government management of their marine ecosystems in order to continue accessing their vital resources, while helping the Federal government to conserve and maintain the unique biodiversity found in the Haida Nation. Marine co-management in Haida Gwaii is still progressing, and this summary will be highlighting and focusing on the discussion behind developing strategies that satisfy both parties involved. The summary will discuss the case of PNCIMA (Pacific North Coast Integrated Management Area), displaying its structure, and recognizing its strengths and potential points of conflict. This strategy of co-governance, although not always yielding a positive result, has been popular in the Haida nation for two main reasons. The first reason being that the BC government is constantly working to build partnerships with the aboriginal people to receive their support and extensive local knowledge in their projects, and reduce any tension between BC government and Haida people. The second reason is that this cooperation helps the BC government to promote conservation and the sustainable use of marine resources, which is also in the interest of the Haida in their efforts to preserve their culture. One motive behind the co-governance of Haida’s coastal and marine ecosystems lies in the potential ecological threats affecting Haida Gwaii’s coastal environment including “offshore oil and gas, commercial finfish aquaculture, marine transportation, climate change, introduced species, and bottom trawling”. These threats are particularly significant in the Haida nation due to the local dependence on the rich marine environment of Haida Gwaii<ref name="Pinkerton">Pinkerton, E. (1989). Cooperative management of local fisheries: new directions for improved management and community development. Vancouver: University of British Columbia.</ref>. Marine resources are the main source of wealth through trading for Haida and therefore must be protected for the survival of the community<ref name="Pinkerton"/>. In the past, the BC government has exercised conservation methods in the area that completely disregard Haida values, excluding them from any access to the coastal resources. Although this effectively preserved the natural ecosystems, it damaged not only the economic strength of the communities, but also harmed aboriginal culture and values rooted in marine life and fisheries. This is where the PNCIMA excels, it is an efficient plan with the goal of including aboriginal input into further conservation efforts through co-governance of the territory.
[[File:Pacific North Coast Integrated Management Area (PNCIMA).png|thumb|The map depicts the area affected by the PNCIMA. Living Oceans Society. Public domain, via [https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File%3APacific_North_Coast_Integrated_Management_Area.png Wikimedia Commons]]]
To fully understand the implications of the case, this section will display the structure of the co-management plan, and discuss its applications to both the BC government and the Haida people. Much of the Aboriginal engagement in marine use planning in Haida has been effective in improving the local resource management. Co-management of the environment has brought strength to the relationship between the Haida and the BC government; due to the lack of treaties or land claims, much of the relationship between these parties is based on respect for one another. This method pushes aside any tension to fulfill treaties, and focuses more on finding common goals and objectives. In 2006, the Council of Haida Nation(CHN) set up strategic planning methods including monthly meetings to take input from all councils involved in the Haida nation. This also included Haida representatives working with Fisheries and Oceans Canada (DFO), the leading agency for First Nations collaboration in ocean conservation, to keep equal representation of First Nations in the planning process of marine management. This plan, named the PNCIMA (Pacific North Coast Integrated Management Area), was publicly launched in March of 2009 and all stakeholders convened to discuss ideas and mechanisms to create a successful management plan. The PNCIMA committee proceeded to develop a stakeholder engagement strategy, organization of community meetings in the region, and issue-specific groups to address certain marine use activities. It was also stated that the PNCIMA had to be integrated into other marine initiatives including the proposed protected areas such as Gwaii Haanas National Marine Reserve (established in 2010). The continuously developing structure of the PNCIMA is rooted in the following Ideas:
*The PNCIMA incorporates First Nations input on an equal level to the input of the BC government without the resolution of treaties or land claims.
*Haida aboriginal cultural values are integrated into the marine use planning where they might otherwise be absent. These values are recognized to promote “sustainable, precautionary, and ecosystem based management of marine resources”.
*and “the PNCIMA governance framework provides an opportunity for ‘learning by doing’ that fits the geographic setting and socioeconomic conditions in the region”. This implies that changes can and will be made to the co-management plan if deemed suitable to aid the progression and otherwise benefit the parties involved in the plan.

The PNCIMA was delicately planned in a way that makes co-governing favorable for both parties, this section will outline the strengths of the plan and how they were achieved. The method to unify all First Nation voices through representative meetings in the initiation process is a favorable component because it provides an opportunity for all planning areas within the PNCIMA to provide input to progress the integrated management. It is an effective way to overcome the debate surrounding outstanding claims to territory, and create a single voice from the First Nations to reduce complexity when representing Aboriginal people in government-to-government processes. Another strength in the unification of First Nation voices is that the values and approaches expressed by said communities will be consistent, yielding resource management decisions that lack conflict. With the participation of Aboriginal parties in marine management, the BC government can help to, instead of cut off access to coastal resources, introduce protection plans with a greater emphasis on sustainable fisheries practices. This will protect the natural biodiversity without crippling the main source of income for local communities.

Due to the inclusive development of the PNCIMA, there are very few potential points of conflict, and solutions have been developed where possible conflict was recognized. There have been only two potential conflicts in the PNCIMA to date.The first issue was to regulate the multiple use of marine areas. If multiple parties collectively were to over exhaust a marine resource, it would cause environmental harm and be therefore unsustainable which counters the goal of the PNCIMA. Fortunately, this has not occurred, likely due to the low population, about 75 000 in relation to the large covered by the Pacific North Coast. With careful planning and regulation of resources, the communities affected by the PNCIMA will always have access to sufficient resources to sustain both the environment, and their economic development. The second conflict relates to boundaries created by Parks Canada separating land and sea territories. These boundaries may cause problems due to different laws on resource use between land and sea in certain areas<ref name="Bor"/>. This could restrict the movement of Haida locals between ecosystems, and potentially cause conflict regarding land to sea transitions<ref name="Bor"/>.

In Conclusion, the objective of this case summary is to provide an example of Haida Gwaii inhabitants, specifically First Nations, successfully co-governing their marine ecosystems with the government of British Columbia. The structure of the PNCIMA is effective in including equal representation of both governments involved in the plan, and promotes conservation of the local biodiversity while allowing communities to continue to sustain their marine dependent economy. Although there are some weak points to the plan, they are firmly outweighed by the countless strengths of marine co-management. During the planning and execution of the PNCIMA, there have been many strong points including the representation of all First Nations communities in the governmental collaboration, and sustainable resource management methods. Overall, co-governance of marine environments on the pacific north coast have had positive influences on both the BC government and the First Nations peoples.

=Layering Perspectives: Co-management of Marine Resources=
In this section we invite scholars, students, and industry professionals to contribute their thoughts on the case study presented.

==Conclusion==

The unresolved overlapping land claims to Gwaii Haanas National Park-Reserve between the Haida Nation and the Federal Government of Canada have set the stage for one of the most successful examples of co-management in Canada. The Archipelago Management Board ensures that the voices of both parties are equally involved in the management of Gwaii Haanas, and has proven itself to be successful in allowing common goals to be achieved despite overlapping claims. Both parties have been able to come together to promote ecological integrity and conservation of biodiversity in both terrestrial and marine environments. Co-management in Gwaii Haanas has also been effective in preserving Haida culture, and developing a positive relationship between the Haida Nation and Canada. While there are areas that can be improved, such as potential conflict stemming from differing views and legislation regarding land-sea boundaries, the Gwaii Haanas NPR is an excellent model of co-management and can provide valuable lessons for the future of park co-management.

==References==

<references/>

[[Category:Conservation]]

Course:CONS200/2016w2/Wiki Projects/Gwaii Haanas National Park Reserve

2017-09-16T19:44:33Z

JenniferMansour: /* Co-management */

{{Projectbox Conservation
|names=Ferguson, Andy. Moric, Joseph. Timmermans, Joseph. Watson, David
}}
'''Co-management in Gwaii Haanas National Park Reserve and Haida Heritage Site'''

Gwaii Haanas Park reserve and Haida Heritage site is an archipelago of 138 islands that lies 130km off the coast of mainland British Columbia; known simply as Gwaii Haanas, this area is protected as both a National Park reserve and an important Heritage site for the Haida First Nation.<ref name="PC">[http://www.pc.gc.ca/en/pn-np/bc/gwaiihaanas Parks Canada Website]</ref> The islands are a very popular tourist destination due to the large temperate rainforests that house a vast diversity of animals.<ref name="PC"/>The Haida First Nation have a rich history on Gwaii Haanas, ranging back over 12,000 years, and even have a [http://www.pc.gc.ca/en/pn-np/bc/gwaiihaanas/decouvrir-discover/cultural-sites-culturels/cultural-sites-culturels-5 UNESCO World Heritage Site] at one of the village sites on the islands.<ref name="PC"/>
[[File:SGaang Gwaii.JPG|thumb|SGaang Gwaii. Ryan D - Ryan D image files. [https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/deed.en CC BY 3.0], via [[ https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=4155855|Wikimedia Commons]]]]

==History of Gwaii Haanas==
There is evidence of human habitation of these islands ranging back 13,000 years, the Haida are descendant from these original inhabitants and have developed their own distinct language and a complex social class system over that time.<ref name="GH">[http://www.gohaidagwaii.ca/ Go Haida Gwaii]</ref> From this uninterrupted habitation of the islands, the Haida claim inherent communal rights to their traditional, ancestral, customary, and unceded territory, this claim gives them the inherent rights to sovereignty, self-governance, and the jurisdiction over this territory.<ref name="McN">McNeil, K. (2007). The jurisdiction of inherent right aboriginal governments National Centre for First Nations Governance.</ref> During their 13,000 years of living on the islands, the Haida became skilled seafarers and traders, establishing many trade relationships with other first nations on the mainland of British Columbia.<ref name="GH"/>
[[File:Haida Houses-300x257.jpg|thumb|Skidegate Indian Village of the Haida tribe. Skidegate Inlet, British Columbia, Canada. George M. Dawson. Public domain, via [https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Haida_Houses.jpg Wikimedia Commons]]]
The islands were first encountered by Europeans in 1774 by Juan Perez from Spain, however they remained unclaimed and unnamed (by Europeans) until British Captain George Dixon claimed them for England in 1787 and named them after his ship, Queen Charlotte.<ref name="GH"/> The primary encounters between the Haida and the Europeans involved the trade of sea otter furs, until the populations collapsed from over hunting brought on by pressures from the Europeans; along with the trade came diseases that the Haida had never encountered before like small pox and tuberculosis.<ref name="GH"/> These diseases decimated over 90% of the Haida population (from over 7,00 to under 700), this decimation combined with pressures from involuntary assimilation, a new colonial government, and missionaries, forced the Haida to leave the majority of their villages and move to Old Massett and Skidegate Mission.<ref name="GH"/>

After World War 1, the Canadian Government encouraged immigration to the islands in an attempt to ward off US expansionism and to "settle" the lands.<ref name="GH"/> Most of these actions committed by the Canadian Government were illegal, as the Royal Proclamation of 1763 recognized Indigenous peoples as “Nations or Tribes” and noted that they are not to be interfered with, and that they continued to own (although they could only sell it to the crown) the land they have used and occupied, these rights are also protected under Section 35(1) of the Canadian Constitution.<ref name="Ten">Tennant, P. (01/01/1990). Aboriginal people and politics: The Indian land question in British Columbia, 1849-1989 University of British Columbia Press.</ref>

After World War 2, the fishing and logging industries both began to expand rapidly, numerous Haida used their traditional knowledge of the area to excel in these industries, especially in the fishing industry.<ref name="GH"/> The logging industry continued its rapid growth for decades, threatening to destroy important habitats for the species that live on the islands, and countless heritage sites for the Haida, this growth did not stop until the combined pressures of Haida blockades and international attention forced Canada and British Columbia to create the National Park and Haida Heritage Site in 1986.<ref name="GH"/> The international attention around the park reflects a growing effort to recognize Indigenous Rights and Title, including the International Labour Organization Convention 169, and the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, combined these recognize the individual and collective rights of Indigenous peoples to territorial, political, economic, development, cultural, environmental, civil and legal rights on their ancestral lands.<ref name="Ste">Stevens, S. (2014). Indigenous peoples, national parks, and protected areas: A new paradigm linking conservation, culture, and rights University of Arizona Press.</ref> Recently there has also been a shift towards combing the recognition of Indigenous Rights and Title with conversation efforts, and the Gwaii Haanas National Park, and Haida Heritage site is a prime of example of this shift in Canada.<ref name="Ste"/>

This National Park was the first one to be co-managed by a joint board of state and first nations representatives, the board must always contain 50% Haida membership to ensure that they have a voice in all the management processes.<ref name="GH"/> This co-managed system is often heralded as one of the best park systems in all of Canada.<ref name="Bor">Borrini, G. (2007). Sharing power: Learning-by-doing in co-management of natural resources throughout the world Earthscan.</ref>
[[File:Gh-map-eng2.gif|thumb|Map of Gwaii Haanas National Park Reserve, National Marine Conservation Area Reserve and Haida Heritage Site. The reproduction is a copy of the version available at [https://www.pc.gc.ca/en/pn-np/bc/gwaiihaanas/visit/cartes-maps Parks Canada], Government of Canada.]]

==Haida Heritage Site==

Archipelago is Haida nation’s jurisdiction, designated, Gwaii Haanas Heritage Site. The size of the heritage site is 1495 kilometers squared, and consists of 138 islands, and a marine conservation area of a proposed 3400 kilometers squared.<ref name="UNESCO">Parks Canada Agency. (2004). Gwaii Haanas: Description. Retrieved from http://whc.unesco.org/en/tentativelists/1938/</ref> Included in the park reserve is the SGaang World Heritage Site, inscribed under cultural criterion in 1981, covering 3 km2.<ref name="UNESCO"/> Tank and Skedans villages are within the boundary of the reserve as well.<ref name="UNESCO"/> There are around 600 archeological features that are evidence of Haida occupation at the site for the last 12000 years.<ref name="UNESCO"/> Sitka spruce stand tall over the totem poles carved by the Haida people and fallen longhouses lay in the rich vegetation of the rain-forest islands. <ref name="Parks Canada"/> The reserve is intimately connected to the Haida people through traditional songs, narratives, language and places names.<ref name="UNESCO"/> It holds an abundance of natural resources used by the Haida people as essential parts of their traditional culture and life on the land and sea.<ref name="UNESCO"/> San Christoval mountains, an abundance of freshwater lakes, fjords, old-growth temperate rain-forests and rich wildlife are just some of the natural features that this area holds.<ref name="UNESCO"/> Abundant marine animals including sub-tidal and inter-tidal communities, large seabird populations, and over 20 species of whales and dolphins are dwellers of the proposed marine conservation area.<ref name="UNESCO"/> This marine area is also an essential stop for migrating species due to its feeding opportunities. <ref name="UNESCO"/>

==Gwaii Haanas National Park Reserve==

Archipelago is crown land, designated, National and Marine Park reserves, with federal jurisdiction, National Parks Acts applied. There are many opportunities for travel and exploration of the park. Camping in Gwaii Haanas gives the feeling of being the first person to visit the land.<ref name="Parks Canada"/> There are no actual campsites, but stretches of sand and pebble beaches, that people can use as their own, with the expectation that the land be left the way it was found.<ref name="Parks Canada"/> Historically, Haida watchmen were situated at posts to warn their people of an approaching enemy.<ref name="Parks Canada"/> There is now a program funded by Parks Canada that provides employment to many Haida people of different ages, to act as watchmen, guiding tourists through attractions at the park and sharing parts of their culture with them.<ref name="Parks Canada"/> Marine mammal watching is another attraction of this park, providing people with the possibility of seeing the over 20 species of whales and dolphins along with sea lions.<ref name="Parks Canada"/> A key attraction at the Gwaii Haanas National Park is the 42-foot Gwaii Haanas Legacy Pole, carved in honour of the 20th anniversary of the Gwaii Haanas Agreement, raised on August 13th, 2013.<ref name="Parks Canada"/>

==Co-management==

Gwaii Haanas is widely considered an excellent example of co-management between indigenous peoples and the Government of Canada. The status of National Park-Reserve (NPR) provides the backdrop against which this management of Gwaii Haanas takes place, as it essentially allows for land claim disputes between the Haida Nation and the Federal Government to remain unsettled whilst ensuring National Park protection <ref name="Bor"/>. Thus, NPR status creates a space for both parties to be involved in the management of Gwaii Haanas, and shifts the primary focus from conflict onto working towards common goals, despite differences in views of ownership. Though co-management arrangements are often seen as interim to resolution of land claim disputes, this case study will discuss its strengths and weakness by measure of its ability to facilitate successful and equitable management in light of the current situation of unresolved land ownership.

Co-management has many definitional aspects. At the most conceptual level, co-management refers to arrangements between indigenous and non-indigenous people to share governance of a delineated area <ref name="Thomlinson">Thomlinson, E., & Crouch, G.(2012). Aboriginal peoples, Parks Canada, and Protected Spaces: A Case Study in Co-Management at Gwaii Haanas National Park Reserve. Annals of Leisure Research, (15)1, 69-86. </ref>. At Gwaii Haanas NPR, it is the mechanism by which both Parks Canada and the Council of the Haida nation have agreed to protect the area and promote ecological integrity in the midst of unresolved land claim negotiations. This is not to say that co-management arrangements do not face their own set of challenges. As with any form of management, decisions are made based in certain knowledge frameworks. However, co-management between indigenous and non indigenous peoples often requires making decisions grounded in two distinct knowledge frameworks. Thus, a mutual respect for the knowledge that drives each system of management is needed in order for co-management to have success <ref name="Doberstein">Doberstein, B., and S. Devin. (2004). Traditional ecological knowledge in parks management: A Canadian perspective. Environments 32(1), 1-22. </ref>. The knowledge framework that has become increasingly widely accepted as that through which indigenous people conduct land management is called Traditional Ecological Knowledge – which can be defined broadly as dynamic local indigenous world-views, continuously integral to the local culture that govern all relationships between humans and nature <ref name="Doberstein"/>. Houde identifies TEK as multi-faceted, including aspects such as “management systems, factual knowledge regarding past and current uses of the environment, ethics and values, and cosmology”, as well as being a key component of cultural identity <ref name="Houde">Houde, N.(2007). The Six Faces of Traditional Ecological Knowledge. Ecology and Society, 12(2). https://www.ecologyandsociety.org/vol12/iss2/art34/main.html#THEFACESOFTEK11 </ref>.

It is crucial to note that from a non-indigenous perspective, TEK is often seen as merely supplementary to western science. For example, science often critiques TEK for its spiritual component when spiritual explanations do not align with scientific ones. Furthermore, political power imbalances between Indigenous and non-indigenous mean that TEK can often be forced into a subordinate role to western science. Instead of mutual respect and acknowledgement of each framework, the political dominance of scientific knowledge can make what ought to be equitable co-management attempts into selective integration of TEK into existing scientific frameworks, at the discretion of non-indigenous scientists. <ref name="Doberstein"/>. In other words, with the sovereign and executive power still largely in the hands of the state, the power dynamic is still hegemonic and recognition of TEK is arguably reduced to a new oppressive colonial tool <ref name="Coulthard"> Coulthard, G. (2014). Red skin, white masks: Rejecting the colonial politics of recognition. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press.</ref>.Therefore we must examine the political structures of governance in Gwaii Haanas to see the extent to which political power may be influencing the nature of TEK inclusion in management.

The main manifestation of co-management is in the Archipelago Management Board. Made up of equal number of members from Parks Canada and the Council of the Haida Nation (CHN), the Archipelago Management Board holds the administrative and management authority in Gwaii Haanas <ref name="Parks Canada"/>. The AMB was a result of the Gwaii Haanas Agreement in 1996, and has since been the primary co-management mechanism of Gwaii Haanas. From a strictly numerical point of view, there is equitable representation on this level of park-reserve management <ref name="Doberstein"/>. This does not necessarily ensure that use of Traditional Ecological Knowledge is widely apparent in the concrete management activities of the park reserve. Are the outcomes generated by the AMB in line with the principles of co-management? Thomlinson argues that according to the 5 principles of co-management outlined by the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN), the AMB has had great success <ref name="Thomlinson"/>. The IUCN 5 principles include the following; 1) common objectives, 2) mutual understanding and respect, 3) decentralization and participation, 4) Equal benefits, and 5) cross-jurisdictional agreements. There is clear evidence that the first principle of the IUCN is being met, given the common goal of promoting ecological integrity <ref name="Thomlinson"/>. This can be seen in the crest of the AMB, the work of a local Haida artist depicting an otter and a sea urchin.
[[File:Archipelago Management Board Crest.png|frame| The Archipelago Management Board crest, designed by local Haida artist, Giitsxaa. The reproduction is a copy of the version available at [http://www.pc.gc.ca/en/pn-np/bc/gwaiihaanas/info/index/plans/plans-2 Parks Canada], Government of Canada]]
Eradication of the otter during the fur trade brought about harm to kelp forests in Haida Gwaii, as sea urchin populations were left unchecked. The crest represents the commitment by the AMB to maintaining integrity in a vulnerable ecosystem <ref name="Parks Canada">Parks Canada (2017). Gwaii Haanas National Park Reserve, National Marine Conservation Area Reserve, and Haida Heritage Site. Retrieved from http://www.pc.gc.ca/en/pn-np/bc/gwaiihaanas/info/index/plans/plans-2 </ref>. The second principle, mutual understanding and respect, is seen in the guarantee of Haida access for tradition subsistence activities. Despite the historical approach by Parks Canada of preventing any scale of harvesting within parks, there is a level of respect and understanding of Haida TEK such that these practices are guaranteed. Furthermore, both sides have committed to the prevention of commercial scale harvesting activities, and all traditional activities are reviewed by the AMB <ref name="Thomlinson"/>. Evidence of meeting the third principle of decentralization and participation can be seen in the Watchmen Program, a program initiated by the Haida people that places Haida Watchmen over ecologically and culturally critical sites as a measure of protection from and education of visitors. This is also a prime example of the application of TEK on a level that goes beyond the AMB. On a similar note, the fourth principle, equitable benefits, shows evidence of being met in the distribution of employment in Gwaii Haanas. Over half of park employees are Haida people, a fact that Thomlinson argues is beneficial to Haida communities and can be a source of respect for and within the Haida culture. Equitable employment in Gwaii Haanas is a direct result of the work of the AMB, which is responsible for the hiring <ref name="Thomlinson"/>. Finally, the principle of cross jurisdictional agreements is demonstrated as the boundaries delineated by Parks Canada and the Council of the Haida Nation differ and overlap in many areas, however arrangements such as the AMB work across these boundaries. However, one place where this principle of cross-jurisdictional agreements is weak is in the distinction between land and sea. The Haida make no distinction between the land of Gwaii Haanas and its surrounding waters, while Parks Canada identifies a distinct boundaries <ref name="Bor"/> This has the potential of being limiting for the co-management of the AMB when items fall outside Park-Reserve boundaries. By the measures set out by the IUCN, it appears that the co-management arrangement of the AMB has so far been a relatively successful one. Though there is room for improvement in some areas, the power balance on the AMB has allowed common goals to be set, TEK to be diversely applied, indigenous participation to be widespread, benefits to be shared and agreements to be made across jurisdictions <ref name="Thomlinson"/>.

==Co-management of Marine Resources==

The Information provided in this section is based on one main source<ref name="pncima">Jones, R., Rigg, C., & Lee, L. (2010). Haida Marine Planning: First Nations as a Partner in Marine Conservation. Ecology and Society, 15(1). doi:10.5751/es-03225-150112</ref>. This source is a detailed outline of the case of interest.

This case summary is an example of the Haida locals integrating their values into government management of their marine ecosystems in order to continue accessing their vital resources, while helping the Federal government to conserve and maintain the unique biodiversity found in the Haida Nation. Marine co-management in Haida Gwaii is still progressing, and this summary will be highlighting and focusing on the discussion behind developing strategies that satisfy both parties involved. The summary will discuss the case of PNCIMA (Pacific North Coast Integrated Management Area), displaying its structure, and recognizing its strengths and potential points of conflict. This strategy of co-governance, although not always yielding a positive result, has been popular in the Haida nation for two main reasons. The first reason being that the BC government is constantly working to build partnerships with the aboriginal people to receive their support and extensive local knowledge in their projects, and reduce any tension between BC government and Haida people. The second reason is that this cooperation helps the BC government to promote conservation and the sustainable use of marine resources, which is also in the interest of the Haida in their efforts to preserve their culture. One motive behind the co-governance of Haida’s coastal and marine ecosystems lies in the potential ecological threats affecting Haida Gwaii’s coastal environment including “offshore oil and gas, commercial finfish aquaculture, marine transportation, climate change, introduced species, and bottom trawling”. These threats are particularly significant in the Haida nation due to the local dependence on the rich marine environment of Haida Gwaii<ref name="Pinkerton">Pinkerton, E. (1989). Cooperative management of local fisheries: new directions for improved management and community development. Vancouver: University of British Columbia.</ref>. Marine resources are the main source of wealth through trading for Haida and therefore must be protected for the survival of the community<ref name="Pinkerton"/>. In the past, the BC government has exercised conservation methods in the area that completely disregard Haida values, excluding them from any access to the coastal resources. Although this effectively preserved the natural ecosystems, it damaged not only the economic strength of the communities, but also harmed aboriginal culture and values rooted in marine life and fisheries. This is where the PNCIMA excels, it is an efficient plan with the goal of including aboriginal input into further conservation efforts through co-governance of the territory.
[[File:Pacific North Coast Integrated Management Area (PNCIMA).png|thumb|The map depicts the area affected by the PNCIMA. Living Oceans Society. Public domain, via [https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File%3APacific_North_Coast_Integrated_Management_Area.png Wikimedia Commons]]]
To fully understand the implications of the case, this section will display the structure of the co-management plan, and discuss its applications to both the BC government and the Haida people. Much of the Aboriginal engagement in marine use planning in Haida has been effective in improving the local resource management. Co-management of the environment has brought strength to the relationship between the Haida and the BC government; due to the lack of treaties or land claims, much of the relationship between these parties is based on respect for one another. This method pushes aside any tension to fulfill treaties, and focuses more on finding common goals and objectives. In 2006, the Council of Haida Nation(CHN) set up strategic planning methods including monthly meetings to take input from all councils involved in the Haida nation. This also included Haida representatives working with Fisheries and Oceans Canada (DFO), the leading agency for First Nations collaboration in ocean conservation, to keep equal representation of First Nations in the planning process of marine management. This plan, named the PNCIMA (Pacific North Coast Integrated Management Area), was publicly launched in March of 2009 and all stakeholders convened to discuss ideas and mechanisms to create a successful management plan. The PNCIMA committee proceeded to develop a stakeholder engagement strategy, organization of community meetings in the region, and issue-specific groups to address certain marine use activities. It was also stated that the PNCIMA had to be integrated into other marine initiatives including the proposed protected areas such as Gwaii Haanas National Marine Reserve (established in 2010). The continuously developing structure of the PNCIMA is rooted in the following Ideas:
*The PNCIMA incorporates First Nations input on an equal level to the input of the BC government without the resolution of treaties or land claims.
*Haida aboriginal cultural values are integrated into the marine use planning where they might otherwise be absent. These values are recognized to promote “sustainable, precautionary, and ecosystem based management of marine resources”.
*and “the PNCIMA governance framework provides an opportunity for ‘learning by doing’ that fits the geographic setting and socioeconomic conditions in the region”. This implies that changes can and will be made to the co-management plan if deemed suitable to aid the progression and otherwise benefit the parties involved in the plan.

The PNCIMA was delicately planned in a way that makes co-governing favorable for both parties, this section will outline the strengths of the plan and how they were achieved. The method to unify all First Nation voices through representative meetings in the initiation process is a favorable component because it provides an opportunity for all planning areas within the PNCIMA to provide input to progress the integrated management. It is an effective way to overcome the debate surrounding outstanding claims to territory, and create a single voice from the First Nations to reduce complexity when representing Aboriginal people in government-to-government processes. Another strength in the unification of First Nation voices is that the values and approaches expressed by said communities will be consistent, yielding resource management decisions that lack conflict. With the participation of Aboriginal parties in marine management, the BC government can help to, instead of cut off access to coastal resources, introduce protection plans with a greater emphasis on sustainable fisheries practices. This will protect the natural biodiversity without crippling the main source of income for local communities.

Due to the inclusive development of the PNCIMA, there are very few potential points of conflict, and solutions have been developed where possible conflict was recognized. There have been only two potential conflicts in the PNCIMA to date.The first issue was to regulate the multiple use of marine areas. If multiple parties collectively were to over exhaust a marine resource, it would cause environmental harm and be therefore unsustainable which counters the goal of the PNCIMA. Fortunately, this has not occurred, likely due to the low population, about 75 000 in relation to the large covered by the Pacific North Coast. With careful planning and regulation of resources, the communities affected by the PNCIMA will always have access to sufficient resources to sustain both the environment, and their economic development. The second conflict relates to boundaries created by Parks Canada separating land and sea territories. These boundaries may cause problems due to different laws on resource use between land and sea in certain areas<ref name="Bor"/>. This could restrict the movement of Haida locals between ecosystems, and potentially cause conflict regarding land to sea transitions<ref name="Bor"/>.

In Conclusion, the objective of this case summary is to provide an example of Haida Gwaii inhabitants, specifically First Nations, successfully co-governing their marine ecosystems with the government of British Columbia. The structure of the PNCIMA is effective in including equal representation of both governments involved in the plan, and promotes conservation of the local biodiversity while allowing communities to continue to sustain their marine dependent economy. Although there are some weak points to the plan, they are firmly outweighed by the countless strengths of marine co-management. During the planning and execution of the PNCIMA, there have been many strong points including the representation of all First Nations communities in the governmental collaboration, and sustainable resource management methods. Overall, co-governance of marine environments on the pacific north coast have had positive influences on both the BC government and the First Nations peoples.

==Conclusion==

The unresolved overlapping land claims to Gwaii Haanas National Park-Reserve between the Haida Nation and the Federal Government of Canada have set the stage for one of the most successful examples of co-management in Canada. The Archipelago Management Board ensures that the voices of both parties are equally involved in the management of Gwaii Haanas, and has proven itself to be successful in allowing common goals to be achieved despite overlapping claims. Both parties have been able to come together to promote ecological integrity and conservation of biodiversity in both terrestrial and marine environments. Co-management in Gwaii Haanas has also been effective in preserving Haida culture, and developing a positive relationship between the Haida Nation and Canada. While there are areas that can be improved, such as potential conflict stemming from differing views and legislation regarding land-sea boundaries, the Gwaii Haanas NPR is an excellent model of co-management and can provide valuable lessons for the future of park co-management.

==References==

<references/>

[[Category:Conservation]]

Course:CONS200/2016w2/Wiki Projects/Biofuels

2017-09-04T22:54:50Z

JenniferMansour: /* Layering Perspectives: Other Alternatives */

{{Projectbox Conservation
|names= Adam Todd
}}
'''Biofuels: green economy initiative or more business as usual?'''

==Background and Types of Biofuels==

=== Background ===
Biofuel is the product of the refinement of plant [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Biomass biomass] which can then be burned for heat or light energy. <ref name="Guo"> Guo, M., Song, W., & Buhain, J. (2015). Bioenergy and biofuels: History, status, and perspective. Renewable and Sustainable Energy Reviews, 42, 712-725</ref> It is made of organic matter, either directly from plants or indirectly from domestic, industrial or commercial wastes.<ref>biofuel. BusinessDictionary.com. Retrieved March 20, 2017, from BusinessDictionary.com website: http://www.businessdictionary.com/definition/biofuel.html</ref>

=== Types of Biofuels ===
===== Firewood =====
Before fossil fuels, firewood was the primary source of fuel domestically, especially for heating and cooking before the 19th century. <ref name="Guo"/> Materials such as wood, hay, straw, and dung are collected, dried, and then burned as a fuel source.
The amount of energy that a well-seasoned firewood can produce is approximately 15 MJ per kg, which is one-third to one-half of what fossil fuels can produce. <ref name="ORNL">ORNL. Bioenergy conversion factors. Oak Ridge, TN: Oak Ridge National Laboratory; 2013. (http://bioenergy.ornl.gov/papers/misc/energy_conv.html)</ref>
Even today, nearly 2.6 billion people, primarily rural areas of developing countries, still depend on firewood as an energy source.

===== Charcoal =====
Because the temperature of a wood fire (approximately 850˚C) is unable to melt many metals, pyrolysis techniques were developed to turn wood into charcoal.<ref>Urbas, J., & Parker, W. J. (1993). Surface temperature measurements on burning wood specimens in the cone calorimeter and the effect of grain orientation. Fire and Materials, 17(5), 205-208.</ref> Charcoal is a grey-black solid that is carbon-enriched, often burning without smoke and reaching temperatures as high as 2700˚C.<ref>Gronli, M., Antal Jr, M. J., Schenkel, Y., & Crehay, R. (2003). The science and technology of charcoal production. Fast Pyrolysis of Biomass, A Handbook, 3, 147-178)</ref>. Good quality charcoal can produce 28-33 MJ per kg. Charcoal is commonly turned into briquets and used for barbecuing.

===== Bioethanol =====
Bioethanol is alcohol made by fermentation mostly from carbohydrates produced in sugar or starch crops such as corn, sugar cane or sweet sorghum, in which biochemical reactions are involved. It is an alternative to a highly depended-upon fuel source: gasoline. It is the only renewable feedstock material to create liquid fuel. The method of fermentation is similar to that of alcohol production for human consumption. Samuel Morey, an American inventor in the early 1800's, was the first to design a boat engine fueled by alcohol. It was able to run 7-8 miles per hour.
Despite the popularity of gasoline during the early 1900's, scientists supported the sustainability of ethanol in the fuel industry as there was an abundance of potential feedstock for its production.

Interest for using ethanol as a fuel was brought up again during the 1973 oil crisis, when the Organization of Arab Petroleum Exporting Countries (OAPEC) declared an oil ban. The ban raised the price of oil from $3 USD to nearly $12 globally.<ref>(Corbett, M. (2013). Oil Shock of 1973-74. Federal Reserve History. http://www. federalreservehistory. org/Events/DetailView/36 [Accessed March 3, 2016].)</ref>

[[File:First and Second Generation Bioethanol Production.gif|thumb|First and second generation bioethanol production by alcohol fermentation. Ian Zammit. [https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/deed.en CC BY-SA 3.0], via [https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File%3AFirst_and_Second_Generation_Bioethanol_Production_by_Alcoholic_Fermentation.gif%20 Wikiemedia Commons]]]
In 2013, The US produced more than 50% of the world's bioethanol, though Europe, Brazil, China and Canada also played significant roles.<ref>(RFA. Ethanol industry statistics. Washington, DC: Renewable Fuel Association; 2014. (http://www.ethanolrfa.org/ pages/statistics)</ref> The predominate feedstocks used for bioethanol production are corn, sugar cane, wheat, sugar beet, and cassava.

Bioethanol that is made from food crops is considered a "first-generation" biofuel, which means that the feedstock used in production competes with human and animals as a food source material. To reduce the competition, "second-generation" bioethanol from non-food dry plant materials have been created. Examples of biomass that is used are switchgrass, crop residues, yard trimmings, and food processing waste. Because they are non-food biomasses, the feedstocks are not required to be planted on agricultural land.<ref>Jansen, R. A., & Wiley InterScience (Online service). (2013;2012;). Second generation biofuels and biomass: Essential guide for investors, scientists and decision makers (1. Aufl.;1; ed.). Weinheim: Wiley-VCH.</ref>

===== Biodiesel =====
Biodiesel is a yellow liquid that is the product of transesterification from vegetable oil, animal fats, and/or waste grease along with alcohol. It is commercially produced and is a alternative to petrol diesel. Animal fat and vegetable oil were used for lighting lamps in the 1800's, but were not used for making biodiesel until the 1930's.<ref>(Thomson J. The Scot Who Lit the World—the Story of William Murdoch inventor of gas lighting. Dennistoun, Glasgow G31 2JJ, UK: Janet Thomson; 2003.)</ref> In 1893, German engineer Rudolf Diesel became the first person to create a diesel engine. He believed that the use of vegetable oil could fuel machines for agriculture in rural parts of the world.

[[File:Biodiesel produced from soybean oil.jpg|thumb|Biodiesel Pump. United Soybean Board.
[https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/ CC by 2.0, via [http://www.flickr.com/photos/95352257@N06/10479074054 Flickr]]]]
Between 2000 and 2013, the world production of biodiesel increased dramatically, rising from 213 million gallons to 6289 million gallons. Top production regions include the European Union, Brazil, the U.S., Argentina, and China.<ref>(EIA. Monthly biodiesel production report. Washington, DC: U.S. Energy Information Administration; 2014. (http://www.eia.gov/biofuels/biodiesel/production/)</ref> In 2013, the U.S. alone produced over 1300 million gallons of biodiesel from soy bean oil.<ref>(Atadashi, I. M., Aroua, M. K., Aziz, A. R. A., & Sulaiman, N. M. N. (2011). Refining technologies for the purification of crude biodiesel. Applied Energy, 88(12), 4239-4251. doi:10.1016/j.apenergy.2011.05.029)</ref> The most commonly used biodiesel blend in the US is B20, which is a blend of 20% biodiesel and 80% petroleum diesel.

The benefits of biodiesel are ease of use, production simplicity and cost-competitiveness. However, the ability to economically produce renewable feedstocks such as animal fat and vegetable oil sustainably is what will create a promising future for biodiesel.

===== Biogas =====
Biogas is a renewable alternative to natural gas that is created by anaerobic digestion of organic wastes. Raw biogas contains methane (CH4), carbon dioxide (CO2) and water vapour (H2, and H2S) that can be purified to become pipeline-quality biogas (or ''biomethane'')<ref name="Weiland">(Weiland, P. (2010). Biogas production: Current state and perspectives. Applied Microbiology and Biotechnology, 85(4), 849-860. doi:10.1007/s00253-009-2246-7)</ref>. Organic wastes, such as plant residues, can decompose to carbon dioxide and water in natural environments with sufficient air supply and microbial activity. However, in anaerobic conditions plant residues will undergo anaerobic digestion, being broken down to methane and carbon dioxide by microorganisms.

The anaerobic digestion reaction equation is as followed:
<big>'''''
C6H12O6→3CO2+3CH4'''</big>

[[File:ChinaBiogas.jpg|thumb|An anaerobic digester. By Chinese training pamphlet, several sources including [http://www.i-sis.org.uk/graphics/chinaBiogas.jpg Institute of Science in Society]. Public domain.]]
Anaerobic digestion is often used in treatment plants, farms as well as regular households to manage waste and produce energy. Organic wastes from every day living, excluding highly lignified material (such as woody debris) which cannot be broken down by anaerobic microorganisms<ref name="Weiland"/>, can be used for biogas production. Organic waste mixed with water can be placed in an air-tight container (anaerobic digester) and will produce biogas in one to two weeks time. This produces biogas as well as dark, odorous solids and liquids that needs to be cleaned and replaced with new organic waste. Typically one ton of organic waste (dry weight) can yield approximately 120 cubic metres of biomethane. This can in turn can create 200kW of electricity <ref>(European Bioplastics. Factsheet Mar 2010Anaerobic digestion European Bioplastics, Berlin, Germany (2011) )</ref>

China is currently the largest biogas producer, harvesting 6 billion Nm3 of biomethane per year. The potential for biogas continues to grow. More than 1 trillion N m^3 of biomethane could be harvested considering the amount of agricultural byproducts and domestic wastes created <ref>(World Bioenergy Association. Fact sheet on biogas—an important renewable energy source. Stockholm, Sweden: World Bioenergy Association; 2013.)</ref>. This in turn can cover a quarter of the worlds current natural gas consumption and 6% of the global demand for energy.

==First Generation Biofuel Crops and Feedstocks==

[[File:The enlarged biofuels family.jpg|frame|centre| Figure illustrates the various feedstocks, which can be converted to biofuels for transport. Riccardo Pravettoni, via [http://www.grida.no/resources/6222%20 UNEP/GRID-Arendal]]]

{| border="1" cellspacing="0" cellpadding="2"
|-
!scope="col"| Crop/Feedstock
!scope="col"| Associated Countries/Regions<ref name= "BSC"/>
!scope="col"| Growing Conditions<ref name= "BSC"/>
!scope="col"| Related Facts<ref name= "BSC"/>
|-
!scope="row"| Maize/Corn
| USA
|
*Cultivated in temperate climates
*Relatively low water consumption for both production and ethanol conversion process
*Fertilizer and pesticide requirements are high
|
*High productivity per unit of land, but uses large amounts of fertilizers and pesticides and consumes fossil energy
*Create food/fuel competition for resources.
|-
!scope="row"| Sugarcane
| Brazil (Latin America), Africa, India
|
*Tropical regions, with ample rainfall
*Requires deep soils
*Requires high level of nitrogen and phosphate fertilization
|
*Efficient crop in terms of yield per unit of land, but its sustainability hinges on water availability
*Produces range of useful byproducts
*Continues to be attractive under 2nd generation technologies as bagasse
|-
!scope="row"| Rapeseed
| European Union (EU)
|
*Ideally in temperate regions under 500 mm of rainfall
*Grown on fertile and well drained land
|
*Biodiesel yield per acre and GHG savings does not compare to other alternative feedstocks
*Biofuel development in EU is promoted through heavy subsidies and mandates
|-
!scope="row"| Oil Palm
| Malaysia, Indonesia, Africa, Latin America
|
*Tropical forest plant
*Needs to be sufficiently watered
*Optimal production on well-drained and deep soils, can be cultivated on number of soil types
|
*Most sufficient for biodiesel production
*Creates great concern for plantation expansion on sensitive lands (peatlants, forests, etc.)
|-
!scope="row"| Soybean
| China, USA, Latin America
|
*Majority grown in tropical/sub-tropical areas, where rainfall ranges from 600 to 1500 mm annually
*Tends to be grown in monoculture systems
|
*Raises concerns over potential further undesirable land expansion from USA to Latin America
|-
!scope="row"| Jatropha
| Africa, India,Thailand
|
*Drought-tolerant, low input requirements and suitable for marginal lands.
|
*Can improve soil quality because of its deep root system
*Suitable for small scale production; large scale production with land conversion must be incentivize
*Will compete with food crops for land and water resources
|-
!scope="row"| Cassava
| China, Africa, Latin America, Thailand, Indonesia
|
*Cultivated in the tropics
*Precipitation above 600 mm
*Tolerant to limited soil fertility on sandy and clay textures
|
*Critical food security source for rural communities
*Most commonly produced in small farm scale
|-
!scope="row"| Sweet Sorghum
| Sub-Saharan Africa, India
|
*Can be grown in variety of soil depths and water conditions
*It is drought-tolerant, can be grown in shorter season with less labour requirements.
|
*Requires quick processing and therefore presents transportation and storeage challenge
*Fibrous residues can be used to produce electricity, process heat and power
|-
|}

==An Alternative==
===Audi's e-Diesel===
Audi, the German car manufacturer, has announced a new fuel technology which they call "e-Diesel". "E-Diesel" is entirely manufactured in a factory that only requires inputs of electricity that can be generated through renewable energy sources, water (H2O) and carbon dioxide (CO2) that can be found excessively in the atmosphere. With its consumption, it's only output is oxygen (O2). In cars running on "e-Diesel", they claim that a zero carbon-footprint can be achieved.<ref>McSpadden, K. (2015) Audi just invented fuel made from CO2 and water. Retrieved from:http://wiki.ubc.ca/Documentation:Open_Case_Studies/Licensing_Citation#Citing_Resources_in_a_Wiki</ref>
==Layering Perspectives: Other Alternatives ==
In this section we welcome contributions from scholars and students that widen the scope alternative biofuels considered in this case study.

==Environmental Impacts==

===Land Use Change===
[[File:Dominant land cover and use.png|thumb|Map for dominant land cover and use. UN Food and Agriculture Organization. Retrieved from [http://www.fao.org/docrep/017/i1688e/i1688e00.htm Chapter 1: Status and Trends in Land and Water Resources]]]

Land use change is a major issue regarding biofuel production. From directly growing energy crops to raising domestic animals whose fat can be converted into biofuel, every step requires planning and land management. Systems for land and agronomic management are critical evaluation tools for analyzing the global scale impacts of biofuel and its dependability in the future.

There are two kinds of land use change: direct land use change (dLUC) and indirect land use change (iLUC).<ref name= "LUC">Barnabè, D., Bucchi, R., Rispoli, A., Chiavetta, C., Porta, P.L., Bianchi, C.L., Pirola, C., Boffito D.C. & Carvoli G. (2013). Land Use Change Impacts of Biofuels: A Methodology to Evaluate Biofuel Sustainability, Biofuels - Economy, Environment and Sustainability. InTech, doi:10.5772/52255</ref> Remote-sensing is a common method to estimate the severity of land use change such as deforestation.<ref name= "BSC">Elbehri, A., Segerstedt, A., Liu, P. (2013). Biofuels and the sustainability challenge : A global assessment of sustainability issues, trends and policies for biofuels and related feedstocks. Rome: Trade and Markets Division, Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations. Retrieved from: http://www.fao.org/economic/est/publications/biofuel-publication/en/</ref>

Direct land use change (dLUC) refers to land being converted to biofuel feedstock production from a previous land use, such as natural areas under conservation, wetland, rangeland, or agricultural land.<ref name="B&B">Webb, A. and D. Coates (2012). Biofuels and Biodiversity. Secretariat of the Convention on Biological Diversity. Montreal, Technical Series No. 65, Retreived from: https://www.cbd.int/doc/publications/cbd-ts-65-en.pdf</ref> Indirect land use change (iLUC) occurs when biofuel feedstock production displaces previous productive land to other areas.<ref name="B&B"/> Sustainability of biofuels is questionable. Serious doubts have been raised about the social and environmental impacts of iLUC. These impacts include deforestation (conversion and fragmentation of natural habitats), significant greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, as well as negative effects on biodiversity, carbon stocks, water quality, food security and land rights.<ref name="B&B"/> A report describes the impact of indirect land use change: “The iLUC in this context is always direct land use (dLUC) for food production incentivized by the cross-price effects of an increased production of biofuel feedstocks which then translates into an additional demand for so far unused land areas.”<ref name= "LUC"/>
[[File:Land required for biofuels by feedstock.jpg|frame|center|Land required for biofuels by feedstock. Nieves Lopez Izquierdo, via [http://www.grida.no/resources/6220 GRID-Arendal] ]]

Reports published by the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) further state that there may be indirect effects of land use change, such as increases in carbon emissions as more land is converted to biofuel crop production in response to global demand.<ref name= "BSC"/> Furthermore, the FAO also warns that biofuel production may have a higher carbon footprint than fossil fuels once land-use changes are factored into the analysis.<ref> Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations. (2008). The State of Food and Agriculture. Retrieved from : http://www.fao.org/docrep/011/i0100e/i0100e00.htm </ref>
[[File:LUC Figure 22.png|500px||center||frame|via UN Food and Agriculture Organization. Retrieved from [http://www.fao.org/3/a-i0100e.pdf The State of Food and Agriculture 2008 Report]]]

The greatest reduction in GHG emissions from biofuels production is the sequestration of carbon dioxide (CO2) in the atmosphere when feedstocks and crops are planted.<ref name="BIGELUC"/> Conversion on land with high natural carbon stocks like forests, grasslands, woodlands, peatlands, and wetlands will result in significant additional greenhouse gas emissions. The "carbon debt" is a term referencing the carbon emissions generated from land conversion.<ref name="B&B"/> Studies often fail to count emissions from land use change because they are difficult to quantify and are commonly overlooked by existing analytical methods. In order to generate greenhouse benefits or "pay back" the carbon debt, the carbon uptake credit (CO2 absorbed by the biofuel crop) must exceed the emissions from land use change.
<ref name="BIGELUC"> Searchinger, T., Heimlich, R., Houghton, R., Dong, F., Elobeid, A., Fabiosa, J., . . . Yu, T. (2008). Use of U.S. Croplands for Biofuels Increases Greenhouse Gases through Emissions from Land-Use Change. Science, 319(5867), 1238-1240. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/stable/20053483 </ref> <ref name="B&B"/>
[[File:LUC Figure 23.png|600px|frame|centre|via UN Food and Agriculture Organization. Retrieved from [http://www.fao.org/3/a-i0100e.pdf The State of Food and Agriculture 2008 Report]]]

===Remaining Land Alternatives===
====Marginal and Degraded Lands====
[[File:Potential biofuels production on abandoned agricultural land.jpg|thumb|Potential biofuels production on abandoned agricultural land. Nieves Lopez Izquierdo, via [http://www.grida.no/resources/6188 GRID-Arendal]]]
It is clear that the benefit of biofuels is questionable and that it can either contribute to climate change mitigation or be a GHG emission intensifier. Undoubtedly, appropriate locations for biofuel plantations are critical for sustainable production. Producing biomass on less productive areas may alleviate the land use competition with food and improve the agronomy and ecology of the area.<ref name= "LUC"/>
Bioenergy industries are delving into the potential of marginal lands and degraded lands as alternative to cropland and feedstock supply to address the food versus fuel debate.<ref name= "LUC"/>
Marginal lands suitable for cropping shares 19% and approximate 298 Mha of cultivated lands Globally in 2010.<ref>The Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations and Earthscan. (2011) Managing systems at risk. The State of the World's Land and Water Resources for Food and Agriculture. Retrieved from: http://www.fao.org/docrep/017/i1688e/i1688e.pdf</ref>

Some generally recognized benefits of replanting biomass on marginal and degraded lands include reducing pressure on ecosystems and natural land conversion while providing soil stability and productivity, increasing soil nutrient and water content, and recreating habitats.<ref name="Diversity">Campbell, A. & Doswald, N. (2009) The impacts of biofuel production on
biodiversity: A review of the current literature. UNEP-WCMC, Cambridge, UK. Retrived from: https://www.cbd.int/agriculture/2011-121/UNEP-WCMC3-sep11-en.pdf</ref> However, others argue that the environment will be better protected through sustainable agriculture, reducing agricultural inputs, and restoring degraded lands.<ref name="B&B"/>

====Broad issues with using degraded lands for energy crops:====
[[File:Table 2.1.png|thumb|Proposed Definitions of Land Types. UN Food and Agriculture Organization.Retrieved from [http://www.fao.org/wairdocs/tac/x5784e/x5784e0f.htm#1.1 Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research]]]
#How to define these marginal and degraded lands and soil. Agroeconomic profitability is no longer sustainable criterion to define marginal and degraded land. Multiple criteria are suggested using soil health indicators, current land use and environmental degradation.<ref name="B&B"/> The value of marginal lands should also be deliberated according to its social and cultural importance. Some marginal areas constitute a primary source of livelihoods for the rural poor, provide ecosystem services, and hold biodiversity values.<ref name="B&B"/>
#Production of energy crops is one of many purposes competing for the use of degraded land. In the long-term, competition for land will only become more pronounced due to increasing demand for food production and urbanization.<ref name="B&B"/>
#GHG benefits of growing energy crops on marginal and degraded lands do not compare to restoration of natural vegetation and soils.<ref name="B&B"/>

===Impact on Biodiversity===
Biodiversity is another important element to consider when analyzing the consequences of Biomass production. Practices of crop monoculture can be detrimental to local biodiversity through habitat loss, expansion of invasive species, and contamination from fertilizers and herbicides.<ref name= "BSC"/> Generally single-crop biofuel plantations have been reported to have low species diversity and can increase soil erosion.<ref name="Diversity"/> On a field-scale, the most efficient cropping systems have great uniformity and very little biodiversity.<ref name= "BSC"/> Choice of crop and management regime is therefore an important element in determining whether the biofuel is biodiversity friendly.<ref name="Diversity"/>
[[File:Figure 2.5.png|center|frame|Conflict Zones: High Potentials for Biomass Production vs. High Biodiversity. UN Food and Agriculture Organization. Retrieved from [http://www.fao.org/docrep/017/i3126e/i3126e.pdf Biofuels and the Sustainability Challenge] report by Elbehri ''et al''. ]]

Rising demand for biofuels escalates the incentive for the clearing of natural habitats<ref name= "BSC"/>. For instance, palm oil plantation development is one of the most cited causes of natural habitat conversion in Southeast Asia, which continues to lose its primary forests, thus endangering the region’s biodiversity.<ref name="Diversity"/> Oil palm plantations have estimated to remove 78% to 85% of recorded native species in primary forests of Indonesia and Malaysia, and supports lower levels of biodiversity than other tree crops, agricultural crops and abandoned pasture.<ref name="Diversity"/> Dominant species on these plantations are often invasive or non-forest generalist species, which replace specialist species important for a functional ecosystem.<ref name="Diversity"/> Habitat fragmentation is also a threat to native species of continuous forest. The development of infrastructures and burning of forest land to create oil palm remain a threat to many species in Southeast Asia, such as the Sumatran rhino, Asian elephants, tigers, and Borneo orangutan.<ref name="Diversity"/>

==Layering Perspectives: Environmental Impacts==
In this section we welcome contributions from scholars and students that widen the scope of environmental considerations posed in this case study.

==Economic Viability==

===The Global Demand for Biofuels===

Worldwide demand for biofuels has been growing rapidly in recent decades. Production is estimated to reach 51.1 billion gallons by 2022, up from 32.4 billion gallons produced in 2013. <ref> Navigant Research. (2014) Annual biofuel demand forecasted at 51 billion gallons by 2022. Retrieved from: http://biomassmagazine.com/articles/10002/annual-biofuel-demand-forecasted-at-51-billion-gallons-by-2022 </ref> However, the economies of scale in the biofuel industry has demonstrated the problems it can cause, including encouraging agriculturalisation of carbon-rich forested land leading to the rapid expansion of the frontier in Brazil<ref>Leon, A., & Leon, R. (2016). The Scope for Increasing Biofuel Crop Production in Japan: An Analysis of Alternative Policies. Asian Economic And Financial Review, 6(3), 115-126.</ref>, and encouraging the use of pesticides and fertilisers to press for higher crop yield<ref name="Wash">Washington Post. (2008) Title of the Article. The Problem With Biofuels, More proof that there are no easy solutions to climate change. Retrieved from:http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2008/02/26/AR2008022602827_pf.html</ref> Consequently, the carbon emission problems biofuels aimed to remedy in the first place can actually be escalated due to the massive scale of production. If forest removal is considered in carbon emission calculations, the total emissions can be between 17 and 420 times greater than if just considering production alone.<ref name="Wash"/>

===The Increased Food Price===

Since biofuel production requires the same lands that are used to traditionally grow food, the food price increase in recent years should have contribution from the expansion of the biofuel industry.<ref>Alexander, C & Hurt, C. (Year) Biofuels and Their impact on Food Prices, 1. Retrieved from: http://wiki.ubc.ca/Documentation:Open_Case_Studies/Licensing_Citation#Citing_Resources_in_a_Wiki</ref> Furthermore, Rice (2010) has claimed that the biofuels option is merely an easy way-out for politicians<ref name="M/G">Rice, T. (2010). Meals per gallon. Retrieved from: https://www.actionaid.org.uk/sites/default/files/doc_lib/meals_per_gallon_final.pdf</ref>. To the global commons, biofuels, with the competition they induce on farm lands, are believed to have put '''100 millions people back into poverty''' with the food price crisis in 2008, evidenced by the World Bank's estimation.<ref name="M/G"/>

===Businesses' Views on Biofuels===

Although biofuels mandates are mostly from government policy-makers, it's businesses that take on the commercialisation "quest" to deliver this technology to consumers.<ref name="RiskInBusinesses">Pries, F., Talebi, A., Schillo, R. S., & Lemay, M. A. (2016). Risks Affecting the Biofuels Industry: A US and Canadian Company Perspective. Energy Policy, 9793-101. doi:http://dx.doi.org.ezp.lib.unimelb.edu.au/10.1016/j.enpol.2016.07.006</ref> Potential risks that may forbid actual companies to invest in biofuels production include: (1) unknown and hard-to-predict technical and non-technical consequences by innovative products; (2) potential impacts on the demand-supply status quo; (3) raising food security problems; (4) uncertainty in competition with "oil giants"; and (5) inadequate infrastructure to support such production processes.<ref name="RiskInBusinesses"/>

==Biofuels and Agriculture==
===Food Prices and Social Unrest===
[[file:FAO Food Price Index.png|thumb|Food price index from January 1990 to July 2012, data from [http://www.fao.org/fileadmin/templates/worldfood/Reports_and_docs/Food_price_indices_data.xls UN Food and Agriculture Organization. Jashuah, [https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/ CC BY-SA 3.0]]]
Biofuels have been controversial regarding spikes in food prices and the resulting social unrest such price increases have caused. The rise of food prices correlate well with the increased diversion of corn and soy from the food supply to biofuel production.<ref name= "Changing Landscape">Newton, J., and T. Kuethe. (2015) Changing Landscape of Corn and Soybean Production and Potential Implications in 2015. Farmdoc Daily, Department of Agricultural and Consumer Economics, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, (5)42, doi: http://farmdocdaily.illinois.edu/2015/03/changing-landscape-of-corn-and-soybean-production.html </ref> Though also involving complex political issues, the rising cost of cereal prices played a major role in protests that developed into the Syrian Civil War.<ref>Rocchi, B., Romano, D., Hamza, R. (2013). Agriculture reform and food crisis in Syria: Impacts on poverty and inequality. Food Policy, Volume 43, 190-203.</ref> Similarly, food prices also played a major role in the series of uprisings that became known as the Arab Spring. In Cairo, for example, waving bread became a symbolic gesture of outrage at food price rises which rose as high as 300% in 2011. The rise in food prices in that year can be attributed to several factors that reduced the overall global supply, including extreme weather conditions in Russia, Ukraine, Australia, and Canada that reduced crop yields.<ref>Sternberg, T. (2012). Chinese drought, bread and the Arab Spring. Applied Geography, Volume 34, 519-524. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.apgeog.2012.02.004</ref> Many issues have been raised about diverting crops from the food supply to produce biofuels, including concerns over biofuel production decreasing the global food supply, and the replacement of food crops with corn or sugar cane for biofuel production increasing food costs. Industrial corn production uses a large amount of chemical fertilizers and pesticides (97% of acres of corn in the US have applications of both nitrogen fertilizer and herbicides) which is an ecological sustainability concern in terms of greenhouse gas emission and runoff pollution.<ref>USDA. (2015). 2014 Agricultural Chemical Use Survey - Corn Highlights. United States Department of Agriculture. Retrieved from https://www.nass.usda.gov/Surveys/Guide_to_NASS_Surveys/Chemical_Use/2014_Corn_Highlights/</ref> However, the threat of collapse of nation-states or societies from unequal access to food poses a serious threat to the ecological, social, and economic sustainability globally.
[[file:Arab_Spring_and_Regional_Conflict_Map.svg|thumb|Arab Spring and Regional Conflict Map. Ian Remsen. Public Domain, via [https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Arab_Spring_and_Regional_Conflict_Map.svg Wikimedia Commons]]]

===Decreasing the Global Food Supply===
[[File:FAO Cereal Production, Utilization, Stocks.jpg|thumb|World Cereal Production, Utilization, and Stocks. Retrieved from [http://www.fao.org/worldfoodsituation/csdb/en/ UN Food and Agriculture Organization].]]
In 2007, Jacques Diouf, then-Director-General of the United Nations Food and Agriculture Agency (FAO) warned that if trends regarding biofuels were to continue world hunger would rise, especially in the developing world.<ref>Rosenthal, E. (2007). World Food Stocks Dwindling, UN Warns. New York Times. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/2007/12/17/world/europe/17iht-food.html</ref> Similarly, the United States National Institutes of Environmental Health Sciences (NIEHS) warned that biofuels further tie food prices to the price of petroleum and force people to compete with automobiles for energy.<ref>Tenenbaum, D. J. (2008). Food vs. Fuel: Diversion of Crops Could Cause More Hunger. Environmental Health Perspectives, 116(6), A254-A257.</ref> There is as yet no consensus on the real-world impact of biofuels on food prices, though generally as the price of petroleum rises, the price of biofuels increase, which in turn causes price increases for the agricultural commodities used to produce them.<ref>Bastianin, A., Galeotti, M., & Manera, M. (2016). Ethanol and field crops: is there a price connection?. Food Policy, 63, 53-61.</ref> Analyses of the level of price increases of agricultural commodities from diversion for biofuels have ranged from increases of 14% to 43%.<ref>Persson, U. M. (2014). The impact of biofuel on agricultural commodity prices: a systematic review. Wiley Interdisciplinary Review: Energy and Environment, 4(5), 410-428.</ref>

===Replacement of Food Crops===
[[File:Change in Corn Harvested, 2004-2015.jpg|thumb|[http://farmdocdaily.illinois.edu/2015/03/changing-landscape-of-corn-and-soybean-production.html Changing Landscape of Corn and Soybean Production and Potential Implications] in 2015 by John Newton and Todd Kuethe via [http://farmdocdaily.illinois.edu/ familydoc daily]]][[File:Change in Wheat Harvested, 2005-2015.jpg|thumb|[http://farmdocdaily.illinois.edu/2015/03/changing-landscape-of-corn-and-soybean-production.html Changing Landscape of Corn and Soybean Production and Potential Implications] in 2015 by John Newton and Todd Kuethe via [http://farmdocdaily.illinois.edu/ familydoc daily]]]
Another concern of biofuel production is the replacement of food crops with biofuel crops. Since biofuel subsidies were introduced in 2005, the land dedicated to growing corn in the US has risen by more than 20 million acres. Wheat production has seen a corresponding decline of acreage of nearly 4 million acres, as well as reductions in area dedicated to rice and peanut production.<ref name="Changing Landscape" /> This trend has been seen in other parts of the world as well. Brazil is another major producer of biofuel from sugar cane, which has displaced agricultural commodities that are important staple food crops.<ref>Sayffarth, A. R. (2015). The Impact of Rising Ethanol Production on the Brazilian Market for Basic Food Commodities: An Econometric Assessment. Environmental and Resource Economics, 64(3), 511-536.</ref> Possibly because it’s a more efficient producer of ethanol than corn, the effect on food prices hasn’t been as dramatic with sugar production.<ref>Bentivoglio, D., Finco, A., & Bacchi, M. (2016). Interdependencies between biofuel, fuel and food prices: The case of the Brazilian ethanol market. Energies, 9(6), 464. doi:10.3390/en9060464</ref>

==Policy Recommendations==
===Balancing Biofuels Production In Land/Resources Management On A Multi-Level Platform===
Major environmental deficits revolving around biofuel production are caused by the imbalance between biofuel crops and other biota. This is due to the need for and the lack of effective management strategies for scarce and competitive resources, such as land, water, and other agricultural inputs. The full extent of negative impacts on the environment, based solely on land use change, cannot be easily determined. As the balance between crop growing and natural ecological reservation varies from one area to another, multi-level (global, regional, local) negotiation and planning should be implemented to develop a comprehensive and equitable land use policy that serves to provide a sustainable balance for biofuel production in the environment, fully exploiting the possibility of coexistence between fuel production and the environment with the least compromise.

===Avoid Over-Incentivising Biofuels In The Commercialisation Process===
Food production serves as one of the basic necessities for a functional economy and should not be challenged by biofuel crops. Autocratically providing incentives for biofuel production to achieve economic or political goals will only isolate environmental considerations from decision-making. This is inappropriate because the ecological services serve as the basis for the continued existence of all economies and polities. Hence, before pushing biofuel products into the market, policy-makers should seek to organize an investigation to produce estimates for actual business owners about the capacity of biofuel production the economy can withstand without further decreasing the capacity of the environment to provide consistent natural resources.

===Avoid Compromising Traditional Food Crops For Biofuels In Agriculture===
Competition for food crops represents a major impact from biofuels to agricultural food production by land use repurposing. This can contribute to increased carbon emissions from the agricultural industry. However, it also has potential increase social unrest by causing increases in food prices. Policies should be set to reduce or eliminate biofuel-caused food scarcity, and the price increase it causes. This can be accomplished by mandating reductions, and eventual elimination, of first-generation biofuels made using food crops, and promoting the development and adoption of second-generation biofuels that can be produced using other materials such as agricultural waste (crop residue), municipal wastes, and algae. During policy-making, crops with important cultural meaning should obtain additional attention to avoid conflicts, which can weaken nations' agricultural capacity and overall stability. A recent of such instability is Egypt during the Arab Spring, wherein prolonged conflict led to detrimental ecological degradation.

==Layering Perspectives: Policy Recommendations==
In this section we welcome contributions from scholars and students that widen the scope of recommendations offered in this case study.

==Conclusion==
With the purpose of examining the viability of biofuels as a green initiative, this study on biofuels has included the history of biofuels and impacts of biofuels on environmental, economic and agricultural sustainability from the regional scale to the global. Environmentally, biofuels have evidently caused increased competition land resources with natural ecosystems that preserve biodiversity. Economically, biofuels are believably capable of restructuring the contemporary economy by challenging traditionally dominant industries and by modifying the market supply-demand balance. Agriculturally, misuse of land resources and other agricultural products is also pervasive and is causing considerable destruction to the basic functionality of agriculture: sustainably providing food for humanity. We have thus concluded with the following recommendations: to enforce the idea of balance in managing biofuel production with natural resources; to take careful steps in implementing biofuel products in the market; and to guarantee the production of traditional food crops on arable lands.

==Layering Perspectives: Conclusions==
In this section we welcome contributions from scholars and students that widen the scope of conclusions drawn from this case study.

==References==

<references/>

[[Category:Conservation]]

Course:CONS200/2016w2/Wiki Projects/Biofuels

2017-09-04T22:53:39Z

JenniferMansour: /* Layering Perspectives: Environmental Impacts */

{{Projectbox Conservation
|names= Adam Todd
}}
'''Biofuels: green economy initiative or more business as usual?'''

==Background and Types of Biofuels==

=== Background ===
Biofuel is the product of the refinement of plant [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Biomass biomass] which can then be burned for heat or light energy. <ref name="Guo"> Guo, M., Song, W., & Buhain, J. (2015). Bioenergy and biofuels: History, status, and perspective. Renewable and Sustainable Energy Reviews, 42, 712-725</ref> It is made of organic matter, either directly from plants or indirectly from domestic, industrial or commercial wastes.<ref>biofuel. BusinessDictionary.com. Retrieved March 20, 2017, from BusinessDictionary.com website: http://www.businessdictionary.com/definition/biofuel.html</ref>

=== Types of Biofuels ===
===== Firewood =====
Before fossil fuels, firewood was the primary source of fuel domestically, especially for heating and cooking before the 19th century. <ref name="Guo"/> Materials such as wood, hay, straw, and dung are collected, dried, and then burned as a fuel source.
The amount of energy that a well-seasoned firewood can produce is approximately 15 MJ per kg, which is one-third to one-half of what fossil fuels can produce. <ref name="ORNL">ORNL. Bioenergy conversion factors. Oak Ridge, TN: Oak Ridge National Laboratory; 2013. (http://bioenergy.ornl.gov/papers/misc/energy_conv.html)</ref>
Even today, nearly 2.6 billion people, primarily rural areas of developing countries, still depend on firewood as an energy source.

===== Charcoal =====
Because the temperature of a wood fire (approximately 850˚C) is unable to melt many metals, pyrolysis techniques were developed to turn wood into charcoal.<ref>Urbas, J., & Parker, W. J. (1993). Surface temperature measurements on burning wood specimens in the cone calorimeter and the effect of grain orientation. Fire and Materials, 17(5), 205-208.</ref> Charcoal is a grey-black solid that is carbon-enriched, often burning without smoke and reaching temperatures as high as 2700˚C.<ref>Gronli, M., Antal Jr, M. J., Schenkel, Y., & Crehay, R. (2003). The science and technology of charcoal production. Fast Pyrolysis of Biomass, A Handbook, 3, 147-178)</ref>. Good quality charcoal can produce 28-33 MJ per kg. Charcoal is commonly turned into briquets and used for barbecuing.

===== Bioethanol =====
Bioethanol is alcohol made by fermentation mostly from carbohydrates produced in sugar or starch crops such as corn, sugar cane or sweet sorghum, in which biochemical reactions are involved. It is an alternative to a highly depended-upon fuel source: gasoline. It is the only renewable feedstock material to create liquid fuel. The method of fermentation is similar to that of alcohol production for human consumption. Samuel Morey, an American inventor in the early 1800's, was the first to design a boat engine fueled by alcohol. It was able to run 7-8 miles per hour.
Despite the popularity of gasoline during the early 1900's, scientists supported the sustainability of ethanol in the fuel industry as there was an abundance of potential feedstock for its production.

Interest for using ethanol as a fuel was brought up again during the 1973 oil crisis, when the Organization of Arab Petroleum Exporting Countries (OAPEC) declared an oil ban. The ban raised the price of oil from $3 USD to nearly $12 globally.<ref>(Corbett, M. (2013). Oil Shock of 1973-74. Federal Reserve History. http://www. federalreservehistory. org/Events/DetailView/36 [Accessed March 3, 2016].)</ref>

[[File:First and Second Generation Bioethanol Production.gif|thumb|First and second generation bioethanol production by alcohol fermentation. Ian Zammit. [https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/deed.en CC BY-SA 3.0], via [https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File%3AFirst_and_Second_Generation_Bioethanol_Production_by_Alcoholic_Fermentation.gif%20 Wikiemedia Commons]]]
In 2013, The US produced more than 50% of the world's bioethanol, though Europe, Brazil, China and Canada also played significant roles.<ref>(RFA. Ethanol industry statistics. Washington, DC: Renewable Fuel Association; 2014. (http://www.ethanolrfa.org/ pages/statistics)</ref> The predominate feedstocks used for bioethanol production are corn, sugar cane, wheat, sugar beet, and cassava.

Bioethanol that is made from food crops is considered a "first-generation" biofuel, which means that the feedstock used in production competes with human and animals as a food source material. To reduce the competition, "second-generation" bioethanol from non-food dry plant materials have been created. Examples of biomass that is used are switchgrass, crop residues, yard trimmings, and food processing waste. Because they are non-food biomasses, the feedstocks are not required to be planted on agricultural land.<ref>Jansen, R. A., & Wiley InterScience (Online service). (2013;2012;). Second generation biofuels and biomass: Essential guide for investors, scientists and decision makers (1. Aufl.;1; ed.). Weinheim: Wiley-VCH.</ref>

===== Biodiesel =====
Biodiesel is a yellow liquid that is the product of transesterification from vegetable oil, animal fats, and/or waste grease along with alcohol. It is commercially produced and is a alternative to petrol diesel. Animal fat and vegetable oil were used for lighting lamps in the 1800's, but were not used for making biodiesel until the 1930's.<ref>(Thomson J. The Scot Who Lit the World—the Story of William Murdoch inventor of gas lighting. Dennistoun, Glasgow G31 2JJ, UK: Janet Thomson; 2003.)</ref> In 1893, German engineer Rudolf Diesel became the first person to create a diesel engine. He believed that the use of vegetable oil could fuel machines for agriculture in rural parts of the world.

[[File:Biodiesel produced from soybean oil.jpg|thumb|Biodiesel Pump. United Soybean Board.
[https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/ CC by 2.0, via [http://www.flickr.com/photos/95352257@N06/10479074054 Flickr]]]]
Between 2000 and 2013, the world production of biodiesel increased dramatically, rising from 213 million gallons to 6289 million gallons. Top production regions include the European Union, Brazil, the U.S., Argentina, and China.<ref>(EIA. Monthly biodiesel production report. Washington, DC: U.S. Energy Information Administration; 2014. (http://www.eia.gov/biofuels/biodiesel/production/)</ref> In 2013, the U.S. alone produced over 1300 million gallons of biodiesel from soy bean oil.<ref>(Atadashi, I. M., Aroua, M. K., Aziz, A. R. A., & Sulaiman, N. M. N. (2011). Refining technologies for the purification of crude biodiesel. Applied Energy, 88(12), 4239-4251. doi:10.1016/j.apenergy.2011.05.029)</ref> The most commonly used biodiesel blend in the US is B20, which is a blend of 20% biodiesel and 80% petroleum diesel.

The benefits of biodiesel are ease of use, production simplicity and cost-competitiveness. However, the ability to economically produce renewable feedstocks such as animal fat and vegetable oil sustainably is what will create a promising future for biodiesel.

===== Biogas =====
Biogas is a renewable alternative to natural gas that is created by anaerobic digestion of organic wastes. Raw biogas contains methane (CH4), carbon dioxide (CO2) and water vapour (H2, and H2S) that can be purified to become pipeline-quality biogas (or ''biomethane'')<ref name="Weiland">(Weiland, P. (2010). Biogas production: Current state and perspectives. Applied Microbiology and Biotechnology, 85(4), 849-860. doi:10.1007/s00253-009-2246-7)</ref>. Organic wastes, such as plant residues, can decompose to carbon dioxide and water in natural environments with sufficient air supply and microbial activity. However, in anaerobic conditions plant residues will undergo anaerobic digestion, being broken down to methane and carbon dioxide by microorganisms.

The anaerobic digestion reaction equation is as followed:
<big>'''''
C6H12O6→3CO2+3CH4'''</big>

[[File:ChinaBiogas.jpg|thumb|An anaerobic digester. By Chinese training pamphlet, several sources including [http://www.i-sis.org.uk/graphics/chinaBiogas.jpg Institute of Science in Society]. Public domain.]]
Anaerobic digestion is often used in treatment plants, farms as well as regular households to manage waste and produce energy. Organic wastes from every day living, excluding highly lignified material (such as woody debris) which cannot be broken down by anaerobic microorganisms<ref name="Weiland"/>, can be used for biogas production. Organic waste mixed with water can be placed in an air-tight container (anaerobic digester) and will produce biogas in one to two weeks time. This produces biogas as well as dark, odorous solids and liquids that needs to be cleaned and replaced with new organic waste. Typically one ton of organic waste (dry weight) can yield approximately 120 cubic metres of biomethane. This can in turn can create 200kW of electricity <ref>(European Bioplastics. Factsheet Mar 2010Anaerobic digestion European Bioplastics, Berlin, Germany (2011) )</ref>

China is currently the largest biogas producer, harvesting 6 billion Nm3 of biomethane per year. The potential for biogas continues to grow. More than 1 trillion N m^3 of biomethane could be harvested considering the amount of agricultural byproducts and domestic wastes created <ref>(World Bioenergy Association. Fact sheet on biogas—an important renewable energy source. Stockholm, Sweden: World Bioenergy Association; 2013.)</ref>. This in turn can cover a quarter of the worlds current natural gas consumption and 6% of the global demand for energy.

==First Generation Biofuel Crops and Feedstocks==

[[File:The enlarged biofuels family.jpg|frame|centre| Figure illustrates the various feedstocks, which can be converted to biofuels for transport. Riccardo Pravettoni, via [http://www.grida.no/resources/6222%20 UNEP/GRID-Arendal]]]

{| border="1" cellspacing="0" cellpadding="2"
|-
!scope="col"| Crop/Feedstock
!scope="col"| Associated Countries/Regions<ref name= "BSC"/>
!scope="col"| Growing Conditions<ref name= "BSC"/>
!scope="col"| Related Facts<ref name= "BSC"/>
|-
!scope="row"| Maize/Corn
| USA
|
*Cultivated in temperate climates
*Relatively low water consumption for both production and ethanol conversion process
*Fertilizer and pesticide requirements are high
|
*High productivity per unit of land, but uses large amounts of fertilizers and pesticides and consumes fossil energy
*Create food/fuel competition for resources.
|-
!scope="row"| Sugarcane
| Brazil (Latin America), Africa, India
|
*Tropical regions, with ample rainfall
*Requires deep soils
*Requires high level of nitrogen and phosphate fertilization
|
*Efficient crop in terms of yield per unit of land, but its sustainability hinges on water availability
*Produces range of useful byproducts
*Continues to be attractive under 2nd generation technologies as bagasse
|-
!scope="row"| Rapeseed
| European Union (EU)
|
*Ideally in temperate regions under 500 mm of rainfall
*Grown on fertile and well drained land
|
*Biodiesel yield per acre and GHG savings does not compare to other alternative feedstocks
*Biofuel development in EU is promoted through heavy subsidies and mandates
|-
!scope="row"| Oil Palm
| Malaysia, Indonesia, Africa, Latin America
|
*Tropical forest plant
*Needs to be sufficiently watered
*Optimal production on well-drained and deep soils, can be cultivated on number of soil types
|
*Most sufficient for biodiesel production
*Creates great concern for plantation expansion on sensitive lands (peatlants, forests, etc.)
|-
!scope="row"| Soybean
| China, USA, Latin America
|
*Majority grown in tropical/sub-tropical areas, where rainfall ranges from 600 to 1500 mm annually
*Tends to be grown in monoculture systems
|
*Raises concerns over potential further undesirable land expansion from USA to Latin America
|-
!scope="row"| Jatropha
| Africa, India,Thailand
|
*Drought-tolerant, low input requirements and suitable for marginal lands.
|
*Can improve soil quality because of its deep root system
*Suitable for small scale production; large scale production with land conversion must be incentivize
*Will compete with food crops for land and water resources
|-
!scope="row"| Cassava
| China, Africa, Latin America, Thailand, Indonesia
|
*Cultivated in the tropics
*Precipitation above 600 mm
*Tolerant to limited soil fertility on sandy and clay textures
|
*Critical food security source for rural communities
*Most commonly produced in small farm scale
|-
!scope="row"| Sweet Sorghum
| Sub-Saharan Africa, India
|
*Can be grown in variety of soil depths and water conditions
*It is drought-tolerant, can be grown in shorter season with less labour requirements.
|
*Requires quick processing and therefore presents transportation and storeage challenge
*Fibrous residues can be used to produce electricity, process heat and power
|-
|}

==An Alternative==
===Audi's e-Diesel===
Audi, the German car manufacturer, has announced a new fuel technology which they call "e-Diesel". "E-Diesel" is entirely manufactured in a factory that only requires inputs of electricity that can be generated through renewable energy sources, water (H2O) and carbon dioxide (CO2) that can be found excessively in the atmosphere. With its consumption, it's only output is oxygen (O2). In cars running on "e-Diesel", they claim that a zero carbon-footprint can be achieved.<ref>McSpadden, K. (2015) Audi just invented fuel made from CO2 and water. Retrieved from:http://wiki.ubc.ca/Documentation:Open_Case_Studies/Licensing_Citation#Citing_Resources_in_a_Wiki</ref>
==Layering Perspectives: Other Alternatives ==
In this section we welcome contributions from scholars and students that widen the scope of this case study by providing other examples of sustainable biofuels.

==Environmental Impacts==

===Land Use Change===
[[File:Dominant land cover and use.png|thumb|Map for dominant land cover and use. UN Food and Agriculture Organization. Retrieved from [http://www.fao.org/docrep/017/i1688e/i1688e00.htm Chapter 1: Status and Trends in Land and Water Resources]]]

Land use change is a major issue regarding biofuel production. From directly growing energy crops to raising domestic animals whose fat can be converted into biofuel, every step requires planning and land management. Systems for land and agronomic management are critical evaluation tools for analyzing the global scale impacts of biofuel and its dependability in the future.

There are two kinds of land use change: direct land use change (dLUC) and indirect land use change (iLUC).<ref name= "LUC">Barnabè, D., Bucchi, R., Rispoli, A., Chiavetta, C., Porta, P.L., Bianchi, C.L., Pirola, C., Boffito D.C. & Carvoli G. (2013). Land Use Change Impacts of Biofuels: A Methodology to Evaluate Biofuel Sustainability, Biofuels - Economy, Environment and Sustainability. InTech, doi:10.5772/52255</ref> Remote-sensing is a common method to estimate the severity of land use change such as deforestation.<ref name= "BSC">Elbehri, A., Segerstedt, A., Liu, P. (2013). Biofuels and the sustainability challenge : A global assessment of sustainability issues, trends and policies for biofuels and related feedstocks. Rome: Trade and Markets Division, Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations. Retrieved from: http://www.fao.org/economic/est/publications/biofuel-publication/en/</ref>

Direct land use change (dLUC) refers to land being converted to biofuel feedstock production from a previous land use, such as natural areas under conservation, wetland, rangeland, or agricultural land.<ref name="B&B">Webb, A. and D. Coates (2012). Biofuels and Biodiversity. Secretariat of the Convention on Biological Diversity. Montreal, Technical Series No. 65, Retreived from: https://www.cbd.int/doc/publications/cbd-ts-65-en.pdf</ref> Indirect land use change (iLUC) occurs when biofuel feedstock production displaces previous productive land to other areas.<ref name="B&B"/> Sustainability of biofuels is questionable. Serious doubts have been raised about the social and environmental impacts of iLUC. These impacts include deforestation (conversion and fragmentation of natural habitats), significant greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, as well as negative effects on biodiversity, carbon stocks, water quality, food security and land rights.<ref name="B&B"/> A report describes the impact of indirect land use change: “The iLUC in this context is always direct land use (dLUC) for food production incentivized by the cross-price effects of an increased production of biofuel feedstocks which then translates into an additional demand for so far unused land areas.”<ref name= "LUC"/>
[[File:Land required for biofuels by feedstock.jpg|frame|center|Land required for biofuels by feedstock. Nieves Lopez Izquierdo, via [http://www.grida.no/resources/6220 GRID-Arendal] ]]

Reports published by the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) further state that there may be indirect effects of land use change, such as increases in carbon emissions as more land is converted to biofuel crop production in response to global demand.<ref name= "BSC"/> Furthermore, the FAO also warns that biofuel production may have a higher carbon footprint than fossil fuels once land-use changes are factored into the analysis.<ref> Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations. (2008). The State of Food and Agriculture. Retrieved from : http://www.fao.org/docrep/011/i0100e/i0100e00.htm </ref>
[[File:LUC Figure 22.png|500px||center||frame|via UN Food and Agriculture Organization. Retrieved from [http://www.fao.org/3/a-i0100e.pdf The State of Food and Agriculture 2008 Report]]]

The greatest reduction in GHG emissions from biofuels production is the sequestration of carbon dioxide (CO2) in the atmosphere when feedstocks and crops are planted.<ref name="BIGELUC"/> Conversion on land with high natural carbon stocks like forests, grasslands, woodlands, peatlands, and wetlands will result in significant additional greenhouse gas emissions. The "carbon debt" is a term referencing the carbon emissions generated from land conversion.<ref name="B&B"/> Studies often fail to count emissions from land use change because they are difficult to quantify and are commonly overlooked by existing analytical methods. In order to generate greenhouse benefits or "pay back" the carbon debt, the carbon uptake credit (CO2 absorbed by the biofuel crop) must exceed the emissions from land use change.
<ref name="BIGELUC"> Searchinger, T., Heimlich, R., Houghton, R., Dong, F., Elobeid, A., Fabiosa, J., . . . Yu, T. (2008). Use of U.S. Croplands for Biofuels Increases Greenhouse Gases through Emissions from Land-Use Change. Science, 319(5867), 1238-1240. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/stable/20053483 </ref> <ref name="B&B"/>
[[File:LUC Figure 23.png|600px|frame|centre|via UN Food and Agriculture Organization. Retrieved from [http://www.fao.org/3/a-i0100e.pdf The State of Food and Agriculture 2008 Report]]]

===Remaining Land Alternatives===
====Marginal and Degraded Lands====
[[File:Potential biofuels production on abandoned agricultural land.jpg|thumb|Potential biofuels production on abandoned agricultural land. Nieves Lopez Izquierdo, via [http://www.grida.no/resources/6188 GRID-Arendal]]]
It is clear that the benefit of biofuels is questionable and that it can either contribute to climate change mitigation or be a GHG emission intensifier. Undoubtedly, appropriate locations for biofuel plantations are critical for sustainable production. Producing biomass on less productive areas may alleviate the land use competition with food and improve the agronomy and ecology of the area.<ref name= "LUC"/>
Bioenergy industries are delving into the potential of marginal lands and degraded lands as alternative to cropland and feedstock supply to address the food versus fuel debate.<ref name= "LUC"/>
Marginal lands suitable for cropping shares 19% and approximate 298 Mha of cultivated lands Globally in 2010.<ref>The Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations and Earthscan. (2011) Managing systems at risk. The State of the World's Land and Water Resources for Food and Agriculture. Retrieved from: http://www.fao.org/docrep/017/i1688e/i1688e.pdf</ref>

Some generally recognized benefits of replanting biomass on marginal and degraded lands include reducing pressure on ecosystems and natural land conversion while providing soil stability and productivity, increasing soil nutrient and water content, and recreating habitats.<ref name="Diversity">Campbell, A. & Doswald, N. (2009) The impacts of biofuel production on
biodiversity: A review of the current literature. UNEP-WCMC, Cambridge, UK. Retrived from: https://www.cbd.int/agriculture/2011-121/UNEP-WCMC3-sep11-en.pdf</ref> However, others argue that the environment will be better protected through sustainable agriculture, reducing agricultural inputs, and restoring degraded lands.<ref name="B&B"/>

====Broad issues with using degraded lands for energy crops:====
[[File:Table 2.1.png|thumb|Proposed Definitions of Land Types. UN Food and Agriculture Organization.Retrieved from [http://www.fao.org/wairdocs/tac/x5784e/x5784e0f.htm#1.1 Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research]]]
#How to define these marginal and degraded lands and soil. Agroeconomic profitability is no longer sustainable criterion to define marginal and degraded land. Multiple criteria are suggested using soil health indicators, current land use and environmental degradation.<ref name="B&B"/> The value of marginal lands should also be deliberated according to its social and cultural importance. Some marginal areas constitute a primary source of livelihoods for the rural poor, provide ecosystem services, and hold biodiversity values.<ref name="B&B"/>
#Production of energy crops is one of many purposes competing for the use of degraded land. In the long-term, competition for land will only become more pronounced due to increasing demand for food production and urbanization.<ref name="B&B"/>
#GHG benefits of growing energy crops on marginal and degraded lands do not compare to restoration of natural vegetation and soils.<ref name="B&B"/>

===Impact on Biodiversity===
Biodiversity is another important element to consider when analyzing the consequences of Biomass production. Practices of crop monoculture can be detrimental to local biodiversity through habitat loss, expansion of invasive species, and contamination from fertilizers and herbicides.<ref name= "BSC"/> Generally single-crop biofuel plantations have been reported to have low species diversity and can increase soil erosion.<ref name="Diversity"/> On a field-scale, the most efficient cropping systems have great uniformity and very little biodiversity.<ref name= "BSC"/> Choice of crop and management regime is therefore an important element in determining whether the biofuel is biodiversity friendly.<ref name="Diversity"/>
[[File:Figure 2.5.png|center|frame|Conflict Zones: High Potentials for Biomass Production vs. High Biodiversity. UN Food and Agriculture Organization. Retrieved from [http://www.fao.org/docrep/017/i3126e/i3126e.pdf Biofuels and the Sustainability Challenge] report by Elbehri ''et al''. ]]

Rising demand for biofuels escalates the incentive for the clearing of natural habitats<ref name= "BSC"/>. For instance, palm oil plantation development is one of the most cited causes of natural habitat conversion in Southeast Asia, which continues to lose its primary forests, thus endangering the region’s biodiversity.<ref name="Diversity"/> Oil palm plantations have estimated to remove 78% to 85% of recorded native species in primary forests of Indonesia and Malaysia, and supports lower levels of biodiversity than other tree crops, agricultural crops and abandoned pasture.<ref name="Diversity"/> Dominant species on these plantations are often invasive or non-forest generalist species, which replace specialist species important for a functional ecosystem.<ref name="Diversity"/> Habitat fragmentation is also a threat to native species of continuous forest. The development of infrastructures and burning of forest land to create oil palm remain a threat to many species in Southeast Asia, such as the Sumatran rhino, Asian elephants, tigers, and Borneo orangutan.<ref name="Diversity"/>

==Layering Perspectives: Environmental Impacts==
In this section we welcome contributions from scholars and students that widen the scope of environmental considerations posed in this case study.

==Economic Viability==

===The Global Demand for Biofuels===

Worldwide demand for biofuels has been growing rapidly in recent decades. Production is estimated to reach 51.1 billion gallons by 2022, up from 32.4 billion gallons produced in 2013. <ref> Navigant Research. (2014) Annual biofuel demand forecasted at 51 billion gallons by 2022. Retrieved from: http://biomassmagazine.com/articles/10002/annual-biofuel-demand-forecasted-at-51-billion-gallons-by-2022 </ref> However, the economies of scale in the biofuel industry has demonstrated the problems it can cause, including encouraging agriculturalisation of carbon-rich forested land leading to the rapid expansion of the frontier in Brazil<ref>Leon, A., & Leon, R. (2016). The Scope for Increasing Biofuel Crop Production in Japan: An Analysis of Alternative Policies. Asian Economic And Financial Review, 6(3), 115-126.</ref>, and encouraging the use of pesticides and fertilisers to press for higher crop yield<ref name="Wash">Washington Post. (2008) Title of the Article. The Problem With Biofuels, More proof that there are no easy solutions to climate change. Retrieved from:http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2008/02/26/AR2008022602827_pf.html</ref> Consequently, the carbon emission problems biofuels aimed to remedy in the first place can actually be escalated due to the massive scale of production. If forest removal is considered in carbon emission calculations, the total emissions can be between 17 and 420 times greater than if just considering production alone.<ref name="Wash"/>

===The Increased Food Price===

Since biofuel production requires the same lands that are used to traditionally grow food, the food price increase in recent years should have contribution from the expansion of the biofuel industry.<ref>Alexander, C & Hurt, C. (Year) Biofuels and Their impact on Food Prices, 1. Retrieved from: http://wiki.ubc.ca/Documentation:Open_Case_Studies/Licensing_Citation#Citing_Resources_in_a_Wiki</ref> Furthermore, Rice (2010) has claimed that the biofuels option is merely an easy way-out for politicians<ref name="M/G">Rice, T. (2010). Meals per gallon. Retrieved from: https://www.actionaid.org.uk/sites/default/files/doc_lib/meals_per_gallon_final.pdf</ref>. To the global commons, biofuels, with the competition they induce on farm lands, are believed to have put '''100 millions people back into poverty''' with the food price crisis in 2008, evidenced by the World Bank's estimation.<ref name="M/G"/>

===Businesses' Views on Biofuels===

Although biofuels mandates are mostly from government policy-makers, it's businesses that take on the commercialisation "quest" to deliver this technology to consumers.<ref name="RiskInBusinesses">Pries, F., Talebi, A., Schillo, R. S., & Lemay, M. A. (2016). Risks Affecting the Biofuels Industry: A US and Canadian Company Perspective. Energy Policy, 9793-101. doi:http://dx.doi.org.ezp.lib.unimelb.edu.au/10.1016/j.enpol.2016.07.006</ref> Potential risks that may forbid actual companies to invest in biofuels production include: (1) unknown and hard-to-predict technical and non-technical consequences by innovative products; (2) potential impacts on the demand-supply status quo; (3) raising food security problems; (4) uncertainty in competition with "oil giants"; and (5) inadequate infrastructure to support such production processes.<ref name="RiskInBusinesses"/>

==Biofuels and Agriculture==
===Food Prices and Social Unrest===
[[file:FAO Food Price Index.png|thumb|Food price index from January 1990 to July 2012, data from [http://www.fao.org/fileadmin/templates/worldfood/Reports_and_docs/Food_price_indices_data.xls UN Food and Agriculture Organization. Jashuah, [https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/ CC BY-SA 3.0]]]
Biofuels have been controversial regarding spikes in food prices and the resulting social unrest such price increases have caused. The rise of food prices correlate well with the increased diversion of corn and soy from the food supply to biofuel production.<ref name= "Changing Landscape">Newton, J., and T. Kuethe. (2015) Changing Landscape of Corn and Soybean Production and Potential Implications in 2015. Farmdoc Daily, Department of Agricultural and Consumer Economics, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, (5)42, doi: http://farmdocdaily.illinois.edu/2015/03/changing-landscape-of-corn-and-soybean-production.html </ref> Though also involving complex political issues, the rising cost of cereal prices played a major role in protests that developed into the Syrian Civil War.<ref>Rocchi, B., Romano, D., Hamza, R. (2013). Agriculture reform and food crisis in Syria: Impacts on poverty and inequality. Food Policy, Volume 43, 190-203.</ref> Similarly, food prices also played a major role in the series of uprisings that became known as the Arab Spring. In Cairo, for example, waving bread became a symbolic gesture of outrage at food price rises which rose as high as 300% in 2011. The rise in food prices in that year can be attributed to several factors that reduced the overall global supply, including extreme weather conditions in Russia, Ukraine, Australia, and Canada that reduced crop yields.<ref>Sternberg, T. (2012). Chinese drought, bread and the Arab Spring. Applied Geography, Volume 34, 519-524. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.apgeog.2012.02.004</ref> Many issues have been raised about diverting crops from the food supply to produce biofuels, including concerns over biofuel production decreasing the global food supply, and the replacement of food crops with corn or sugar cane for biofuel production increasing food costs. Industrial corn production uses a large amount of chemical fertilizers and pesticides (97% of acres of corn in the US have applications of both nitrogen fertilizer and herbicides) which is an ecological sustainability concern in terms of greenhouse gas emission and runoff pollution.<ref>USDA. (2015). 2014 Agricultural Chemical Use Survey - Corn Highlights. United States Department of Agriculture. Retrieved from https://www.nass.usda.gov/Surveys/Guide_to_NASS_Surveys/Chemical_Use/2014_Corn_Highlights/</ref> However, the threat of collapse of nation-states or societies from unequal access to food poses a serious threat to the ecological, social, and economic sustainability globally.
[[file:Arab_Spring_and_Regional_Conflict_Map.svg|thumb|Arab Spring and Regional Conflict Map. Ian Remsen. Public Domain, via [https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Arab_Spring_and_Regional_Conflict_Map.svg Wikimedia Commons]]]

===Decreasing the Global Food Supply===
[[File:FAO Cereal Production, Utilization, Stocks.jpg|thumb|World Cereal Production, Utilization, and Stocks. Retrieved from [http://www.fao.org/worldfoodsituation/csdb/en/ UN Food and Agriculture Organization].]]
In 2007, Jacques Diouf, then-Director-General of the United Nations Food and Agriculture Agency (FAO) warned that if trends regarding biofuels were to continue world hunger would rise, especially in the developing world.<ref>Rosenthal, E. (2007). World Food Stocks Dwindling, UN Warns. New York Times. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/2007/12/17/world/europe/17iht-food.html</ref> Similarly, the United States National Institutes of Environmental Health Sciences (NIEHS) warned that biofuels further tie food prices to the price of petroleum and force people to compete with automobiles for energy.<ref>Tenenbaum, D. J. (2008). Food vs. Fuel: Diversion of Crops Could Cause More Hunger. Environmental Health Perspectives, 116(6), A254-A257.</ref> There is as yet no consensus on the real-world impact of biofuels on food prices, though generally as the price of petroleum rises, the price of biofuels increase, which in turn causes price increases for the agricultural commodities used to produce them.<ref>Bastianin, A., Galeotti, M., & Manera, M. (2016). Ethanol and field crops: is there a price connection?. Food Policy, 63, 53-61.</ref> Analyses of the level of price increases of agricultural commodities from diversion for biofuels have ranged from increases of 14% to 43%.<ref>Persson, U. M. (2014). The impact of biofuel on agricultural commodity prices: a systematic review. Wiley Interdisciplinary Review: Energy and Environment, 4(5), 410-428.</ref>

===Replacement of Food Crops===
[[File:Change in Corn Harvested, 2004-2015.jpg|thumb|[http://farmdocdaily.illinois.edu/2015/03/changing-landscape-of-corn-and-soybean-production.html Changing Landscape of Corn and Soybean Production and Potential Implications] in 2015 by John Newton and Todd Kuethe via [http://farmdocdaily.illinois.edu/ familydoc daily]]][[File:Change in Wheat Harvested, 2005-2015.jpg|thumb|[http://farmdocdaily.illinois.edu/2015/03/changing-landscape-of-corn-and-soybean-production.html Changing Landscape of Corn and Soybean Production and Potential Implications] in 2015 by John Newton and Todd Kuethe via [http://farmdocdaily.illinois.edu/ familydoc daily]]]
Another concern of biofuel production is the replacement of food crops with biofuel crops. Since biofuel subsidies were introduced in 2005, the land dedicated to growing corn in the US has risen by more than 20 million acres. Wheat production has seen a corresponding decline of acreage of nearly 4 million acres, as well as reductions in area dedicated to rice and peanut production.<ref name="Changing Landscape" /> This trend has been seen in other parts of the world as well. Brazil is another major producer of biofuel from sugar cane, which has displaced agricultural commodities that are important staple food crops.<ref>Sayffarth, A. R. (2015). The Impact of Rising Ethanol Production on the Brazilian Market for Basic Food Commodities: An Econometric Assessment. Environmental and Resource Economics, 64(3), 511-536.</ref> Possibly because it’s a more efficient producer of ethanol than corn, the effect on food prices hasn’t been as dramatic with sugar production.<ref>Bentivoglio, D., Finco, A., & Bacchi, M. (2016). Interdependencies between biofuel, fuel and food prices: The case of the Brazilian ethanol market. Energies, 9(6), 464. doi:10.3390/en9060464</ref>

==Policy Recommendations==
===Balancing Biofuels Production In Land/Resources Management On A Multi-Level Platform===
Major environmental deficits revolving around biofuel production are caused by the imbalance between biofuel crops and other biota. This is due to the need for and the lack of effective management strategies for scarce and competitive resources, such as land, water, and other agricultural inputs. The full extent of negative impacts on the environment, based solely on land use change, cannot be easily determined. As the balance between crop growing and natural ecological reservation varies from one area to another, multi-level (global, regional, local) negotiation and planning should be implemented to develop a comprehensive and equitable land use policy that serves to provide a sustainable balance for biofuel production in the environment, fully exploiting the possibility of coexistence between fuel production and the environment with the least compromise.

===Avoid Over-Incentivising Biofuels In The Commercialisation Process===
Food production serves as one of the basic necessities for a functional economy and should not be challenged by biofuel crops. Autocratically providing incentives for biofuel production to achieve economic or political goals will only isolate environmental considerations from decision-making. This is inappropriate because the ecological services serve as the basis for the continued existence of all economies and polities. Hence, before pushing biofuel products into the market, policy-makers should seek to organize an investigation to produce estimates for actual business owners about the capacity of biofuel production the economy can withstand without further decreasing the capacity of the environment to provide consistent natural resources.

===Avoid Compromising Traditional Food Crops For Biofuels In Agriculture===
Competition for food crops represents a major impact from biofuels to agricultural food production by land use repurposing. This can contribute to increased carbon emissions from the agricultural industry. However, it also has potential increase social unrest by causing increases in food prices. Policies should be set to reduce or eliminate biofuel-caused food scarcity, and the price increase it causes. This can be accomplished by mandating reductions, and eventual elimination, of first-generation biofuels made using food crops, and promoting the development and adoption of second-generation biofuels that can be produced using other materials such as agricultural waste (crop residue), municipal wastes, and algae. During policy-making, crops with important cultural meaning should obtain additional attention to avoid conflicts, which can weaken nations' agricultural capacity and overall stability. A recent of such instability is Egypt during the Arab Spring, wherein prolonged conflict led to detrimental ecological degradation.

==Layering Perspectives: Policy Recommendations==
In this section we welcome contributions from scholars and students that widen the scope of recommendations offered in this case study.

==Conclusion==
With the purpose of examining the viability of biofuels as a green initiative, this study on biofuels has included the history of biofuels and impacts of biofuels on environmental, economic and agricultural sustainability from the regional scale to the global. Environmentally, biofuels have evidently caused increased competition land resources with natural ecosystems that preserve biodiversity. Economically, biofuels are believably capable of restructuring the contemporary economy by challenging traditionally dominant industries and by modifying the market supply-demand balance. Agriculturally, misuse of land resources and other agricultural products is also pervasive and is causing considerable destruction to the basic functionality of agriculture: sustainably providing food for humanity. We have thus concluded with the following recommendations: to enforce the idea of balance in managing biofuel production with natural resources; to take careful steps in implementing biofuel products in the market; and to guarantee the production of traditional food crops on arable lands.

==Layering Perspectives: Conclusions==
In this section we welcome contributions from scholars and students that widen the scope of conclusions drawn from this case study.

==References==

<references/>

[[Category:Conservation]]

Course:CONS200/2016w2/Wiki Projects/Biofuels

2017-09-04T22:52:27Z

JenniferMansour: /* Conclusion */

{{Projectbox Conservation
|names= Adam Todd
}}
'''Biofuels: green economy initiative or more business as usual?'''

==Background and Types of Biofuels==

=== Background ===
Biofuel is the product of the refinement of plant [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Biomass biomass] which can then be burned for heat or light energy. <ref name="Guo"> Guo, M., Song, W., & Buhain, J. (2015). Bioenergy and biofuels: History, status, and perspective. Renewable and Sustainable Energy Reviews, 42, 712-725</ref> It is made of organic matter, either directly from plants or indirectly from domestic, industrial or commercial wastes.<ref>biofuel. BusinessDictionary.com. Retrieved March 20, 2017, from BusinessDictionary.com website: http://www.businessdictionary.com/definition/biofuel.html</ref>

=== Types of Biofuels ===
===== Firewood =====
Before fossil fuels, firewood was the primary source of fuel domestically, especially for heating and cooking before the 19th century. <ref name="Guo"/> Materials such as wood, hay, straw, and dung are collected, dried, and then burned as a fuel source.
The amount of energy that a well-seasoned firewood can produce is approximately 15 MJ per kg, which is one-third to one-half of what fossil fuels can produce. <ref name="ORNL">ORNL. Bioenergy conversion factors. Oak Ridge, TN: Oak Ridge National Laboratory; 2013. (http://bioenergy.ornl.gov/papers/misc/energy_conv.html)</ref>
Even today, nearly 2.6 billion people, primarily rural areas of developing countries, still depend on firewood as an energy source.

===== Charcoal =====
Because the temperature of a wood fire (approximately 850˚C) is unable to melt many metals, pyrolysis techniques were developed to turn wood into charcoal.<ref>Urbas, J., & Parker, W. J. (1993). Surface temperature measurements on burning wood specimens in the cone calorimeter and the effect of grain orientation. Fire and Materials, 17(5), 205-208.</ref> Charcoal is a grey-black solid that is carbon-enriched, often burning without smoke and reaching temperatures as high as 2700˚C.<ref>Gronli, M., Antal Jr, M. J., Schenkel, Y., & Crehay, R. (2003). The science and technology of charcoal production. Fast Pyrolysis of Biomass, A Handbook, 3, 147-178)</ref>. Good quality charcoal can produce 28-33 MJ per kg. Charcoal is commonly turned into briquets and used for barbecuing.

===== Bioethanol =====
Bioethanol is alcohol made by fermentation mostly from carbohydrates produced in sugar or starch crops such as corn, sugar cane or sweet sorghum, in which biochemical reactions are involved. It is an alternative to a highly depended-upon fuel source: gasoline. It is the only renewable feedstock material to create liquid fuel. The method of fermentation is similar to that of alcohol production for human consumption. Samuel Morey, an American inventor in the early 1800's, was the first to design a boat engine fueled by alcohol. It was able to run 7-8 miles per hour.
Despite the popularity of gasoline during the early 1900's, scientists supported the sustainability of ethanol in the fuel industry as there was an abundance of potential feedstock for its production.

Interest for using ethanol as a fuel was brought up again during the 1973 oil crisis, when the Organization of Arab Petroleum Exporting Countries (OAPEC) declared an oil ban. The ban raised the price of oil from $3 USD to nearly $12 globally.<ref>(Corbett, M. (2013). Oil Shock of 1973-74. Federal Reserve History. http://www. federalreservehistory. org/Events/DetailView/36 [Accessed March 3, 2016].)</ref>

[[File:First and Second Generation Bioethanol Production.gif|thumb|First and second generation bioethanol production by alcohol fermentation. Ian Zammit. [https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/deed.en CC BY-SA 3.0], via [https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File%3AFirst_and_Second_Generation_Bioethanol_Production_by_Alcoholic_Fermentation.gif%20 Wikiemedia Commons]]]
In 2013, The US produced more than 50% of the world's bioethanol, though Europe, Brazil, China and Canada also played significant roles.<ref>(RFA. Ethanol industry statistics. Washington, DC: Renewable Fuel Association; 2014. (http://www.ethanolrfa.org/ pages/statistics)</ref> The predominate feedstocks used for bioethanol production are corn, sugar cane, wheat, sugar beet, and cassava.

Bioethanol that is made from food crops is considered a "first-generation" biofuel, which means that the feedstock used in production competes with human and animals as a food source material. To reduce the competition, "second-generation" bioethanol from non-food dry plant materials have been created. Examples of biomass that is used are switchgrass, crop residues, yard trimmings, and food processing waste. Because they are non-food biomasses, the feedstocks are not required to be planted on agricultural land.<ref>Jansen, R. A., & Wiley InterScience (Online service). (2013;2012;). Second generation biofuels and biomass: Essential guide for investors, scientists and decision makers (1. Aufl.;1; ed.). Weinheim: Wiley-VCH.</ref>

===== Biodiesel =====
Biodiesel is a yellow liquid that is the product of transesterification from vegetable oil, animal fats, and/or waste grease along with alcohol. It is commercially produced and is a alternative to petrol diesel. Animal fat and vegetable oil were used for lighting lamps in the 1800's, but were not used for making biodiesel until the 1930's.<ref>(Thomson J. The Scot Who Lit the World—the Story of William Murdoch inventor of gas lighting. Dennistoun, Glasgow G31 2JJ, UK: Janet Thomson; 2003.)</ref> In 1893, German engineer Rudolf Diesel became the first person to create a diesel engine. He believed that the use of vegetable oil could fuel machines for agriculture in rural parts of the world.

[[File:Biodiesel produced from soybean oil.jpg|thumb|Biodiesel Pump. United Soybean Board.
[https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/ CC by 2.0, via [http://www.flickr.com/photos/95352257@N06/10479074054 Flickr]]]]
Between 2000 and 2013, the world production of biodiesel increased dramatically, rising from 213 million gallons to 6289 million gallons. Top production regions include the European Union, Brazil, the U.S., Argentina, and China.<ref>(EIA. Monthly biodiesel production report. Washington, DC: U.S. Energy Information Administration; 2014. (http://www.eia.gov/biofuels/biodiesel/production/)</ref> In 2013, the U.S. alone produced over 1300 million gallons of biodiesel from soy bean oil.<ref>(Atadashi, I. M., Aroua, M. K., Aziz, A. R. A., & Sulaiman, N. M. N. (2011). Refining technologies for the purification of crude biodiesel. Applied Energy, 88(12), 4239-4251. doi:10.1016/j.apenergy.2011.05.029)</ref> The most commonly used biodiesel blend in the US is B20, which is a blend of 20% biodiesel and 80% petroleum diesel.

The benefits of biodiesel are ease of use, production simplicity and cost-competitiveness. However, the ability to economically produce renewable feedstocks such as animal fat and vegetable oil sustainably is what will create a promising future for biodiesel.

===== Biogas =====
Biogas is a renewable alternative to natural gas that is created by anaerobic digestion of organic wastes. Raw biogas contains methane (CH4), carbon dioxide (CO2) and water vapour (H2, and H2S) that can be purified to become pipeline-quality biogas (or ''biomethane'')<ref name="Weiland">(Weiland, P. (2010). Biogas production: Current state and perspectives. Applied Microbiology and Biotechnology, 85(4), 849-860. doi:10.1007/s00253-009-2246-7)</ref>. Organic wastes, such as plant residues, can decompose to carbon dioxide and water in natural environments with sufficient air supply and microbial activity. However, in anaerobic conditions plant residues will undergo anaerobic digestion, being broken down to methane and carbon dioxide by microorganisms.

The anaerobic digestion reaction equation is as followed:
<big>'''''
C6H12O6→3CO2+3CH4'''</big>

[[File:ChinaBiogas.jpg|thumb|An anaerobic digester. By Chinese training pamphlet, several sources including [http://www.i-sis.org.uk/graphics/chinaBiogas.jpg Institute of Science in Society]. Public domain.]]
Anaerobic digestion is often used in treatment plants, farms as well as regular households to manage waste and produce energy. Organic wastes from every day living, excluding highly lignified material (such as woody debris) which cannot be broken down by anaerobic microorganisms<ref name="Weiland"/>, can be used for biogas production. Organic waste mixed with water can be placed in an air-tight container (anaerobic digester) and will produce biogas in one to two weeks time. This produces biogas as well as dark, odorous solids and liquids that needs to be cleaned and replaced with new organic waste. Typically one ton of organic waste (dry weight) can yield approximately 120 cubic metres of biomethane. This can in turn can create 200kW of electricity <ref>(European Bioplastics. Factsheet Mar 2010Anaerobic digestion European Bioplastics, Berlin, Germany (2011) )</ref>

China is currently the largest biogas producer, harvesting 6 billion Nm3 of biomethane per year. The potential for biogas continues to grow. More than 1 trillion N m^3 of biomethane could be harvested considering the amount of agricultural byproducts and domestic wastes created <ref>(World Bioenergy Association. Fact sheet on biogas—an important renewable energy source. Stockholm, Sweden: World Bioenergy Association; 2013.)</ref>. This in turn can cover a quarter of the worlds current natural gas consumption and 6% of the global demand for energy.

==First Generation Biofuel Crops and Feedstocks==

[[File:The enlarged biofuels family.jpg|frame|centre| Figure illustrates the various feedstocks, which can be converted to biofuels for transport. Riccardo Pravettoni, via [http://www.grida.no/resources/6222%20 UNEP/GRID-Arendal]]]

{| border="1" cellspacing="0" cellpadding="2"
|-
!scope="col"| Crop/Feedstock
!scope="col"| Associated Countries/Regions<ref name= "BSC"/>
!scope="col"| Growing Conditions<ref name= "BSC"/>
!scope="col"| Related Facts<ref name= "BSC"/>
|-
!scope="row"| Maize/Corn
| USA
|
*Cultivated in temperate climates
*Relatively low water consumption for both production and ethanol conversion process
*Fertilizer and pesticide requirements are high
|
*High productivity per unit of land, but uses large amounts of fertilizers and pesticides and consumes fossil energy
*Create food/fuel competition for resources.
|-
!scope="row"| Sugarcane
| Brazil (Latin America), Africa, India
|
*Tropical regions, with ample rainfall
*Requires deep soils
*Requires high level of nitrogen and phosphate fertilization
|
*Efficient crop in terms of yield per unit of land, but its sustainability hinges on water availability
*Produces range of useful byproducts
*Continues to be attractive under 2nd generation technologies as bagasse
|-
!scope="row"| Rapeseed
| European Union (EU)
|
*Ideally in temperate regions under 500 mm of rainfall
*Grown on fertile and well drained land
|
*Biodiesel yield per acre and GHG savings does not compare to other alternative feedstocks
*Biofuel development in EU is promoted through heavy subsidies and mandates
|-
!scope="row"| Oil Palm
| Malaysia, Indonesia, Africa, Latin America
|
*Tropical forest plant
*Needs to be sufficiently watered
*Optimal production on well-drained and deep soils, can be cultivated on number of soil types
|
*Most sufficient for biodiesel production
*Creates great concern for plantation expansion on sensitive lands (peatlants, forests, etc.)
|-
!scope="row"| Soybean
| China, USA, Latin America
|
*Majority grown in tropical/sub-tropical areas, where rainfall ranges from 600 to 1500 mm annually
*Tends to be grown in monoculture systems
|
*Raises concerns over potential further undesirable land expansion from USA to Latin America
|-
!scope="row"| Jatropha
| Africa, India,Thailand
|
*Drought-tolerant, low input requirements and suitable for marginal lands.
|
*Can improve soil quality because of its deep root system
*Suitable for small scale production; large scale production with land conversion must be incentivize
*Will compete with food crops for land and water resources
|-
!scope="row"| Cassava
| China, Africa, Latin America, Thailand, Indonesia
|
*Cultivated in the tropics
*Precipitation above 600 mm
*Tolerant to limited soil fertility on sandy and clay textures
|
*Critical food security source for rural communities
*Most commonly produced in small farm scale
|-
!scope="row"| Sweet Sorghum
| Sub-Saharan Africa, India
|
*Can be grown in variety of soil depths and water conditions
*It is drought-tolerant, can be grown in shorter season with less labour requirements.
|
*Requires quick processing and therefore presents transportation and storeage challenge
*Fibrous residues can be used to produce electricity, process heat and power
|-
|}

==An Alternative==
===Audi's e-Diesel===
Audi, the German car manufacturer, has announced a new fuel technology which they call "e-Diesel". "E-Diesel" is entirely manufactured in a factory that only requires inputs of electricity that can be generated through renewable energy sources, water (H2O) and carbon dioxide (CO2) that can be found excessively in the atmosphere. With its consumption, it's only output is oxygen (O2). In cars running on "e-Diesel", they claim that a zero carbon-footprint can be achieved.<ref>McSpadden, K. (2015) Audi just invented fuel made from CO2 and water. Retrieved from:http://wiki.ubc.ca/Documentation:Open_Case_Studies/Licensing_Citation#Citing_Resources_in_a_Wiki</ref>
==Layering Perspectives: Other Alternatives ==
In this section we welcome contributions from scholars and students that widen the scope of this case study by providing other examples of sustainable biofuels.

==Environmental Impacts==

===Land Use Change===
[[File:Dominant land cover and use.png|thumb|Map for dominant land cover and use. UN Food and Agriculture Organization. Retrieved from [http://www.fao.org/docrep/017/i1688e/i1688e00.htm Chapter 1: Status and Trends in Land and Water Resources]]]

Land use change is a major issue regarding biofuel production. From directly growing energy crops to raising domestic animals whose fat can be converted into biofuel, every step requires planning and land management. Systems for land and agronomic management are critical evaluation tools for analyzing the global scale impacts of biofuel and its dependability in the future.

There are two kinds of land use change: direct land use change (dLUC) and indirect land use change (iLUC).<ref name= "LUC">Barnabè, D., Bucchi, R., Rispoli, A., Chiavetta, C., Porta, P.L., Bianchi, C.L., Pirola, C., Boffito D.C. & Carvoli G. (2013). Land Use Change Impacts of Biofuels: A Methodology to Evaluate Biofuel Sustainability, Biofuels - Economy, Environment and Sustainability. InTech, doi:10.5772/52255</ref> Remote-sensing is a common method to estimate the severity of land use change such as deforestation.<ref name= "BSC">Elbehri, A., Segerstedt, A., Liu, P. (2013). Biofuels and the sustainability challenge : A global assessment of sustainability issues, trends and policies for biofuels and related feedstocks. Rome: Trade and Markets Division, Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations. Retrieved from: http://www.fao.org/economic/est/publications/biofuel-publication/en/</ref>

Direct land use change (dLUC) refers to land being converted to biofuel feedstock production from a previous land use, such as natural areas under conservation, wetland, rangeland, or agricultural land.<ref name="B&B">Webb, A. and D. Coates (2012). Biofuels and Biodiversity. Secretariat of the Convention on Biological Diversity. Montreal, Technical Series No. 65, Retreived from: https://www.cbd.int/doc/publications/cbd-ts-65-en.pdf</ref> Indirect land use change (iLUC) occurs when biofuel feedstock production displaces previous productive land to other areas.<ref name="B&B"/> Sustainability of biofuels is questionable. Serious doubts have been raised about the social and environmental impacts of iLUC. These impacts include deforestation (conversion and fragmentation of natural habitats), significant greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, as well as negative effects on biodiversity, carbon stocks, water quality, food security and land rights.<ref name="B&B"/> A report describes the impact of indirect land use change: “The iLUC in this context is always direct land use (dLUC) for food production incentivized by the cross-price effects of an increased production of biofuel feedstocks which then translates into an additional demand for so far unused land areas.”<ref name= "LUC"/>
[[File:Land required for biofuels by feedstock.jpg|frame|center|Land required for biofuels by feedstock. Nieves Lopez Izquierdo, via [http://www.grida.no/resources/6220 GRID-Arendal] ]]

Reports published by the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) further state that there may be indirect effects of land use change, such as increases in carbon emissions as more land is converted to biofuel crop production in response to global demand.<ref name= "BSC"/> Furthermore, the FAO also warns that biofuel production may have a higher carbon footprint than fossil fuels once land-use changes are factored into the analysis.<ref> Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations. (2008). The State of Food and Agriculture. Retrieved from : http://www.fao.org/docrep/011/i0100e/i0100e00.htm </ref>
[[File:LUC Figure 22.png|500px||center||frame|via UN Food and Agriculture Organization. Retrieved from [http://www.fao.org/3/a-i0100e.pdf The State of Food and Agriculture 2008 Report]]]

The greatest reduction in GHG emissions from biofuels production is the sequestration of carbon dioxide (CO2) in the atmosphere when feedstocks and crops are planted.<ref name="BIGELUC"/> Conversion on land with high natural carbon stocks like forests, grasslands, woodlands, peatlands, and wetlands will result in significant additional greenhouse gas emissions. The "carbon debt" is a term referencing the carbon emissions generated from land conversion.<ref name="B&B"/> Studies often fail to count emissions from land use change because they are difficult to quantify and are commonly overlooked by existing analytical methods. In order to generate greenhouse benefits or "pay back" the carbon debt, the carbon uptake credit (CO2 absorbed by the biofuel crop) must exceed the emissions from land use change.
<ref name="BIGELUC"> Searchinger, T., Heimlich, R., Houghton, R., Dong, F., Elobeid, A., Fabiosa, J., . . . Yu, T. (2008). Use of U.S. Croplands for Biofuels Increases Greenhouse Gases through Emissions from Land-Use Change. Science, 319(5867), 1238-1240. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/stable/20053483 </ref> <ref name="B&B"/>
[[File:LUC Figure 23.png|600px|frame|centre|via UN Food and Agriculture Organization. Retrieved from [http://www.fao.org/3/a-i0100e.pdf The State of Food and Agriculture 2008 Report]]]

===Remaining Land Alternatives===
====Marginal and Degraded Lands====
[[File:Potential biofuels production on abandoned agricultural land.jpg|thumb|Potential biofuels production on abandoned agricultural land. Nieves Lopez Izquierdo, via [http://www.grida.no/resources/6188 GRID-Arendal]]]
It is clear that the benefit of biofuels is questionable and that it can either contribute to climate change mitigation or be a GHG emission intensifier. Undoubtedly, appropriate locations for biofuel plantations are critical for sustainable production. Producing biomass on less productive areas may alleviate the land use competition with food and improve the agronomy and ecology of the area.<ref name= "LUC"/>
Bioenergy industries are delving into the potential of marginal lands and degraded lands as alternative to cropland and feedstock supply to address the food versus fuel debate.<ref name= "LUC"/>
Marginal lands suitable for cropping shares 19% and approximate 298 Mha of cultivated lands Globally in 2010.<ref>The Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations and Earthscan. (2011) Managing systems at risk. The State of the World's Land and Water Resources for Food and Agriculture. Retrieved from: http://www.fao.org/docrep/017/i1688e/i1688e.pdf</ref>

Some generally recognized benefits of replanting biomass on marginal and degraded lands include reducing pressure on ecosystems and natural land conversion while providing soil stability and productivity, increasing soil nutrient and water content, and recreating habitats.<ref name="Diversity">Campbell, A. & Doswald, N. (2009) The impacts of biofuel production on
biodiversity: A review of the current literature. UNEP-WCMC, Cambridge, UK. Retrived from: https://www.cbd.int/agriculture/2011-121/UNEP-WCMC3-sep11-en.pdf</ref> However, others argue that the environment will be better protected through sustainable agriculture, reducing agricultural inputs, and restoring degraded lands.<ref name="B&B"/>

====Broad issues with using degraded lands for energy crops:====
[[File:Table 2.1.png|thumb|Proposed Definitions of Land Types. UN Food and Agriculture Organization.Retrieved from [http://www.fao.org/wairdocs/tac/x5784e/x5784e0f.htm#1.1 Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research]]]
#How to define these marginal and degraded lands and soil. Agroeconomic profitability is no longer sustainable criterion to define marginal and degraded land. Multiple criteria are suggested using soil health indicators, current land use and environmental degradation.<ref name="B&B"/> The value of marginal lands should also be deliberated according to its social and cultural importance. Some marginal areas constitute a primary source of livelihoods for the rural poor, provide ecosystem services, and hold biodiversity values.<ref name="B&B"/>
#Production of energy crops is one of many purposes competing for the use of degraded land. In the long-term, competition for land will only become more pronounced due to increasing demand for food production and urbanization.<ref name="B&B"/>
#GHG benefits of growing energy crops on marginal and degraded lands do not compare to restoration of natural vegetation and soils.<ref name="B&B"/>

===Impact on Biodiversity===
Biodiversity is another important element to consider when analyzing the consequences of Biomass production. Practices of crop monoculture can be detrimental to local biodiversity through habitat loss, expansion of invasive species, and contamination from fertilizers and herbicides.<ref name= "BSC"/> Generally single-crop biofuel plantations have been reported to have low species diversity and can increase soil erosion.<ref name="Diversity"/> On a field-scale, the most efficient cropping systems have great uniformity and very little biodiversity.<ref name= "BSC"/> Choice of crop and management regime is therefore an important element in determining whether the biofuel is biodiversity friendly.<ref name="Diversity"/>
[[File:Figure 2.5.png|center|frame|Conflict Zones: High Potentials for Biomass Production vs. High Biodiversity. UN Food and Agriculture Organization. Retrieved from [http://www.fao.org/docrep/017/i3126e/i3126e.pdf Biofuels and the Sustainability Challenge] report by Elbehri ''et al''. ]]

Rising demand for biofuels escalates the incentive for the clearing of natural habitats<ref name= "BSC"/>. For instance, palm oil plantation development is one of the most cited causes of natural habitat conversion in Southeast Asia, which continues to lose its primary forests, thus endangering the region’s biodiversity.<ref name="Diversity"/> Oil palm plantations have estimated to remove 78% to 85% of recorded native species in primary forests of Indonesia and Malaysia, and supports lower levels of biodiversity than other tree crops, agricultural crops and abandoned pasture.<ref name="Diversity"/> Dominant species on these plantations are often invasive or non-forest generalist species, which replace specialist species important for a functional ecosystem.<ref name="Diversity"/> Habitat fragmentation is also a threat to native species of continuous forest. The development of infrastructures and burning of forest land to create oil palm remain a threat to many species in Southeast Asia, such as the Sumatran rhino, Asian elephants, tigers, and Borneo orangutan.<ref name="Diversity"/>

==Layering Perspectives: Environmental Impacts==
In this section we welcome contributions from scholars and students that widen the scope of this case study by providing other consideration of the effect of biofuels on the environment.

==Economic Viability==

===The Global Demand for Biofuels===

Worldwide demand for biofuels has been growing rapidly in recent decades. Production is estimated to reach 51.1 billion gallons by 2022, up from 32.4 billion gallons produced in 2013. <ref> Navigant Research. (2014) Annual biofuel demand forecasted at 51 billion gallons by 2022. Retrieved from: http://biomassmagazine.com/articles/10002/annual-biofuel-demand-forecasted-at-51-billion-gallons-by-2022 </ref> However, the economies of scale in the biofuel industry has demonstrated the problems it can cause, including encouraging agriculturalisation of carbon-rich forested land leading to the rapid expansion of the frontier in Brazil<ref>Leon, A., & Leon, R. (2016). The Scope for Increasing Biofuel Crop Production in Japan: An Analysis of Alternative Policies. Asian Economic And Financial Review, 6(3), 115-126.</ref>, and encouraging the use of pesticides and fertilisers to press for higher crop yield<ref name="Wash">Washington Post. (2008) Title of the Article. The Problem With Biofuels, More proof that there are no easy solutions to climate change. Retrieved from:http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2008/02/26/AR2008022602827_pf.html</ref> Consequently, the carbon emission problems biofuels aimed to remedy in the first place can actually be escalated due to the massive scale of production. If forest removal is considered in carbon emission calculations, the total emissions can be between 17 and 420 times greater than if just considering production alone.<ref name="Wash"/>

===The Increased Food Price===

Since biofuel production requires the same lands that are used to traditionally grow food, the food price increase in recent years should have contribution from the expansion of the biofuel industry.<ref>Alexander, C & Hurt, C. (Year) Biofuels and Their impact on Food Prices, 1. Retrieved from: http://wiki.ubc.ca/Documentation:Open_Case_Studies/Licensing_Citation#Citing_Resources_in_a_Wiki</ref> Furthermore, Rice (2010) has claimed that the biofuels option is merely an easy way-out for politicians<ref name="M/G">Rice, T. (2010). Meals per gallon. Retrieved from: https://www.actionaid.org.uk/sites/default/files/doc_lib/meals_per_gallon_final.pdf</ref>. To the global commons, biofuels, with the competition they induce on farm lands, are believed to have put '''100 millions people back into poverty''' with the food price crisis in 2008, evidenced by the World Bank's estimation.<ref name="M/G"/>

===Businesses' Views on Biofuels===

Although biofuels mandates are mostly from government policy-makers, it's businesses that take on the commercialisation "quest" to deliver this technology to consumers.<ref name="RiskInBusinesses">Pries, F., Talebi, A., Schillo, R. S., & Lemay, M. A. (2016). Risks Affecting the Biofuels Industry: A US and Canadian Company Perspective. Energy Policy, 9793-101. doi:http://dx.doi.org.ezp.lib.unimelb.edu.au/10.1016/j.enpol.2016.07.006</ref> Potential risks that may forbid actual companies to invest in biofuels production include: (1) unknown and hard-to-predict technical and non-technical consequences by innovative products; (2) potential impacts on the demand-supply status quo; (3) raising food security problems; (4) uncertainty in competition with "oil giants"; and (5) inadequate infrastructure to support such production processes.<ref name="RiskInBusinesses"/>

==Biofuels and Agriculture==
===Food Prices and Social Unrest===
[[file:FAO Food Price Index.png|thumb|Food price index from January 1990 to July 2012, data from [http://www.fao.org/fileadmin/templates/worldfood/Reports_and_docs/Food_price_indices_data.xls UN Food and Agriculture Organization. Jashuah, [https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/ CC BY-SA 3.0]]]
Biofuels have been controversial regarding spikes in food prices and the resulting social unrest such price increases have caused. The rise of food prices correlate well with the increased diversion of corn and soy from the food supply to biofuel production.<ref name= "Changing Landscape">Newton, J., and T. Kuethe. (2015) Changing Landscape of Corn and Soybean Production and Potential Implications in 2015. Farmdoc Daily, Department of Agricultural and Consumer Economics, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, (5)42, doi: http://farmdocdaily.illinois.edu/2015/03/changing-landscape-of-corn-and-soybean-production.html </ref> Though also involving complex political issues, the rising cost of cereal prices played a major role in protests that developed into the Syrian Civil War.<ref>Rocchi, B., Romano, D., Hamza, R. (2013). Agriculture reform and food crisis in Syria: Impacts on poverty and inequality. Food Policy, Volume 43, 190-203.</ref> Similarly, food prices also played a major role in the series of uprisings that became known as the Arab Spring. In Cairo, for example, waving bread became a symbolic gesture of outrage at food price rises which rose as high as 300% in 2011. The rise in food prices in that year can be attributed to several factors that reduced the overall global supply, including extreme weather conditions in Russia, Ukraine, Australia, and Canada that reduced crop yields.<ref>Sternberg, T. (2012). Chinese drought, bread and the Arab Spring. Applied Geography, Volume 34, 519-524. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.apgeog.2012.02.004</ref> Many issues have been raised about diverting crops from the food supply to produce biofuels, including concerns over biofuel production decreasing the global food supply, and the replacement of food crops with corn or sugar cane for biofuel production increasing food costs. Industrial corn production uses a large amount of chemical fertilizers and pesticides (97% of acres of corn in the US have applications of both nitrogen fertilizer and herbicides) which is an ecological sustainability concern in terms of greenhouse gas emission and runoff pollution.<ref>USDA. (2015). 2014 Agricultural Chemical Use Survey - Corn Highlights. United States Department of Agriculture. Retrieved from https://www.nass.usda.gov/Surveys/Guide_to_NASS_Surveys/Chemical_Use/2014_Corn_Highlights/</ref> However, the threat of collapse of nation-states or societies from unequal access to food poses a serious threat to the ecological, social, and economic sustainability globally.
[[file:Arab_Spring_and_Regional_Conflict_Map.svg|thumb|Arab Spring and Regional Conflict Map. Ian Remsen. Public Domain, via [https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Arab_Spring_and_Regional_Conflict_Map.svg Wikimedia Commons]]]

===Decreasing the Global Food Supply===
[[File:FAO Cereal Production, Utilization, Stocks.jpg|thumb|World Cereal Production, Utilization, and Stocks. Retrieved from [http://www.fao.org/worldfoodsituation/csdb/en/ UN Food and Agriculture Organization].]]
In 2007, Jacques Diouf, then-Director-General of the United Nations Food and Agriculture Agency (FAO) warned that if trends regarding biofuels were to continue world hunger would rise, especially in the developing world.<ref>Rosenthal, E. (2007). World Food Stocks Dwindling, UN Warns. New York Times. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/2007/12/17/world/europe/17iht-food.html</ref> Similarly, the United States National Institutes of Environmental Health Sciences (NIEHS) warned that biofuels further tie food prices to the price of petroleum and force people to compete with automobiles for energy.<ref>Tenenbaum, D. J. (2008). Food vs. Fuel: Diversion of Crops Could Cause More Hunger. Environmental Health Perspectives, 116(6), A254-A257.</ref> There is as yet no consensus on the real-world impact of biofuels on food prices, though generally as the price of petroleum rises, the price of biofuels increase, which in turn causes price increases for the agricultural commodities used to produce them.<ref>Bastianin, A., Galeotti, M., & Manera, M. (2016). Ethanol and field crops: is there a price connection?. Food Policy, 63, 53-61.</ref> Analyses of the level of price increases of agricultural commodities from diversion for biofuels have ranged from increases of 14% to 43%.<ref>Persson, U. M. (2014). The impact of biofuel on agricultural commodity prices: a systematic review. Wiley Interdisciplinary Review: Energy and Environment, 4(5), 410-428.</ref>

===Replacement of Food Crops===
[[File:Change in Corn Harvested, 2004-2015.jpg|thumb|[http://farmdocdaily.illinois.edu/2015/03/changing-landscape-of-corn-and-soybean-production.html Changing Landscape of Corn and Soybean Production and Potential Implications] in 2015 by John Newton and Todd Kuethe via [http://farmdocdaily.illinois.edu/ familydoc daily]]][[File:Change in Wheat Harvested, 2005-2015.jpg|thumb|[http://farmdocdaily.illinois.edu/2015/03/changing-landscape-of-corn-and-soybean-production.html Changing Landscape of Corn and Soybean Production and Potential Implications] in 2015 by John Newton and Todd Kuethe via [http://farmdocdaily.illinois.edu/ familydoc daily]]]
Another concern of biofuel production is the replacement of food crops with biofuel crops. Since biofuel subsidies were introduced in 2005, the land dedicated to growing corn in the US has risen by more than 20 million acres. Wheat production has seen a corresponding decline of acreage of nearly 4 million acres, as well as reductions in area dedicated to rice and peanut production.<ref name="Changing Landscape" /> This trend has been seen in other parts of the world as well. Brazil is another major producer of biofuel from sugar cane, which has displaced agricultural commodities that are important staple food crops.<ref>Sayffarth, A. R. (2015). The Impact of Rising Ethanol Production on the Brazilian Market for Basic Food Commodities: An Econometric Assessment. Environmental and Resource Economics, 64(3), 511-536.</ref> Possibly because it’s a more efficient producer of ethanol than corn, the effect on food prices hasn’t been as dramatic with sugar production.<ref>Bentivoglio, D., Finco, A., & Bacchi, M. (2016). Interdependencies between biofuel, fuel and food prices: The case of the Brazilian ethanol market. Energies, 9(6), 464. doi:10.3390/en9060464</ref>

==Policy Recommendations==
===Balancing Biofuels Production In Land/Resources Management On A Multi-Level Platform===
Major environmental deficits revolving around biofuel production are caused by the imbalance between biofuel crops and other biota. This is due to the need for and the lack of effective management strategies for scarce and competitive resources, such as land, water, and other agricultural inputs. The full extent of negative impacts on the environment, based solely on land use change, cannot be easily determined. As the balance between crop growing and natural ecological reservation varies from one area to another, multi-level (global, regional, local) negotiation and planning should be implemented to develop a comprehensive and equitable land use policy that serves to provide a sustainable balance for biofuel production in the environment, fully exploiting the possibility of coexistence between fuel production and the environment with the least compromise.

===Avoid Over-Incentivising Biofuels In The Commercialisation Process===
Food production serves as one of the basic necessities for a functional economy and should not be challenged by biofuel crops. Autocratically providing incentives for biofuel production to achieve economic or political goals will only isolate environmental considerations from decision-making. This is inappropriate because the ecological services serve as the basis for the continued existence of all economies and polities. Hence, before pushing biofuel products into the market, policy-makers should seek to organize an investigation to produce estimates for actual business owners about the capacity of biofuel production the economy can withstand without further decreasing the capacity of the environment to provide consistent natural resources.

===Avoid Compromising Traditional Food Crops For Biofuels In Agriculture===
Competition for food crops represents a major impact from biofuels to agricultural food production by land use repurposing. This can contribute to increased carbon emissions from the agricultural industry. However, it also has potential increase social unrest by causing increases in food prices. Policies should be set to reduce or eliminate biofuel-caused food scarcity, and the price increase it causes. This can be accomplished by mandating reductions, and eventual elimination, of first-generation biofuels made using food crops, and promoting the development and adoption of second-generation biofuels that can be produced using other materials such as agricultural waste (crop residue), municipal wastes, and algae. During policy-making, crops with important cultural meaning should obtain additional attention to avoid conflicts, which can weaken nations' agricultural capacity and overall stability. A recent of such instability is Egypt during the Arab Spring, wherein prolonged conflict led to detrimental ecological degradation.

==Layering Perspectives: Policy Recommendations==
In this section we welcome contributions from scholars and students that widen the scope of recommendations offered in this case study.

==Conclusion==
With the purpose of examining the viability of biofuels as a green initiative, this study on biofuels has included the history of biofuels and impacts of biofuels on environmental, economic and agricultural sustainability from the regional scale to the global. Environmentally, biofuels have evidently caused increased competition land resources with natural ecosystems that preserve biodiversity. Economically, biofuels are believably capable of restructuring the contemporary economy by challenging traditionally dominant industries and by modifying the market supply-demand balance. Agriculturally, misuse of land resources and other agricultural products is also pervasive and is causing considerable destruction to the basic functionality of agriculture: sustainably providing food for humanity. We have thus concluded with the following recommendations: to enforce the idea of balance in managing biofuel production with natural resources; to take careful steps in implementing biofuel products in the market; and to guarantee the production of traditional food crops on arable lands.

==Layering Perspectives: Conclusions==
In this section we welcome contributions from scholars and students that widen the scope of conclusions drawn from this case study.

==References==

<references/>

[[Category:Conservation]]

Course:CONS200/2016w2/Wiki Projects/Biofuels

2017-09-04T22:50:41Z

JenniferMansour: /* Policy Recommendations */

{{Projectbox Conservation
|names= Adam Todd
}}
'''Biofuels: green economy initiative or more business as usual?'''

==Background and Types of Biofuels==

=== Background ===
Biofuel is the product of the refinement of plant [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Biomass biomass] which can then be burned for heat or light energy. <ref name="Guo"> Guo, M., Song, W., & Buhain, J. (2015). Bioenergy and biofuels: History, status, and perspective. Renewable and Sustainable Energy Reviews, 42, 712-725</ref> It is made of organic matter, either directly from plants or indirectly from domestic, industrial or commercial wastes.<ref>biofuel. BusinessDictionary.com. Retrieved March 20, 2017, from BusinessDictionary.com website: http://www.businessdictionary.com/definition/biofuel.html</ref>

=== Types of Biofuels ===
===== Firewood =====
Before fossil fuels, firewood was the primary source of fuel domestically, especially for heating and cooking before the 19th century. <ref name="Guo"/> Materials such as wood, hay, straw, and dung are collected, dried, and then burned as a fuel source.
The amount of energy that a well-seasoned firewood can produce is approximately 15 MJ per kg, which is one-third to one-half of what fossil fuels can produce. <ref name="ORNL">ORNL. Bioenergy conversion factors. Oak Ridge, TN: Oak Ridge National Laboratory; 2013. (http://bioenergy.ornl.gov/papers/misc/energy_conv.html)</ref>
Even today, nearly 2.6 billion people, primarily rural areas of developing countries, still depend on firewood as an energy source.

===== Charcoal =====
Because the temperature of a wood fire (approximately 850˚C) is unable to melt many metals, pyrolysis techniques were developed to turn wood into charcoal.<ref>Urbas, J., & Parker, W. J. (1993). Surface temperature measurements on burning wood specimens in the cone calorimeter and the effect of grain orientation. Fire and Materials, 17(5), 205-208.</ref> Charcoal is a grey-black solid that is carbon-enriched, often burning without smoke and reaching temperatures as high as 2700˚C.<ref>Gronli, M., Antal Jr, M. J., Schenkel, Y., & Crehay, R. (2003). The science and technology of charcoal production. Fast Pyrolysis of Biomass, A Handbook, 3, 147-178)</ref>. Good quality charcoal can produce 28-33 MJ per kg. Charcoal is commonly turned into briquets and used for barbecuing.

===== Bioethanol =====
Bioethanol is alcohol made by fermentation mostly from carbohydrates produced in sugar or starch crops such as corn, sugar cane or sweet sorghum, in which biochemical reactions are involved. It is an alternative to a highly depended-upon fuel source: gasoline. It is the only renewable feedstock material to create liquid fuel. The method of fermentation is similar to that of alcohol production for human consumption. Samuel Morey, an American inventor in the early 1800's, was the first to design a boat engine fueled by alcohol. It was able to run 7-8 miles per hour.
Despite the popularity of gasoline during the early 1900's, scientists supported the sustainability of ethanol in the fuel industry as there was an abundance of potential feedstock for its production.

Interest for using ethanol as a fuel was brought up again during the 1973 oil crisis, when the Organization of Arab Petroleum Exporting Countries (OAPEC) declared an oil ban. The ban raised the price of oil from $3 USD to nearly $12 globally.<ref>(Corbett, M. (2013). Oil Shock of 1973-74. Federal Reserve History. http://www. federalreservehistory. org/Events/DetailView/36 [Accessed March 3, 2016].)</ref>

[[File:First and Second Generation Bioethanol Production.gif|thumb|First and second generation bioethanol production by alcohol fermentation. Ian Zammit. [https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/deed.en CC BY-SA 3.0], via [https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File%3AFirst_and_Second_Generation_Bioethanol_Production_by_Alcoholic_Fermentation.gif%20 Wikiemedia Commons]]]
In 2013, The US produced more than 50% of the world's bioethanol, though Europe, Brazil, China and Canada also played significant roles.<ref>(RFA. Ethanol industry statistics. Washington, DC: Renewable Fuel Association; 2014. (http://www.ethanolrfa.org/ pages/statistics)</ref> The predominate feedstocks used for bioethanol production are corn, sugar cane, wheat, sugar beet, and cassava.

Bioethanol that is made from food crops is considered a "first-generation" biofuel, which means that the feedstock used in production competes with human and animals as a food source material. To reduce the competition, "second-generation" bioethanol from non-food dry plant materials have been created. Examples of biomass that is used are switchgrass, crop residues, yard trimmings, and food processing waste. Because they are non-food biomasses, the feedstocks are not required to be planted on agricultural land.<ref>Jansen, R. A., & Wiley InterScience (Online service). (2013;2012;). Second generation biofuels and biomass: Essential guide for investors, scientists and decision makers (1. Aufl.;1; ed.). Weinheim: Wiley-VCH.</ref>

===== Biodiesel =====
Biodiesel is a yellow liquid that is the product of transesterification from vegetable oil, animal fats, and/or waste grease along with alcohol. It is commercially produced and is a alternative to petrol diesel. Animal fat and vegetable oil were used for lighting lamps in the 1800's, but were not used for making biodiesel until the 1930's.<ref>(Thomson J. The Scot Who Lit the World—the Story of William Murdoch inventor of gas lighting. Dennistoun, Glasgow G31 2JJ, UK: Janet Thomson; 2003.)</ref> In 1893, German engineer Rudolf Diesel became the first person to create a diesel engine. He believed that the use of vegetable oil could fuel machines for agriculture in rural parts of the world.

[[File:Biodiesel produced from soybean oil.jpg|thumb|Biodiesel Pump. United Soybean Board.
[https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/ CC by 2.0, via [http://www.flickr.com/photos/95352257@N06/10479074054 Flickr]]]]
Between 2000 and 2013, the world production of biodiesel increased dramatically, rising from 213 million gallons to 6289 million gallons. Top production regions include the European Union, Brazil, the U.S., Argentina, and China.<ref>(EIA. Monthly biodiesel production report. Washington, DC: U.S. Energy Information Administration; 2014. (http://www.eia.gov/biofuels/biodiesel/production/)</ref> In 2013, the U.S. alone produced over 1300 million gallons of biodiesel from soy bean oil.<ref>(Atadashi, I. M., Aroua, M. K., Aziz, A. R. A., & Sulaiman, N. M. N. (2011). Refining technologies for the purification of crude biodiesel. Applied Energy, 88(12), 4239-4251. doi:10.1016/j.apenergy.2011.05.029)</ref> The most commonly used biodiesel blend in the US is B20, which is a blend of 20% biodiesel and 80% petroleum diesel.

The benefits of biodiesel are ease of use, production simplicity and cost-competitiveness. However, the ability to economically produce renewable feedstocks such as animal fat and vegetable oil sustainably is what will create a promising future for biodiesel.

===== Biogas =====
Biogas is a renewable alternative to natural gas that is created by anaerobic digestion of organic wastes. Raw biogas contains methane (CH4), carbon dioxide (CO2) and water vapour (H2, and H2S) that can be purified to become pipeline-quality biogas (or ''biomethane'')<ref name="Weiland">(Weiland, P. (2010). Biogas production: Current state and perspectives. Applied Microbiology and Biotechnology, 85(4), 849-860. doi:10.1007/s00253-009-2246-7)</ref>. Organic wastes, such as plant residues, can decompose to carbon dioxide and water in natural environments with sufficient air supply and microbial activity. However, in anaerobic conditions plant residues will undergo anaerobic digestion, being broken down to methane and carbon dioxide by microorganisms.

The anaerobic digestion reaction equation is as followed:
<big>'''''
C6H12O6→3CO2+3CH4'''</big>

[[File:ChinaBiogas.jpg|thumb|An anaerobic digester. By Chinese training pamphlet, several sources including [http://www.i-sis.org.uk/graphics/chinaBiogas.jpg Institute of Science in Society]. Public domain.]]
Anaerobic digestion is often used in treatment plants, farms as well as regular households to manage waste and produce energy. Organic wastes from every day living, excluding highly lignified material (such as woody debris) which cannot be broken down by anaerobic microorganisms<ref name="Weiland"/>, can be used for biogas production. Organic waste mixed with water can be placed in an air-tight container (anaerobic digester) and will produce biogas in one to two weeks time. This produces biogas as well as dark, odorous solids and liquids that needs to be cleaned and replaced with new organic waste. Typically one ton of organic waste (dry weight) can yield approximately 120 cubic metres of biomethane. This can in turn can create 200kW of electricity <ref>(European Bioplastics. Factsheet Mar 2010Anaerobic digestion European Bioplastics, Berlin, Germany (2011) )</ref>

China is currently the largest biogas producer, harvesting 6 billion Nm3 of biomethane per year. The potential for biogas continues to grow. More than 1 trillion N m^3 of biomethane could be harvested considering the amount of agricultural byproducts and domestic wastes created <ref>(World Bioenergy Association. Fact sheet on biogas—an important renewable energy source. Stockholm, Sweden: World Bioenergy Association; 2013.)</ref>. This in turn can cover a quarter of the worlds current natural gas consumption and 6% of the global demand for energy.

==First Generation Biofuel Crops and Feedstocks==

[[File:The enlarged biofuels family.jpg|frame|centre| Figure illustrates the various feedstocks, which can be converted to biofuels for transport. Riccardo Pravettoni, via [http://www.grida.no/resources/6222%20 UNEP/GRID-Arendal]]]

{| border="1" cellspacing="0" cellpadding="2"
|-
!scope="col"| Crop/Feedstock
!scope="col"| Associated Countries/Regions<ref name= "BSC"/>
!scope="col"| Growing Conditions<ref name= "BSC"/>
!scope="col"| Related Facts<ref name= "BSC"/>
|-
!scope="row"| Maize/Corn
| USA
|
*Cultivated in temperate climates
*Relatively low water consumption for both production and ethanol conversion process
*Fertilizer and pesticide requirements are high
|
*High productivity per unit of land, but uses large amounts of fertilizers and pesticides and consumes fossil energy
*Create food/fuel competition for resources.
|-
!scope="row"| Sugarcane
| Brazil (Latin America), Africa, India
|
*Tropical regions, with ample rainfall
*Requires deep soils
*Requires high level of nitrogen and phosphate fertilization
|
*Efficient crop in terms of yield per unit of land, but its sustainability hinges on water availability
*Produces range of useful byproducts
*Continues to be attractive under 2nd generation technologies as bagasse
|-
!scope="row"| Rapeseed
| European Union (EU)
|
*Ideally in temperate regions under 500 mm of rainfall
*Grown on fertile and well drained land
|
*Biodiesel yield per acre and GHG savings does not compare to other alternative feedstocks
*Biofuel development in EU is promoted through heavy subsidies and mandates
|-
!scope="row"| Oil Palm
| Malaysia, Indonesia, Africa, Latin America
|
*Tropical forest plant
*Needs to be sufficiently watered
*Optimal production on well-drained and deep soils, can be cultivated on number of soil types
|
*Most sufficient for biodiesel production
*Creates great concern for plantation expansion on sensitive lands (peatlants, forests, etc.)
|-
!scope="row"| Soybean
| China, USA, Latin America
|
*Majority grown in tropical/sub-tropical areas, where rainfall ranges from 600 to 1500 mm annually
*Tends to be grown in monoculture systems
|
*Raises concerns over potential further undesirable land expansion from USA to Latin America
|-
!scope="row"| Jatropha
| Africa, India,Thailand
|
*Drought-tolerant, low input requirements and suitable for marginal lands.
|
*Can improve soil quality because of its deep root system
*Suitable for small scale production; large scale production with land conversion must be incentivize
*Will compete with food crops for land and water resources
|-
!scope="row"| Cassava
| China, Africa, Latin America, Thailand, Indonesia
|
*Cultivated in the tropics
*Precipitation above 600 mm
*Tolerant to limited soil fertility on sandy and clay textures
|
*Critical food security source for rural communities
*Most commonly produced in small farm scale
|-
!scope="row"| Sweet Sorghum
| Sub-Saharan Africa, India
|
*Can be grown in variety of soil depths and water conditions
*It is drought-tolerant, can be grown in shorter season with less labour requirements.
|
*Requires quick processing and therefore presents transportation and storeage challenge
*Fibrous residues can be used to produce electricity, process heat and power
|-
|}

==An Alternative==
===Audi's e-Diesel===
Audi, the German car manufacturer, has announced a new fuel technology which they call "e-Diesel". "E-Diesel" is entirely manufactured in a factory that only requires inputs of electricity that can be generated through renewable energy sources, water (H2O) and carbon dioxide (CO2) that can be found excessively in the atmosphere. With its consumption, it's only output is oxygen (O2). In cars running on "e-Diesel", they claim that a zero carbon-footprint can be achieved.<ref>McSpadden, K. (2015) Audi just invented fuel made from CO2 and water. Retrieved from:http://wiki.ubc.ca/Documentation:Open_Case_Studies/Licensing_Citation#Citing_Resources_in_a_Wiki</ref>
==Layering Perspectives: Other Alternatives ==
In this section we welcome contributions from scholars and students that widen the scope of this case study by providing other examples of sustainable biofuels.

==Environmental Impacts==

===Land Use Change===
[[File:Dominant land cover and use.png|thumb|Map for dominant land cover and use. UN Food and Agriculture Organization. Retrieved from [http://www.fao.org/docrep/017/i1688e/i1688e00.htm Chapter 1: Status and Trends in Land and Water Resources]]]

Land use change is a major issue regarding biofuel production. From directly growing energy crops to raising domestic animals whose fat can be converted into biofuel, every step requires planning and land management. Systems for land and agronomic management are critical evaluation tools for analyzing the global scale impacts of biofuel and its dependability in the future.

There are two kinds of land use change: direct land use change (dLUC) and indirect land use change (iLUC).<ref name= "LUC">Barnabè, D., Bucchi, R., Rispoli, A., Chiavetta, C., Porta, P.L., Bianchi, C.L., Pirola, C., Boffito D.C. & Carvoli G. (2013). Land Use Change Impacts of Biofuels: A Methodology to Evaluate Biofuel Sustainability, Biofuels - Economy, Environment and Sustainability. InTech, doi:10.5772/52255</ref> Remote-sensing is a common method to estimate the severity of land use change such as deforestation.<ref name= "BSC">Elbehri, A., Segerstedt, A., Liu, P. (2013). Biofuels and the sustainability challenge : A global assessment of sustainability issues, trends and policies for biofuels and related feedstocks. Rome: Trade and Markets Division, Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations. Retrieved from: http://www.fao.org/economic/est/publications/biofuel-publication/en/</ref>

Direct land use change (dLUC) refers to land being converted to biofuel feedstock production from a previous land use, such as natural areas under conservation, wetland, rangeland, or agricultural land.<ref name="B&B">Webb, A. and D. Coates (2012). Biofuels and Biodiversity. Secretariat of the Convention on Biological Diversity. Montreal, Technical Series No. 65, Retreived from: https://www.cbd.int/doc/publications/cbd-ts-65-en.pdf</ref> Indirect land use change (iLUC) occurs when biofuel feedstock production displaces previous productive land to other areas.<ref name="B&B"/> Sustainability of biofuels is questionable. Serious doubts have been raised about the social and environmental impacts of iLUC. These impacts include deforestation (conversion and fragmentation of natural habitats), significant greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, as well as negative effects on biodiversity, carbon stocks, water quality, food security and land rights.<ref name="B&B"/> A report describes the impact of indirect land use change: “The iLUC in this context is always direct land use (dLUC) for food production incentivized by the cross-price effects of an increased production of biofuel feedstocks which then translates into an additional demand for so far unused land areas.”<ref name= "LUC"/>
[[File:Land required for biofuels by feedstock.jpg|frame|center|Land required for biofuels by feedstock. Nieves Lopez Izquierdo, via [http://www.grida.no/resources/6220 GRID-Arendal] ]]

Reports published by the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) further state that there may be indirect effects of land use change, such as increases in carbon emissions as more land is converted to biofuel crop production in response to global demand.<ref name= "BSC"/> Furthermore, the FAO also warns that biofuel production may have a higher carbon footprint than fossil fuels once land-use changes are factored into the analysis.<ref> Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations. (2008). The State of Food and Agriculture. Retrieved from : http://www.fao.org/docrep/011/i0100e/i0100e00.htm </ref>
[[File:LUC Figure 22.png|500px||center||frame|via UN Food and Agriculture Organization. Retrieved from [http://www.fao.org/3/a-i0100e.pdf The State of Food and Agriculture 2008 Report]]]

The greatest reduction in GHG emissions from biofuels production is the sequestration of carbon dioxide (CO2) in the atmosphere when feedstocks and crops are planted.<ref name="BIGELUC"/> Conversion on land with high natural carbon stocks like forests, grasslands, woodlands, peatlands, and wetlands will result in significant additional greenhouse gas emissions. The "carbon debt" is a term referencing the carbon emissions generated from land conversion.<ref name="B&B"/> Studies often fail to count emissions from land use change because they are difficult to quantify and are commonly overlooked by existing analytical methods. In order to generate greenhouse benefits or "pay back" the carbon debt, the carbon uptake credit (CO2 absorbed by the biofuel crop) must exceed the emissions from land use change.
<ref name="BIGELUC"> Searchinger, T., Heimlich, R., Houghton, R., Dong, F., Elobeid, A., Fabiosa, J., . . . Yu, T. (2008). Use of U.S. Croplands for Biofuels Increases Greenhouse Gases through Emissions from Land-Use Change. Science, 319(5867), 1238-1240. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/stable/20053483 </ref> <ref name="B&B"/>
[[File:LUC Figure 23.png|600px|frame|centre|via UN Food and Agriculture Organization. Retrieved from [http://www.fao.org/3/a-i0100e.pdf The State of Food and Agriculture 2008 Report]]]

===Remaining Land Alternatives===
====Marginal and Degraded Lands====
[[File:Potential biofuels production on abandoned agricultural land.jpg|thumb|Potential biofuels production on abandoned agricultural land. Nieves Lopez Izquierdo, via [http://www.grida.no/resources/6188 GRID-Arendal]]]
It is clear that the benefit of biofuels is questionable and that it can either contribute to climate change mitigation or be a GHG emission intensifier. Undoubtedly, appropriate locations for biofuel plantations are critical for sustainable production. Producing biomass on less productive areas may alleviate the land use competition with food and improve the agronomy and ecology of the area.<ref name= "LUC"/>
Bioenergy industries are delving into the potential of marginal lands and degraded lands as alternative to cropland and feedstock supply to address the food versus fuel debate.<ref name= "LUC"/>
Marginal lands suitable for cropping shares 19% and approximate 298 Mha of cultivated lands Globally in 2010.<ref>The Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations and Earthscan. (2011) Managing systems at risk. The State of the World's Land and Water Resources for Food and Agriculture. Retrieved from: http://www.fao.org/docrep/017/i1688e/i1688e.pdf</ref>

Some generally recognized benefits of replanting biomass on marginal and degraded lands include reducing pressure on ecosystems and natural land conversion while providing soil stability and productivity, increasing soil nutrient and water content, and recreating habitats.<ref name="Diversity">Campbell, A. & Doswald, N. (2009) The impacts of biofuel production on
biodiversity: A review of the current literature. UNEP-WCMC, Cambridge, UK. Retrived from: https://www.cbd.int/agriculture/2011-121/UNEP-WCMC3-sep11-en.pdf</ref> However, others argue that the environment will be better protected through sustainable agriculture, reducing agricultural inputs, and restoring degraded lands.<ref name="B&B"/>

====Broad issues with using degraded lands for energy crops:====
[[File:Table 2.1.png|thumb|Proposed Definitions of Land Types. UN Food and Agriculture Organization.Retrieved from [http://www.fao.org/wairdocs/tac/x5784e/x5784e0f.htm#1.1 Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research]]]
#How to define these marginal and degraded lands and soil. Agroeconomic profitability is no longer sustainable criterion to define marginal and degraded land. Multiple criteria are suggested using soil health indicators, current land use and environmental degradation.<ref name="B&B"/> The value of marginal lands should also be deliberated according to its social and cultural importance. Some marginal areas constitute a primary source of livelihoods for the rural poor, provide ecosystem services, and hold biodiversity values.<ref name="B&B"/>
#Production of energy crops is one of many purposes competing for the use of degraded land. In the long-term, competition for land will only become more pronounced due to increasing demand for food production and urbanization.<ref name="B&B"/>
#GHG benefits of growing energy crops on marginal and degraded lands do not compare to restoration of natural vegetation and soils.<ref name="B&B"/>

===Impact on Biodiversity===
Biodiversity is another important element to consider when analyzing the consequences of Biomass production. Practices of crop monoculture can be detrimental to local biodiversity through habitat loss, expansion of invasive species, and contamination from fertilizers and herbicides.<ref name= "BSC"/> Generally single-crop biofuel plantations have been reported to have low species diversity and can increase soil erosion.<ref name="Diversity"/> On a field-scale, the most efficient cropping systems have great uniformity and very little biodiversity.<ref name= "BSC"/> Choice of crop and management regime is therefore an important element in determining whether the biofuel is biodiversity friendly.<ref name="Diversity"/>
[[File:Figure 2.5.png|center|frame|Conflict Zones: High Potentials for Biomass Production vs. High Biodiversity. UN Food and Agriculture Organization. Retrieved from [http://www.fao.org/docrep/017/i3126e/i3126e.pdf Biofuels and the Sustainability Challenge] report by Elbehri ''et al''. ]]

Rising demand for biofuels escalates the incentive for the clearing of natural habitats<ref name= "BSC"/>. For instance, palm oil plantation development is one of the most cited causes of natural habitat conversion in Southeast Asia, which continues to lose its primary forests, thus endangering the region’s biodiversity.<ref name="Diversity"/> Oil palm plantations have estimated to remove 78% to 85% of recorded native species in primary forests of Indonesia and Malaysia, and supports lower levels of biodiversity than other tree crops, agricultural crops and abandoned pasture.<ref name="Diversity"/> Dominant species on these plantations are often invasive or non-forest generalist species, which replace specialist species important for a functional ecosystem.<ref name="Diversity"/> Habitat fragmentation is also a threat to native species of continuous forest. The development of infrastructures and burning of forest land to create oil palm remain a threat to many species in Southeast Asia, such as the Sumatran rhino, Asian elephants, tigers, and Borneo orangutan.<ref name="Diversity"/>

==Layering Perspectives: Environmental Impacts==
In this section we welcome contributions from scholars and students that widen the scope of this case study by providing other consideration of the effect of biofuels on the environment.

==Economic Viability==

===The Global Demand for Biofuels===

Worldwide demand for biofuels has been growing rapidly in recent decades. Production is estimated to reach 51.1 billion gallons by 2022, up from 32.4 billion gallons produced in 2013. <ref> Navigant Research. (2014) Annual biofuel demand forecasted at 51 billion gallons by 2022. Retrieved from: http://biomassmagazine.com/articles/10002/annual-biofuel-demand-forecasted-at-51-billion-gallons-by-2022 </ref> However, the economies of scale in the biofuel industry has demonstrated the problems it can cause, including encouraging agriculturalisation of carbon-rich forested land leading to the rapid expansion of the frontier in Brazil<ref>Leon, A., & Leon, R. (2016). The Scope for Increasing Biofuel Crop Production in Japan: An Analysis of Alternative Policies. Asian Economic And Financial Review, 6(3), 115-126.</ref>, and encouraging the use of pesticides and fertilisers to press for higher crop yield<ref name="Wash">Washington Post. (2008) Title of the Article. The Problem With Biofuels, More proof that there are no easy solutions to climate change. Retrieved from:http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2008/02/26/AR2008022602827_pf.html</ref> Consequently, the carbon emission problems biofuels aimed to remedy in the first place can actually be escalated due to the massive scale of production. If forest removal is considered in carbon emission calculations, the total emissions can be between 17 and 420 times greater than if just considering production alone.<ref name="Wash"/>

===The Increased Food Price===

Since biofuel production requires the same lands that are used to traditionally grow food, the food price increase in recent years should have contribution from the expansion of the biofuel industry.<ref>Alexander, C & Hurt, C. (Year) Biofuels and Their impact on Food Prices, 1. Retrieved from: http://wiki.ubc.ca/Documentation:Open_Case_Studies/Licensing_Citation#Citing_Resources_in_a_Wiki</ref> Furthermore, Rice (2010) has claimed that the biofuels option is merely an easy way-out for politicians<ref name="M/G">Rice, T. (2010). Meals per gallon. Retrieved from: https://www.actionaid.org.uk/sites/default/files/doc_lib/meals_per_gallon_final.pdf</ref>. To the global commons, biofuels, with the competition they induce on farm lands, are believed to have put '''100 millions people back into poverty''' with the food price crisis in 2008, evidenced by the World Bank's estimation.<ref name="M/G"/>

===Businesses' Views on Biofuels===

Although biofuels mandates are mostly from government policy-makers, it's businesses that take on the commercialisation "quest" to deliver this technology to consumers.<ref name="RiskInBusinesses">Pries, F., Talebi, A., Schillo, R. S., & Lemay, M. A. (2016). Risks Affecting the Biofuels Industry: A US and Canadian Company Perspective. Energy Policy, 9793-101. doi:http://dx.doi.org.ezp.lib.unimelb.edu.au/10.1016/j.enpol.2016.07.006</ref> Potential risks that may forbid actual companies to invest in biofuels production include: (1) unknown and hard-to-predict technical and non-technical consequences by innovative products; (2) potential impacts on the demand-supply status quo; (3) raising food security problems; (4) uncertainty in competition with "oil giants"; and (5) inadequate infrastructure to support such production processes.<ref name="RiskInBusinesses"/>

==Biofuels and Agriculture==
===Food Prices and Social Unrest===
[[file:FAO Food Price Index.png|thumb|Food price index from January 1990 to July 2012, data from [http://www.fao.org/fileadmin/templates/worldfood/Reports_and_docs/Food_price_indices_data.xls UN Food and Agriculture Organization. Jashuah, [https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/ CC BY-SA 3.0]]]
Biofuels have been controversial regarding spikes in food prices and the resulting social unrest such price increases have caused. The rise of food prices correlate well with the increased diversion of corn and soy from the food supply to biofuel production.<ref name= "Changing Landscape">Newton, J., and T. Kuethe. (2015) Changing Landscape of Corn and Soybean Production and Potential Implications in 2015. Farmdoc Daily, Department of Agricultural and Consumer Economics, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, (5)42, doi: http://farmdocdaily.illinois.edu/2015/03/changing-landscape-of-corn-and-soybean-production.html </ref> Though also involving complex political issues, the rising cost of cereal prices played a major role in protests that developed into the Syrian Civil War.<ref>Rocchi, B., Romano, D., Hamza, R. (2013). Agriculture reform and food crisis in Syria: Impacts on poverty and inequality. Food Policy, Volume 43, 190-203.</ref> Similarly, food prices also played a major role in the series of uprisings that became known as the Arab Spring. In Cairo, for example, waving bread became a symbolic gesture of outrage at food price rises which rose as high as 300% in 2011. The rise in food prices in that year can be attributed to several factors that reduced the overall global supply, including extreme weather conditions in Russia, Ukraine, Australia, and Canada that reduced crop yields.<ref>Sternberg, T. (2012). Chinese drought, bread and the Arab Spring. Applied Geography, Volume 34, 519-524. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.apgeog.2012.02.004</ref> Many issues have been raised about diverting crops from the food supply to produce biofuels, including concerns over biofuel production decreasing the global food supply, and the replacement of food crops with corn or sugar cane for biofuel production increasing food costs. Industrial corn production uses a large amount of chemical fertilizers and pesticides (97% of acres of corn in the US have applications of both nitrogen fertilizer and herbicides) which is an ecological sustainability concern in terms of greenhouse gas emission and runoff pollution.<ref>USDA. (2015). 2014 Agricultural Chemical Use Survey - Corn Highlights. United States Department of Agriculture. Retrieved from https://www.nass.usda.gov/Surveys/Guide_to_NASS_Surveys/Chemical_Use/2014_Corn_Highlights/</ref> However, the threat of collapse of nation-states or societies from unequal access to food poses a serious threat to the ecological, social, and economic sustainability globally.
[[file:Arab_Spring_and_Regional_Conflict_Map.svg|thumb|Arab Spring and Regional Conflict Map. Ian Remsen. Public Domain, via [https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Arab_Spring_and_Regional_Conflict_Map.svg Wikimedia Commons]]]

===Decreasing the Global Food Supply===
[[File:FAO Cereal Production, Utilization, Stocks.jpg|thumb|World Cereal Production, Utilization, and Stocks. Retrieved from [http://www.fao.org/worldfoodsituation/csdb/en/ UN Food and Agriculture Organization].]]
In 2007, Jacques Diouf, then-Director-General of the United Nations Food and Agriculture Agency (FAO) warned that if trends regarding biofuels were to continue world hunger would rise, especially in the developing world.<ref>Rosenthal, E. (2007). World Food Stocks Dwindling, UN Warns. New York Times. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/2007/12/17/world/europe/17iht-food.html</ref> Similarly, the United States National Institutes of Environmental Health Sciences (NIEHS) warned that biofuels further tie food prices to the price of petroleum and force people to compete with automobiles for energy.<ref>Tenenbaum, D. J. (2008). Food vs. Fuel: Diversion of Crops Could Cause More Hunger. Environmental Health Perspectives, 116(6), A254-A257.</ref> There is as yet no consensus on the real-world impact of biofuels on food prices, though generally as the price of petroleum rises, the price of biofuels increase, which in turn causes price increases for the agricultural commodities used to produce them.<ref>Bastianin, A., Galeotti, M., & Manera, M. (2016). Ethanol and field crops: is there a price connection?. Food Policy, 63, 53-61.</ref> Analyses of the level of price increases of agricultural commodities from diversion for biofuels have ranged from increases of 14% to 43%.<ref>Persson, U. M. (2014). The impact of biofuel on agricultural commodity prices: a systematic review. Wiley Interdisciplinary Review: Energy and Environment, 4(5), 410-428.</ref>

===Replacement of Food Crops===
[[File:Change in Corn Harvested, 2004-2015.jpg|thumb|[http://farmdocdaily.illinois.edu/2015/03/changing-landscape-of-corn-and-soybean-production.html Changing Landscape of Corn and Soybean Production and Potential Implications] in 2015 by John Newton and Todd Kuethe via [http://farmdocdaily.illinois.edu/ familydoc daily]]][[File:Change in Wheat Harvested, 2005-2015.jpg|thumb|[http://farmdocdaily.illinois.edu/2015/03/changing-landscape-of-corn-and-soybean-production.html Changing Landscape of Corn and Soybean Production and Potential Implications] in 2015 by John Newton and Todd Kuethe via [http://farmdocdaily.illinois.edu/ familydoc daily]]]
Another concern of biofuel production is the replacement of food crops with biofuel crops. Since biofuel subsidies were introduced in 2005, the land dedicated to growing corn in the US has risen by more than 20 million acres. Wheat production has seen a corresponding decline of acreage of nearly 4 million acres, as well as reductions in area dedicated to rice and peanut production.<ref name="Changing Landscape" /> This trend has been seen in other parts of the world as well. Brazil is another major producer of biofuel from sugar cane, which has displaced agricultural commodities that are important staple food crops.<ref>Sayffarth, A. R. (2015). The Impact of Rising Ethanol Production on the Brazilian Market for Basic Food Commodities: An Econometric Assessment. Environmental and Resource Economics, 64(3), 511-536.</ref> Possibly because it’s a more efficient producer of ethanol than corn, the effect on food prices hasn’t been as dramatic with sugar production.<ref>Bentivoglio, D., Finco, A., & Bacchi, M. (2016). Interdependencies between biofuel, fuel and food prices: The case of the Brazilian ethanol market. Energies, 9(6), 464. doi:10.3390/en9060464</ref>

==Policy Recommendations==
===Balancing Biofuels Production In Land/Resources Management On A Multi-Level Platform===
Major environmental deficits revolving around biofuel production are caused by the imbalance between biofuel crops and other biota. This is due to the need for and the lack of effective management strategies for scarce and competitive resources, such as land, water, and other agricultural inputs. The full extent of negative impacts on the environment, based solely on land use change, cannot be easily determined. As the balance between crop growing and natural ecological reservation varies from one area to another, multi-level (global, regional, local) negotiation and planning should be implemented to develop a comprehensive and equitable land use policy that serves to provide a sustainable balance for biofuel production in the environment, fully exploiting the possibility of coexistence between fuel production and the environment with the least compromise.

===Avoid Over-Incentivising Biofuels In The Commercialisation Process===
Food production serves as one of the basic necessities for a functional economy and should not be challenged by biofuel crops. Autocratically providing incentives for biofuel production to achieve economic or political goals will only isolate environmental considerations from decision-making. This is inappropriate because the ecological services serve as the basis for the continued existence of all economies and polities. Hence, before pushing biofuel products into the market, policy-makers should seek to organize an investigation to produce estimates for actual business owners about the capacity of biofuel production the economy can withstand without further decreasing the capacity of the environment to provide consistent natural resources.

===Avoid Compromising Traditional Food Crops For Biofuels In Agriculture===
Competition for food crops represents a major impact from biofuels to agricultural food production by land use repurposing. This can contribute to increased carbon emissions from the agricultural industry. However, it also has potential increase social unrest by causing increases in food prices. Policies should be set to reduce or eliminate biofuel-caused food scarcity, and the price increase it causes. This can be accomplished by mandating reductions, and eventual elimination, of first-generation biofuels made using food crops, and promoting the development and adoption of second-generation biofuels that can be produced using other materials such as agricultural waste (crop residue), municipal wastes, and algae. During policy-making, crops with important cultural meaning should obtain additional attention to avoid conflicts, which can weaken nations' agricultural capacity and overall stability. A recent of such instability is Egypt during the Arab Spring, wherein prolonged conflict led to detrimental ecological degradation.

==Layering Perspectives: Policy Recommendations==
In this section we welcome contributions from scholars and students that widen the scope of recommendations offered in this case study.

==Conclusion==
With the purpose of examining the viability of biofuels as a green initiative, this study on biofuels has included the history of biofuels and impacts of biofuels on environmental, economic and agricultural sustainability from the regional scale to the global. Environmentally, biofuels have evidently caused increased competition land resources with natural ecosystems that preserve biodiversity. Economically, biofuels are believably capable of restructuring the contemporary economy by challenging traditionally dominant industries and by modifying the market supply-demand balance. Agriculturally, misuse of land resources and other agricultural products is also pervasive and is causing considerable destruction to the basic functionality of agriculture: sustainably providing food for humanity. We have thus concluded with the following recommendations: to enforce the idea of balance in managing biofuel production with natural resources; to take careful steps in implementing biofuel products in the market; and to guarantee the production of traditional food crops on arable lands.

==References==

<references/>

[[Category:Conservation]]

Course:CONS200/2016w2/Wiki Projects/Biofuels

2017-09-04T22:28:35Z

JenniferMansour: /* Layering Perspectives: Environmental Impacts */

{{Projectbox Conservation
|names= Adam Todd
}}
'''Biofuels: green economy initiative or more business as usual?'''

==Background and Types of Biofuels==

=== Background ===
Biofuel is the product of the refinement of plant [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Biomass biomass] which can then be burned for heat or light energy. <ref name="Guo"> Guo, M., Song, W., & Buhain, J. (2015). Bioenergy and biofuels: History, status, and perspective. Renewable and Sustainable Energy Reviews, 42, 712-725</ref> It is made of organic matter, either directly from plants or indirectly from domestic, industrial or commercial wastes.<ref>biofuel. BusinessDictionary.com. Retrieved March 20, 2017, from BusinessDictionary.com website: http://www.businessdictionary.com/definition/biofuel.html</ref>

=== Types of Biofuels ===
===== Firewood =====
Before fossil fuels, firewood was the primary source of fuel domestically, especially for heating and cooking before the 19th century. <ref name="Guo"/> Materials such as wood, hay, straw, and dung are collected, dried, and then burned as a fuel source.
The amount of energy that a well-seasoned firewood can produce is approximately 15 MJ per kg, which is one-third to one-half of what fossil fuels can produce. <ref name="ORNL">ORNL. Bioenergy conversion factors. Oak Ridge, TN: Oak Ridge National Laboratory; 2013. (http://bioenergy.ornl.gov/papers/misc/energy_conv.html)</ref>
Even today, nearly 2.6 billion people, primarily rural areas of developing countries, still depend on firewood as an energy source.

===== Charcoal =====
Because the temperature of a wood fire (approximately 850˚C) is unable to melt many metals, pyrolysis techniques were developed to turn wood into charcoal.<ref>Urbas, J., & Parker, W. J. (1993). Surface temperature measurements on burning wood specimens in the cone calorimeter and the effect of grain orientation. Fire and Materials, 17(5), 205-208.</ref> Charcoal is a grey-black solid that is carbon-enriched, often burning without smoke and reaching temperatures as high as 2700˚C.<ref>Gronli, M., Antal Jr, M. J., Schenkel, Y., & Crehay, R. (2003). The science and technology of charcoal production. Fast Pyrolysis of Biomass, A Handbook, 3, 147-178)</ref>. Good quality charcoal can produce 28-33 MJ per kg. Charcoal is commonly turned into briquets and used for barbecuing.

===== Bioethanol =====
Bioethanol is alcohol made by fermentation mostly from carbohydrates produced in sugar or starch crops such as corn, sugar cane or sweet sorghum, in which biochemical reactions are involved. It is an alternative to a highly depended-upon fuel source: gasoline. It is the only renewable feedstock material to create liquid fuel. The method of fermentation is similar to that of alcohol production for human consumption. Samuel Morey, an American inventor in the early 1800's, was the first to design a boat engine fueled by alcohol. It was able to run 7-8 miles per hour.
Despite the popularity of gasoline during the early 1900's, scientists supported the sustainability of ethanol in the fuel industry as there was an abundance of potential feedstock for its production.

Interest for using ethanol as a fuel was brought up again during the 1973 oil crisis, when the Organization of Arab Petroleum Exporting Countries (OAPEC) declared an oil ban. The ban raised the price of oil from $3 USD to nearly $12 globally.<ref>(Corbett, M. (2013). Oil Shock of 1973-74. Federal Reserve History. http://www. federalreservehistory. org/Events/DetailView/36 [Accessed March 3, 2016].)</ref>

[[File:First and Second Generation Bioethanol Production.gif|thumb|First and second generation bioethanol production by alcohol fermentation. Ian Zammit. [https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/deed.en CC BY-SA 3.0], via [https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File%3AFirst_and_Second_Generation_Bioethanol_Production_by_Alcoholic_Fermentation.gif%20 Wikiemedia Commons]]]
In 2013, The US produced more than 50% of the world's bioethanol, though Europe, Brazil, China and Canada also played significant roles.<ref>(RFA. Ethanol industry statistics. Washington, DC: Renewable Fuel Association; 2014. (http://www.ethanolrfa.org/ pages/statistics)</ref> The predominate feedstocks used for bioethanol production are corn, sugar cane, wheat, sugar beet, and cassava.

Bioethanol that is made from food crops is considered a "first-generation" biofuel, which means that the feedstock used in production competes with human and animals as a food source material. To reduce the competition, "second-generation" bioethanol from non-food dry plant materials have been created. Examples of biomass that is used are switchgrass, crop residues, yard trimmings, and food processing waste. Because they are non-food biomasses, the feedstocks are not required to be planted on agricultural land.<ref>Jansen, R. A., & Wiley InterScience (Online service). (2013;2012;). Second generation biofuels and biomass: Essential guide for investors, scientists and decision makers (1. Aufl.;1; ed.). Weinheim: Wiley-VCH.</ref>

===== Biodiesel =====
Biodiesel is a yellow liquid that is the product of transesterification from vegetable oil, animal fats, and/or waste grease along with alcohol. It is commercially produced and is a alternative to petrol diesel. Animal fat and vegetable oil were used for lighting lamps in the 1800's, but were not used for making biodiesel until the 1930's.<ref>(Thomson J. The Scot Who Lit the World—the Story of William Murdoch inventor of gas lighting. Dennistoun, Glasgow G31 2JJ, UK: Janet Thomson; 2003.)</ref> In 1893, German engineer Rudolf Diesel became the first person to create a diesel engine. He believed that the use of vegetable oil could fuel machines for agriculture in rural parts of the world.

[[File:Biodiesel produced from soybean oil.jpg|thumb|Biodiesel Pump. United Soybean Board.
[https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/ CC by 2.0, via [http://www.flickr.com/photos/95352257@N06/10479074054 Flickr]]]]
Between 2000 and 2013, the world production of biodiesel increased dramatically, rising from 213 million gallons to 6289 million gallons. Top production regions include the European Union, Brazil, the U.S., Argentina, and China.<ref>(EIA. Monthly biodiesel production report. Washington, DC: U.S. Energy Information Administration; 2014. (http://www.eia.gov/biofuels/biodiesel/production/)</ref> In 2013, the U.S. alone produced over 1300 million gallons of biodiesel from soy bean oil.<ref>(Atadashi, I. M., Aroua, M. K., Aziz, A. R. A., & Sulaiman, N. M. N. (2011). Refining technologies for the purification of crude biodiesel. Applied Energy, 88(12), 4239-4251. doi:10.1016/j.apenergy.2011.05.029)</ref> The most commonly used biodiesel blend in the US is B20, which is a blend of 20% biodiesel and 80% petroleum diesel.

The benefits of biodiesel are ease of use, production simplicity and cost-competitiveness. However, the ability to economically produce renewable feedstocks such as animal fat and vegetable oil sustainably is what will create a promising future for biodiesel.

===== Biogas =====
Biogas is a renewable alternative to natural gas that is created by anaerobic digestion of organic wastes. Raw biogas contains methane (CH4), carbon dioxide (CO2) and water vapour (H2, and H2S) that can be purified to become pipeline-quality biogas (or ''biomethane'')<ref name="Weiland">(Weiland, P. (2010). Biogas production: Current state and perspectives. Applied Microbiology and Biotechnology, 85(4), 849-860. doi:10.1007/s00253-009-2246-7)</ref>. Organic wastes, such as plant residues, can decompose to carbon dioxide and water in natural environments with sufficient air supply and microbial activity. However, in anaerobic conditions plant residues will undergo anaerobic digestion, being broken down to methane and carbon dioxide by microorganisms.

The anaerobic digestion reaction equation is as followed:
<big>'''''
C6H12O6→3CO2+3CH4'''</big>

[[File:ChinaBiogas.jpg|thumb|An anaerobic digester. By Chinese training pamphlet, several sources including [http://www.i-sis.org.uk/graphics/chinaBiogas.jpg Institute of Science in Society]. Public domain.]]
Anaerobic digestion is often used in treatment plants, farms as well as regular households to manage waste and produce energy. Organic wastes from every day living, excluding highly lignified material (such as woody debris) which cannot be broken down by anaerobic microorganisms<ref name="Weiland"/>, can be used for biogas production. Organic waste mixed with water can be placed in an air-tight container (anaerobic digester) and will produce biogas in one to two weeks time. This produces biogas as well as dark, odorous solids and liquids that needs to be cleaned and replaced with new organic waste. Typically one ton of organic waste (dry weight) can yield approximately 120 cubic metres of biomethane. This can in turn can create 200kW of electricity <ref>(European Bioplastics. Factsheet Mar 2010Anaerobic digestion European Bioplastics, Berlin, Germany (2011) )</ref>

China is currently the largest biogas producer, harvesting 6 billion Nm3 of biomethane per year. The potential for biogas continues to grow. More than 1 trillion N m^3 of biomethane could be harvested considering the amount of agricultural byproducts and domestic wastes created <ref>(World Bioenergy Association. Fact sheet on biogas—an important renewable energy source. Stockholm, Sweden: World Bioenergy Association; 2013.)</ref>. This in turn can cover a quarter of the worlds current natural gas consumption and 6% of the global demand for energy.

==First Generation Biofuel Crops and Feedstocks==

[[File:The enlarged biofuels family.jpg|frame|centre| Figure illustrates the various feedstocks, which can be converted to biofuels for transport. Riccardo Pravettoni, via [http://www.grida.no/resources/6222%20 UNEP/GRID-Arendal]]]

{| border="1" cellspacing="0" cellpadding="2"
|-
!scope="col"| Crop/Feedstock
!scope="col"| Associated Countries/Regions<ref name= "BSC"/>
!scope="col"| Growing Conditions<ref name= "BSC"/>
!scope="col"| Related Facts<ref name= "BSC"/>
|-
!scope="row"| Maize/Corn
| USA
|
*Cultivated in temperate climates
*Relatively low water consumption for both production and ethanol conversion process
*Fertilizer and pesticide requirements are high
|
*High productivity per unit of land, but uses large amounts of fertilizers and pesticides and consumes fossil energy
*Create food/fuel competition for resources.
|-
!scope="row"| Sugarcane
| Brazil (Latin America), Africa, India
|
*Tropical regions, with ample rainfall
*Requires deep soils
*Requires high level of nitrogen and phosphate fertilization
|
*Efficient crop in terms of yield per unit of land, but its sustainability hinges on water availability
*Produces range of useful byproducts
*Continues to be attractive under 2nd generation technologies as bagasse
|-
!scope="row"| Rapeseed
| European Union (EU)
|
*Ideally in temperate regions under 500 mm of rainfall
*Grown on fertile and well drained land
|
*Biodiesel yield per acre and GHG savings does not compare to other alternative feedstocks
*Biofuel development in EU is promoted through heavy subsidies and mandates
|-
!scope="row"| Oil Palm
| Malaysia, Indonesia, Africa, Latin America
|
*Tropical forest plant
*Needs to be sufficiently watered
*Optimal production on well-drained and deep soils, can be cultivated on number of soil types
|
*Most sufficient for biodiesel production
*Creates great concern for plantation expansion on sensitive lands (peatlants, forests, etc.)
|-
!scope="row"| Soybean
| China, USA, Latin America
|
*Majority grown in tropical/sub-tropical areas, where rainfall ranges from 600 to 1500 mm annually
*Tends to be grown in monoculture systems
|
*Raises concerns over potential further undesirable land expansion from USA to Latin America
|-
!scope="row"| Jatropha
| Africa, India,Thailand
|
*Drought-tolerant, low input requirements and suitable for marginal lands.
|
*Can improve soil quality because of its deep root system
*Suitable for small scale production; large scale production with land conversion must be incentivize
*Will compete with food crops for land and water resources
|-
!scope="row"| Cassava
| China, Africa, Latin America, Thailand, Indonesia
|
*Cultivated in the tropics
*Precipitation above 600 mm
*Tolerant to limited soil fertility on sandy and clay textures
|
*Critical food security source for rural communities
*Most commonly produced in small farm scale
|-
!scope="row"| Sweet Sorghum
| Sub-Saharan Africa, India
|
*Can be grown in variety of soil depths and water conditions
*It is drought-tolerant, can be grown in shorter season with less labour requirements.
|
*Requires quick processing and therefore presents transportation and storeage challenge
*Fibrous residues can be used to produce electricity, process heat and power
|-
|}

==An Alternative==
===Audi's e-Diesel===
Audi, the German car manufacturer, has announced a new fuel technology which they call "e-Diesel". "E-Diesel" is entirely manufactured in a factory that only requires inputs of electricity that can be generated through renewable energy sources, water (H2O) and carbon dioxide (CO2) that can be found excessively in the atmosphere. With its consumption, it's only output is oxygen (O2). In cars running on "e-Diesel", they claim that a zero carbon-footprint can be achieved.<ref>McSpadden, K. (2015) Audi just invented fuel made from CO2 and water. Retrieved from:http://wiki.ubc.ca/Documentation:Open_Case_Studies/Licensing_Citation#Citing_Resources_in_a_Wiki</ref>
==Layering Perspectives: Other Alternatives ==
In this section we welcome contributions from scholars and students that widen the scope of this case study by providing other examples of sustainable biofuels.

==Environmental Impacts==

===Land Use Change===
[[File:Dominant land cover and use.png|thumb|Map for dominant land cover and use. UN Food and Agriculture Organization. Retrieved from [http://www.fao.org/docrep/017/i1688e/i1688e00.htm Chapter 1: Status and Trends in Land and Water Resources]]]

Land use change is a major issue regarding biofuel production. From directly growing energy crops to raising domestic animals whose fat can be converted into biofuel, every step requires planning and land management. Systems for land and agronomic management are critical evaluation tools for analyzing the global scale impacts of biofuel and its dependability in the future.

There are two kinds of land use change: direct land use change (dLUC) and indirect land use change (iLUC).<ref name= "LUC">Barnabè, D., Bucchi, R., Rispoli, A., Chiavetta, C., Porta, P.L., Bianchi, C.L., Pirola, C., Boffito D.C. & Carvoli G. (2013). Land Use Change Impacts of Biofuels: A Methodology to Evaluate Biofuel Sustainability, Biofuels - Economy, Environment and Sustainability. InTech, doi:10.5772/52255</ref> Remote-sensing is a common method to estimate the severity of land use change such as deforestation.<ref name= "BSC">Elbehri, A., Segerstedt, A., Liu, P. (2013). Biofuels and the sustainability challenge : A global assessment of sustainability issues, trends and policies for biofuels and related feedstocks. Rome: Trade and Markets Division, Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations. Retrieved from: http://www.fao.org/economic/est/publications/biofuel-publication/en/</ref>

Direct land use change (dLUC) refers to land being converted to biofuel feedstock production from a previous land use, such as natural areas under conservation, wetland, rangeland, or agricultural land.<ref name="B&B">Webb, A. and D. Coates (2012). Biofuels and Biodiversity. Secretariat of the Convention on Biological Diversity. Montreal, Technical Series No. 65, Retreived from: https://www.cbd.int/doc/publications/cbd-ts-65-en.pdf</ref> Indirect land use change (iLUC) occurs when biofuel feedstock production displaces previous productive land to other areas.<ref name="B&B"/> Sustainability of biofuels is questionable. Serious doubts have been raised about the social and environmental impacts of iLUC. These impacts include deforestation (conversion and fragmentation of natural habitats), significant greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, as well as negative effects on biodiversity, carbon stocks, water quality, food security and land rights.<ref name="B&B"/> A report describes the impact of indirect land use change: “The iLUC in this context is always direct land use (dLUC) for food production incentivized by the cross-price effects of an increased production of biofuel feedstocks which then translates into an additional demand for so far unused land areas.”<ref name= "LUC"/>
[[File:Land required for biofuels by feedstock.jpg|frame|center|Land required for biofuels by feedstock. Nieves Lopez Izquierdo, via [http://www.grida.no/resources/6220 GRID-Arendal] ]]

Reports published by the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) further state that there may be indirect effects of land use change, such as increases in carbon emissions as more land is converted to biofuel crop production in response to global demand.<ref name= "BSC"/> Furthermore, the FAO also warns that biofuel production may have a higher carbon footprint than fossil fuels once land-use changes are factored into the analysis.<ref> Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations. (2008). The State of Food and Agriculture. Retrieved from : http://www.fao.org/docrep/011/i0100e/i0100e00.htm </ref>
[[File:LUC Figure 22.png|500px||center||frame|via UN Food and Agriculture Organization. Retrieved from [http://www.fao.org/3/a-i0100e.pdf The State of Food and Agriculture 2008 Report]]]

The greatest reduction in GHG emissions from biofuels production is the sequestration of carbon dioxide (CO2) in the atmosphere when feedstocks and crops are planted.<ref name="BIGELUC"/> Conversion on land with high natural carbon stocks like forests, grasslands, woodlands, peatlands, and wetlands will result in significant additional greenhouse gas emissions. The "carbon debt" is a term referencing the carbon emissions generated from land conversion.<ref name="B&B"/> Studies often fail to count emissions from land use change because they are difficult to quantify and are commonly overlooked by existing analytical methods. In order to generate greenhouse benefits or "pay back" the carbon debt, the carbon uptake credit (CO2 absorbed by the biofuel crop) must exceed the emissions from land use change.
<ref name="BIGELUC"> Searchinger, T., Heimlich, R., Houghton, R., Dong, F., Elobeid, A., Fabiosa, J., . . . Yu, T. (2008). Use of U.S. Croplands for Biofuels Increases Greenhouse Gases through Emissions from Land-Use Change. Science, 319(5867), 1238-1240. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/stable/20053483 </ref> <ref name="B&B"/>
[[File:LUC Figure 23.png|600px|frame|centre|via UN Food and Agriculture Organization. Retrieved from [http://www.fao.org/3/a-i0100e.pdf The State of Food and Agriculture 2008 Report]]]

===Remaining Land Alternatives===
====Marginal and Degraded Lands====
[[File:Potential biofuels production on abandoned agricultural land.jpg|thumb|Potential biofuels production on abandoned agricultural land. Nieves Lopez Izquierdo, via [http://www.grida.no/resources/6188 GRID-Arendal]]]
It is clear that the benefit of biofuels is questionable and that it can either contribute to climate change mitigation or be a GHG emission intensifier. Undoubtedly, appropriate locations for biofuel plantations are critical for sustainable production. Producing biomass on less productive areas may alleviate the land use competition with food and improve the agronomy and ecology of the area.<ref name= "LUC"/>
Bioenergy industries are delving into the potential of marginal lands and degraded lands as alternative to cropland and feedstock supply to address the food versus fuel debate.<ref name= "LUC"/>
Marginal lands suitable for cropping shares 19% and approximate 298 Mha of cultivated lands Globally in 2010.<ref>The Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations and Earthscan. (2011) Managing systems at risk. The State of the World's Land and Water Resources for Food and Agriculture. Retrieved from: http://www.fao.org/docrep/017/i1688e/i1688e.pdf</ref>

Some generally recognized benefits of replanting biomass on marginal and degraded lands include reducing pressure on ecosystems and natural land conversion while providing soil stability and productivity, increasing soil nutrient and water content, and recreating habitats.<ref name="Diversity">Campbell, A. & Doswald, N. (2009) The impacts of biofuel production on
biodiversity: A review of the current literature. UNEP-WCMC, Cambridge, UK. Retrived from: https://www.cbd.int/agriculture/2011-121/UNEP-WCMC3-sep11-en.pdf</ref> However, others argue that the environment will be better protected through sustainable agriculture, reducing agricultural inputs, and restoring degraded lands.<ref name="B&B"/>

====Broad issues with using degraded lands for energy crops:====
[[File:Table 2.1.png|thumb|Proposed Definitions of Land Types. UN Food and Agriculture Organization.Retrieved from [http://www.fao.org/wairdocs/tac/x5784e/x5784e0f.htm#1.1 Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research]]]
#How to define these marginal and degraded lands and soil. Agroeconomic profitability is no longer sustainable criterion to define marginal and degraded land. Multiple criteria are suggested using soil health indicators, current land use and environmental degradation.<ref name="B&B"/> The value of marginal lands should also be deliberated according to its social and cultural importance. Some marginal areas constitute a primary source of livelihoods for the rural poor, provide ecosystem services, and hold biodiversity values.<ref name="B&B"/>
#Production of energy crops is one of many purposes competing for the use of degraded land. In the long-term, competition for land will only become more pronounced due to increasing demand for food production and urbanization.<ref name="B&B"/>
#GHG benefits of growing energy crops on marginal and degraded lands do not compare to restoration of natural vegetation and soils.<ref name="B&B"/>

===Impact on Biodiversity===
Biodiversity is another important element to consider when analyzing the consequences of Biomass production. Practices of crop monoculture can be detrimental to local biodiversity through habitat loss, expansion of invasive species, and contamination from fertilizers and herbicides.<ref name= "BSC"/> Generally single-crop biofuel plantations have been reported to have low species diversity and can increase soil erosion.<ref name="Diversity"/> On a field-scale, the most efficient cropping systems have great uniformity and very little biodiversity.<ref name= "BSC"/> Choice of crop and management regime is therefore an important element in determining whether the biofuel is biodiversity friendly.<ref name="Diversity"/>
[[File:Figure 2.5.png|center|frame|Conflict Zones: High Potentials for Biomass Production vs. High Biodiversity. UN Food and Agriculture Organization. Retrieved from [http://www.fao.org/docrep/017/i3126e/i3126e.pdf Biofuels and the Sustainability Challenge] report by Elbehri ''et al''. ]]

Rising demand for biofuels escalates the incentive for the clearing of natural habitats<ref name= "BSC"/>. For instance, palm oil plantation development is one of the most cited causes of natural habitat conversion in Southeast Asia, which continues to lose its primary forests, thus endangering the region’s biodiversity.<ref name="Diversity"/> Oil palm plantations have estimated to remove 78% to 85% of recorded native species in primary forests of Indonesia and Malaysia, and supports lower levels of biodiversity than other tree crops, agricultural crops and abandoned pasture.<ref name="Diversity"/> Dominant species on these plantations are often invasive or non-forest generalist species, which replace specialist species important for a functional ecosystem.<ref name="Diversity"/> Habitat fragmentation is also a threat to native species of continuous forest. The development of infrastructures and burning of forest land to create oil palm remain a threat to many species in Southeast Asia, such as the Sumatran rhino, Asian elephants, tigers, and Borneo orangutan.<ref name="Diversity"/>

==Layering Perspectives: Environmental Impacts==
In this section we welcome contributions from scholars and students that widen the scope of this case study by providing other consideration of the effect of biofuels on the environment.

==Economic Viability==

===The Global Demand for Biofuels===

Worldwide demand for biofuels has been growing rapidly in recent decades. Production is estimated to reach 51.1 billion gallons by 2022, up from 32.4 billion gallons produced in 2013. <ref> Navigant Research. (2014) Annual biofuel demand forecasted at 51 billion gallons by 2022. Retrieved from: http://biomassmagazine.com/articles/10002/annual-biofuel-demand-forecasted-at-51-billion-gallons-by-2022 </ref> However, the economies of scale in the biofuel industry has demonstrated the problems it can cause, including encouraging agriculturalisation of carbon-rich forested land leading to the rapid expansion of the frontier in Brazil<ref>Leon, A., & Leon, R. (2016). The Scope for Increasing Biofuel Crop Production in Japan: An Analysis of Alternative Policies. Asian Economic And Financial Review, 6(3), 115-126.</ref>, and encouraging the use of pesticides and fertilisers to press for higher crop yield<ref name="Wash">Washington Post. (2008) Title of the Article. The Problem With Biofuels, More proof that there are no easy solutions to climate change. Retrieved from:http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2008/02/26/AR2008022602827_pf.html</ref> Consequently, the carbon emission problems biofuels aimed to remedy in the first place can actually be escalated due to the massive scale of production. If forest removal is considered in carbon emission calculations, the total emissions can be between 17 and 420 times greater than if just considering production alone.<ref name="Wash"/>

===The Increased Food Price===

Since biofuel production requires the same lands that are used to traditionally grow food, the food price increase in recent years should have contribution from the expansion of the biofuel industry.<ref>Alexander, C & Hurt, C. (Year) Biofuels and Their impact on Food Prices, 1. Retrieved from: http://wiki.ubc.ca/Documentation:Open_Case_Studies/Licensing_Citation#Citing_Resources_in_a_Wiki</ref> Furthermore, Rice (2010) has claimed that the biofuels option is merely an easy way-out for politicians<ref name="M/G">Rice, T. (2010). Meals per gallon. Retrieved from: https://www.actionaid.org.uk/sites/default/files/doc_lib/meals_per_gallon_final.pdf</ref>. To the global commons, biofuels, with the competition they induce on farm lands, are believed to have put '''100 millions people back into poverty''' with the food price crisis in 2008, evidenced by the World Bank's estimation.<ref name="M/G"/>

===Businesses' Views on Biofuels===

Although biofuels mandates are mostly from government policy-makers, it's businesses that take on the commercialisation "quest" to deliver this technology to consumers.<ref name="RiskInBusinesses">Pries, F., Talebi, A., Schillo, R. S., & Lemay, M. A. (2016). Risks Affecting the Biofuels Industry: A US and Canadian Company Perspective. Energy Policy, 9793-101. doi:http://dx.doi.org.ezp.lib.unimelb.edu.au/10.1016/j.enpol.2016.07.006</ref> Potential risks that may forbid actual companies to invest in biofuels production include: (1) unknown and hard-to-predict technical and non-technical consequences by innovative products; (2) potential impacts on the demand-supply status quo; (3) raising food security problems; (4) uncertainty in competition with "oil giants"; and (5) inadequate infrastructure to support such production processes.<ref name="RiskInBusinesses"/>

==Biofuels and Agriculture==
===Food Prices and Social Unrest===
[[file:FAO Food Price Index.png|thumb|Food price index from January 1990 to July 2012, data from [http://www.fao.org/fileadmin/templates/worldfood/Reports_and_docs/Food_price_indices_data.xls UN Food and Agriculture Organization. Jashuah, [https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/ CC BY-SA 3.0]]]
Biofuels have been controversial regarding spikes in food prices and the resulting social unrest such price increases have caused. The rise of food prices correlate well with the increased diversion of corn and soy from the food supply to biofuel production.<ref name= "Changing Landscape">Newton, J., and T. Kuethe. (2015) Changing Landscape of Corn and Soybean Production and Potential Implications in 2015. Farmdoc Daily, Department of Agricultural and Consumer Economics, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, (5)42, doi: http://farmdocdaily.illinois.edu/2015/03/changing-landscape-of-corn-and-soybean-production.html </ref> Though also involving complex political issues, the rising cost of cereal prices played a major role in protests that developed into the Syrian Civil War.<ref>Rocchi, B., Romano, D., Hamza, R. (2013). Agriculture reform and food crisis in Syria: Impacts on poverty and inequality. Food Policy, Volume 43, 190-203.</ref> Similarly, food prices also played a major role in the series of uprisings that became known as the Arab Spring. In Cairo, for example, waving bread became a symbolic gesture of outrage at food price rises which rose as high as 300% in 2011. The rise in food prices in that year can be attributed to several factors that reduced the overall global supply, including extreme weather conditions in Russia, Ukraine, Australia, and Canada that reduced crop yields.<ref>Sternberg, T. (2012). Chinese drought, bread and the Arab Spring. Applied Geography, Volume 34, 519-524. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.apgeog.2012.02.004</ref> Many issues have been raised about diverting crops from the food supply to produce biofuels, including concerns over biofuel production decreasing the global food supply, and the replacement of food crops with corn or sugar cane for biofuel production increasing food costs. Industrial corn production uses a large amount of chemical fertilizers and pesticides (97% of acres of corn in the US have applications of both nitrogen fertilizer and herbicides) which is an ecological sustainability concern in terms of greenhouse gas emission and runoff pollution.<ref>USDA. (2015). 2014 Agricultural Chemical Use Survey - Corn Highlights. United States Department of Agriculture. Retrieved from https://www.nass.usda.gov/Surveys/Guide_to_NASS_Surveys/Chemical_Use/2014_Corn_Highlights/</ref> However, the threat of collapse of nation-states or societies from unequal access to food poses a serious threat to the ecological, social, and economic sustainability globally.
[[file:Arab_Spring_and_Regional_Conflict_Map.svg|thumb|Arab Spring and Regional Conflict Map. Ian Remsen. Public Domain, via [https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Arab_Spring_and_Regional_Conflict_Map.svg Wikimedia Commons]]]

===Decreasing the Global Food Supply===
[[File:FAO Cereal Production, Utilization, Stocks.jpg|thumb|World Cereal Production, Utilization, and Stocks. Retrieved from [http://www.fao.org/worldfoodsituation/csdb/en/ UN Food and Agriculture Organization].]]
In 2007, Jacques Diouf, then-Director-General of the United Nations Food and Agriculture Agency (FAO) warned that if trends regarding biofuels were to continue world hunger would rise, especially in the developing world.<ref>Rosenthal, E. (2007). World Food Stocks Dwindling, UN Warns. New York Times. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/2007/12/17/world/europe/17iht-food.html</ref> Similarly, the United States National Institutes of Environmental Health Sciences (NIEHS) warned that biofuels further tie food prices to the price of petroleum and force people to compete with automobiles for energy.<ref>Tenenbaum, D. J. (2008). Food vs. Fuel: Diversion of Crops Could Cause More Hunger. Environmental Health Perspectives, 116(6), A254-A257.</ref> There is as yet no consensus on the real-world impact of biofuels on food prices, though generally as the price of petroleum rises, the price of biofuels increase, which in turn causes price increases for the agricultural commodities used to produce them.<ref>Bastianin, A., Galeotti, M., & Manera, M. (2016). Ethanol and field crops: is there a price connection?. Food Policy, 63, 53-61.</ref> Analyses of the level of price increases of agricultural commodities from diversion for biofuels have ranged from increases of 14% to 43%.<ref>Persson, U. M. (2014). The impact of biofuel on agricultural commodity prices: a systematic review. Wiley Interdisciplinary Review: Energy and Environment, 4(5), 410-428.</ref>

===Replacement of Food Crops===
[[File:Change in Corn Harvested, 2004-2015.jpg|thumb|[http://farmdocdaily.illinois.edu/2015/03/changing-landscape-of-corn-and-soybean-production.html Changing Landscape of Corn and Soybean Production and Potential Implications] in 2015 by John Newton and Todd Kuethe via [http://farmdocdaily.illinois.edu/ familydoc daily]]][[File:Change in Wheat Harvested, 2005-2015.jpg|thumb|[http://farmdocdaily.illinois.edu/2015/03/changing-landscape-of-corn-and-soybean-production.html Changing Landscape of Corn and Soybean Production and Potential Implications] in 2015 by John Newton and Todd Kuethe via [http://farmdocdaily.illinois.edu/ familydoc daily]]]
Another concern of biofuel production is the replacement of food crops with biofuel crops. Since biofuel subsidies were introduced in 2005, the land dedicated to growing corn in the US has risen by more than 20 million acres. Wheat production has seen a corresponding decline of acreage of nearly 4 million acres, as well as reductions in area dedicated to rice and peanut production.<ref name="Changing Landscape" /> This trend has been seen in other parts of the world as well. Brazil is another major producer of biofuel from sugar cane, which has displaced agricultural commodities that are important staple food crops.<ref>Sayffarth, A. R. (2015). The Impact of Rising Ethanol Production on the Brazilian Market for Basic Food Commodities: An Econometric Assessment. Environmental and Resource Economics, 64(3), 511-536.</ref> Possibly because it’s a more efficient producer of ethanol than corn, the effect on food prices hasn’t been as dramatic with sugar production.<ref>Bentivoglio, D., Finco, A., & Bacchi, M. (2016). Interdependencies between biofuel, fuel and food prices: The case of the Brazilian ethanol market. Energies, 9(6), 464. doi:10.3390/en9060464</ref>

==Policy Recommendations==
===Balancing Biofuels Production In Land/Resources Management On A Multi-Level Platform===
Major environmental deficits revolving around biofuel production are caused by the imbalance between biofuel crops and other biota. This is due to the need for and the lack of effective management strategies for scarce and competitive resources, such as land, water, and other agricultural inputs. The full extent of negative impacts on the environment, based solely on land use change, cannot be easily determined. As the balance between crop growing and natural ecological reservation varies from one area to another, multi-level (global, regional, local) negotiation and planning should be implemented to develop a comprehensive and equitable land use policy that serves to provide a sustainable balance for biofuel production in the environment, fully exploiting the possibility of coexistence between fuel production and the environment with the least compromise.

===Avoid Over-Incentivising Biofuels In The Commercialisation Process===
Food production serves as one of the basic necessities for a functional economy and should not be challenged by biofuel crops. Autocratically providing incentives for biofuel production to achieve economic or political goals will only isolate environmental considerations from decision-making. This is inappropriate because the ecological services serve as the basis for the continued existence of all economies and polities. Hence, before pushing biofuel products into the market, policy-makers should seek to organize an investigation to produce estimates for actual business owners about the capacity of biofuel production the economy can withstand without further decreasing the capacity of the environment to provide consistent natural resources.

===Avoid Compromising Traditional Food Crops For Biofuels In Agriculture===
Competition for food crops represents a major impact from biofuels to agricultural food production by land use repurposing. This can contribute to increased carbon emissions from the agricultural industry. However, it also has potential increase social unrest by causing increases in food prices. Policies should be set to reduce or eliminate biofuel-caused food scarcity, and the price increase it causes. This can be accomplished by mandating reductions, and eventual elimination, of first-generation biofuels made using food crops, and promoting the development and adoption of second-generation biofuels that can be produced using other materials such as agricultural waste (crop residue), municipal wastes, and algae. During policy-making, crops with important cultural meaning should obtain additional attention to avoid conflicts, which can weaken nations' agricultural capacity and overall stability. A recent of such instability is Egypt during the Arab Spring, wherein prolonged conflict led to detrimental ecological degradation.

==Conclusion==
With the purpose of examining the viability of biofuels as a green initiative, this study on biofuels has included the history of biofuels and impacts of biofuels on environmental, economic and agricultural sustainability from the regional scale to the global. Environmentally, biofuels have evidently caused increased competition land resources with natural ecosystems that preserve biodiversity. Economically, biofuels are believably capable of restructuring the contemporary economy by challenging traditionally dominant industries and by modifying the market supply-demand balance. Agriculturally, misuse of land resources and other agricultural products is also pervasive and is causing considerable destruction to the basic functionality of agriculture: sustainably providing food for humanity. We have thus concluded with the following recommendations: to enforce the idea of balance in managing biofuel production with natural resources; to take careful steps in implementing biofuel products in the market; and to guarantee the production of traditional food crops on arable lands.

==References==

<references/>

[[Category:Conservation]]

Course:CONS200/2016w2/Wiki Projects/Biofuels

2017-09-04T22:26:03Z

JenniferMansour: /* Environmental Impacts */

{{Projectbox Conservation
|names= Adam Todd
}}
'''Biofuels: green economy initiative or more business as usual?'''

==Background and Types of Biofuels==

=== Background ===
Biofuel is the product of the refinement of plant [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Biomass biomass] which can then be burned for heat or light energy. <ref name="Guo"> Guo, M., Song, W., & Buhain, J. (2015). Bioenergy and biofuels: History, status, and perspective. Renewable and Sustainable Energy Reviews, 42, 712-725</ref> It is made of organic matter, either directly from plants or indirectly from domestic, industrial or commercial wastes.<ref>biofuel. BusinessDictionary.com. Retrieved March 20, 2017, from BusinessDictionary.com website: http://www.businessdictionary.com/definition/biofuel.html</ref>

=== Types of Biofuels ===
===== Firewood =====
Before fossil fuels, firewood was the primary source of fuel domestically, especially for heating and cooking before the 19th century. <ref name="Guo"/> Materials such as wood, hay, straw, and dung are collected, dried, and then burned as a fuel source.
The amount of energy that a well-seasoned firewood can produce is approximately 15 MJ per kg, which is one-third to one-half of what fossil fuels can produce. <ref name="ORNL">ORNL. Bioenergy conversion factors. Oak Ridge, TN: Oak Ridge National Laboratory; 2013. (http://bioenergy.ornl.gov/papers/misc/energy_conv.html)</ref>
Even today, nearly 2.6 billion people, primarily rural areas of developing countries, still depend on firewood as an energy source.

===== Charcoal =====
Because the temperature of a wood fire (approximately 850˚C) is unable to melt many metals, pyrolysis techniques were developed to turn wood into charcoal.<ref>Urbas, J., & Parker, W. J. (1993). Surface temperature measurements on burning wood specimens in the cone calorimeter and the effect of grain orientation. Fire and Materials, 17(5), 205-208.</ref> Charcoal is a grey-black solid that is carbon-enriched, often burning without smoke and reaching temperatures as high as 2700˚C.<ref>Gronli, M., Antal Jr, M. J., Schenkel, Y., & Crehay, R. (2003). The science and technology of charcoal production. Fast Pyrolysis of Biomass, A Handbook, 3, 147-178)</ref>. Good quality charcoal can produce 28-33 MJ per kg. Charcoal is commonly turned into briquets and used for barbecuing.

===== Bioethanol =====
Bioethanol is alcohol made by fermentation mostly from carbohydrates produced in sugar or starch crops such as corn, sugar cane or sweet sorghum, in which biochemical reactions are involved. It is an alternative to a highly depended-upon fuel source: gasoline. It is the only renewable feedstock material to create liquid fuel. The method of fermentation is similar to that of alcohol production for human consumption. Samuel Morey, an American inventor in the early 1800's, was the first to design a boat engine fueled by alcohol. It was able to run 7-8 miles per hour.
Despite the popularity of gasoline during the early 1900's, scientists supported the sustainability of ethanol in the fuel industry as there was an abundance of potential feedstock for its production.

Interest for using ethanol as a fuel was brought up again during the 1973 oil crisis, when the Organization of Arab Petroleum Exporting Countries (OAPEC) declared an oil ban. The ban raised the price of oil from $3 USD to nearly $12 globally.<ref>(Corbett, M. (2013). Oil Shock of 1973-74. Federal Reserve History. http://www. federalreservehistory. org/Events/DetailView/36 [Accessed March 3, 2016].)</ref>

[[File:First and Second Generation Bioethanol Production.gif|thumb|First and second generation bioethanol production by alcohol fermentation. Ian Zammit. [https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/deed.en CC BY-SA 3.0], via [https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File%3AFirst_and_Second_Generation_Bioethanol_Production_by_Alcoholic_Fermentation.gif%20 Wikiemedia Commons]]]
In 2013, The US produced more than 50% of the world's bioethanol, though Europe, Brazil, China and Canada also played significant roles.<ref>(RFA. Ethanol industry statistics. Washington, DC: Renewable Fuel Association; 2014. (http://www.ethanolrfa.org/ pages/statistics)</ref> The predominate feedstocks used for bioethanol production are corn, sugar cane, wheat, sugar beet, and cassava.

Bioethanol that is made from food crops is considered a "first-generation" biofuel, which means that the feedstock used in production competes with human and animals as a food source material. To reduce the competition, "second-generation" bioethanol from non-food dry plant materials have been created. Examples of biomass that is used are switchgrass, crop residues, yard trimmings, and food processing waste. Because they are non-food biomasses, the feedstocks are not required to be planted on agricultural land.<ref>Jansen, R. A., & Wiley InterScience (Online service). (2013;2012;). Second generation biofuels and biomass: Essential guide for investors, scientists and decision makers (1. Aufl.;1; ed.). Weinheim: Wiley-VCH.</ref>

===== Biodiesel =====
Biodiesel is a yellow liquid that is the product of transesterification from vegetable oil, animal fats, and/or waste grease along with alcohol. It is commercially produced and is a alternative to petrol diesel. Animal fat and vegetable oil were used for lighting lamps in the 1800's, but were not used for making biodiesel until the 1930's.<ref>(Thomson J. The Scot Who Lit the World—the Story of William Murdoch inventor of gas lighting. Dennistoun, Glasgow G31 2JJ, UK: Janet Thomson; 2003.)</ref> In 1893, German engineer Rudolf Diesel became the first person to create a diesel engine. He believed that the use of vegetable oil could fuel machines for agriculture in rural parts of the world.

[[File:Biodiesel produced from soybean oil.jpg|thumb|Biodiesel Pump. United Soybean Board.
[https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/ CC by 2.0, via [http://www.flickr.com/photos/95352257@N06/10479074054 Flickr]]]]
Between 2000 and 2013, the world production of biodiesel increased dramatically, rising from 213 million gallons to 6289 million gallons. Top production regions include the European Union, Brazil, the U.S., Argentina, and China.<ref>(EIA. Monthly biodiesel production report. Washington, DC: U.S. Energy Information Administration; 2014. (http://www.eia.gov/biofuels/biodiesel/production/)</ref> In 2013, the U.S. alone produced over 1300 million gallons of biodiesel from soy bean oil.<ref>(Atadashi, I. M., Aroua, M. K., Aziz, A. R. A., & Sulaiman, N. M. N. (2011). Refining technologies for the purification of crude biodiesel. Applied Energy, 88(12), 4239-4251. doi:10.1016/j.apenergy.2011.05.029)</ref> The most commonly used biodiesel blend in the US is B20, which is a blend of 20% biodiesel and 80% petroleum diesel.

The benefits of biodiesel are ease of use, production simplicity and cost-competitiveness. However, the ability to economically produce renewable feedstocks such as animal fat and vegetable oil sustainably is what will create a promising future for biodiesel.

===== Biogas =====
Biogas is a renewable alternative to natural gas that is created by anaerobic digestion of organic wastes. Raw biogas contains methane (CH4), carbon dioxide (CO2) and water vapour (H2, and H2S) that can be purified to become pipeline-quality biogas (or ''biomethane'')<ref name="Weiland">(Weiland, P. (2010). Biogas production: Current state and perspectives. Applied Microbiology and Biotechnology, 85(4), 849-860. doi:10.1007/s00253-009-2246-7)</ref>. Organic wastes, such as plant residues, can decompose to carbon dioxide and water in natural environments with sufficient air supply and microbial activity. However, in anaerobic conditions plant residues will undergo anaerobic digestion, being broken down to methane and carbon dioxide by microorganisms.

The anaerobic digestion reaction equation is as followed:
<big>'''''
C6H12O6→3CO2+3CH4'''</big>

[[File:ChinaBiogas.jpg|thumb|An anaerobic digester. By Chinese training pamphlet, several sources including [http://www.i-sis.org.uk/graphics/chinaBiogas.jpg Institute of Science in Society]. Public domain.]]
Anaerobic digestion is often used in treatment plants, farms as well as regular households to manage waste and produce energy. Organic wastes from every day living, excluding highly lignified material (such as woody debris) which cannot be broken down by anaerobic microorganisms<ref name="Weiland"/>, can be used for biogas production. Organic waste mixed with water can be placed in an air-tight container (anaerobic digester) and will produce biogas in one to two weeks time. This produces biogas as well as dark, odorous solids and liquids that needs to be cleaned and replaced with new organic waste. Typically one ton of organic waste (dry weight) can yield approximately 120 cubic metres of biomethane. This can in turn can create 200kW of electricity <ref>(European Bioplastics. Factsheet Mar 2010Anaerobic digestion European Bioplastics, Berlin, Germany (2011) )</ref>

China is currently the largest biogas producer, harvesting 6 billion Nm3 of biomethane per year. The potential for biogas continues to grow. More than 1 trillion N m^3 of biomethane could be harvested considering the amount of agricultural byproducts and domestic wastes created <ref>(World Bioenergy Association. Fact sheet on biogas—an important renewable energy source. Stockholm, Sweden: World Bioenergy Association; 2013.)</ref>. This in turn can cover a quarter of the worlds current natural gas consumption and 6% of the global demand for energy.

==First Generation Biofuel Crops and Feedstocks==

[[File:The enlarged biofuels family.jpg|frame|centre| Figure illustrates the various feedstocks, which can be converted to biofuels for transport. Riccardo Pravettoni, via [http://www.grida.no/resources/6222%20 UNEP/GRID-Arendal]]]

{| border="1" cellspacing="0" cellpadding="2"
|-
!scope="col"| Crop/Feedstock
!scope="col"| Associated Countries/Regions<ref name= "BSC"/>
!scope="col"| Growing Conditions<ref name= "BSC"/>
!scope="col"| Related Facts<ref name= "BSC"/>
|-
!scope="row"| Maize/Corn
| USA
|
*Cultivated in temperate climates
*Relatively low water consumption for both production and ethanol conversion process
*Fertilizer and pesticide requirements are high
|
*High productivity per unit of land, but uses large amounts of fertilizers and pesticides and consumes fossil energy
*Create food/fuel competition for resources.
|-
!scope="row"| Sugarcane
| Brazil (Latin America), Africa, India
|
*Tropical regions, with ample rainfall
*Requires deep soils
*Requires high level of nitrogen and phosphate fertilization
|
*Efficient crop in terms of yield per unit of land, but its sustainability hinges on water availability
*Produces range of useful byproducts
*Continues to be attractive under 2nd generation technologies as bagasse
|-
!scope="row"| Rapeseed
| European Union (EU)
|
*Ideally in temperate regions under 500 mm of rainfall
*Grown on fertile and well drained land
|
*Biodiesel yield per acre and GHG savings does not compare to other alternative feedstocks
*Biofuel development in EU is promoted through heavy subsidies and mandates
|-
!scope="row"| Oil Palm
| Malaysia, Indonesia, Africa, Latin America
|
*Tropical forest plant
*Needs to be sufficiently watered
*Optimal production on well-drained and deep soils, can be cultivated on number of soil types
|
*Most sufficient for biodiesel production
*Creates great concern for plantation expansion on sensitive lands (peatlants, forests, etc.)
|-
!scope="row"| Soybean
| China, USA, Latin America
|
*Majority grown in tropical/sub-tropical areas, where rainfall ranges from 600 to 1500 mm annually
*Tends to be grown in monoculture systems
|
*Raises concerns over potential further undesirable land expansion from USA to Latin America
|-
!scope="row"| Jatropha
| Africa, India,Thailand
|
*Drought-tolerant, low input requirements and suitable for marginal lands.
|
*Can improve soil quality because of its deep root system
*Suitable for small scale production; large scale production with land conversion must be incentivize
*Will compete with food crops for land and water resources
|-
!scope="row"| Cassava
| China, Africa, Latin America, Thailand, Indonesia
|
*Cultivated in the tropics
*Precipitation above 600 mm
*Tolerant to limited soil fertility on sandy and clay textures
|
*Critical food security source for rural communities
*Most commonly produced in small farm scale
|-
!scope="row"| Sweet Sorghum
| Sub-Saharan Africa, India
|
*Can be grown in variety of soil depths and water conditions
*It is drought-tolerant, can be grown in shorter season with less labour requirements.
|
*Requires quick processing and therefore presents transportation and storeage challenge
*Fibrous residues can be used to produce electricity, process heat and power
|-
|}

==An Alternative==
===Audi's e-Diesel===
Audi, the German car manufacturer, has announced a new fuel technology which they call "e-Diesel". "E-Diesel" is entirely manufactured in a factory that only requires inputs of electricity that can be generated through renewable energy sources, water (H2O) and carbon dioxide (CO2) that can be found excessively in the atmosphere. With its consumption, it's only output is oxygen (O2). In cars running on "e-Diesel", they claim that a zero carbon-footprint can be achieved.<ref>McSpadden, K. (2015) Audi just invented fuel made from CO2 and water. Retrieved from:http://wiki.ubc.ca/Documentation:Open_Case_Studies/Licensing_Citation#Citing_Resources_in_a_Wiki</ref>
==Layering Perspectives: Other Alternatives ==
In this section we welcome contributions from scholars and students that widen the scope of this case study by providing other examples of sustainable biofuels.

==Environmental Impacts==

===Land Use Change===
[[File:Dominant land cover and use.png|thumb|Map for dominant land cover and use. UN Food and Agriculture Organization. Retrieved from [http://www.fao.org/docrep/017/i1688e/i1688e00.htm Chapter 1: Status and Trends in Land and Water Resources]]]

Land use change is a major issue regarding biofuel production. From directly growing energy crops to raising domestic animals whose fat can be converted into biofuel, every step requires planning and land management. Systems for land and agronomic management are critical evaluation tools for analyzing the global scale impacts of biofuel and its dependability in the future.

There are two kinds of land use change: direct land use change (dLUC) and indirect land use change (iLUC).<ref name= "LUC">Barnabè, D., Bucchi, R., Rispoli, A., Chiavetta, C., Porta, P.L., Bianchi, C.L., Pirola, C., Boffito D.C. & Carvoli G. (2013). Land Use Change Impacts of Biofuels: A Methodology to Evaluate Biofuel Sustainability, Biofuels - Economy, Environment and Sustainability. InTech, doi:10.5772/52255</ref> Remote-sensing is a common method to estimate the severity of land use change such as deforestation.<ref name= "BSC">Elbehri, A., Segerstedt, A., Liu, P. (2013). Biofuels and the sustainability challenge : A global assessment of sustainability issues, trends and policies for biofuels and related feedstocks. Rome: Trade and Markets Division, Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations. Retrieved from: http://www.fao.org/economic/est/publications/biofuel-publication/en/</ref>

Direct land use change (dLUC) refers to land being converted to biofuel feedstock production from a previous land use, such as natural areas under conservation, wetland, rangeland, or agricultural land.<ref name="B&B">Webb, A. and D. Coates (2012). Biofuels and Biodiversity. Secretariat of the Convention on Biological Diversity. Montreal, Technical Series No. 65, Retreived from: https://www.cbd.int/doc/publications/cbd-ts-65-en.pdf</ref> Indirect land use change (iLUC) occurs when biofuel feedstock production displaces previous productive land to other areas.<ref name="B&B"/> Sustainability of biofuels is questionable. Serious doubts have been raised about the social and environmental impacts of iLUC. These impacts include deforestation (conversion and fragmentation of natural habitats), significant greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, as well as negative effects on biodiversity, carbon stocks, water quality, food security and land rights.<ref name="B&B"/> A report describes the impact of indirect land use change: “The iLUC in this context is always direct land use (dLUC) for food production incentivized by the cross-price effects of an increased production of biofuel feedstocks which then translates into an additional demand for so far unused land areas.”<ref name= "LUC"/>
[[File:Land required for biofuels by feedstock.jpg|frame|center|Land required for biofuels by feedstock. Nieves Lopez Izquierdo, via [http://www.grida.no/resources/6220 GRID-Arendal] ]]

Reports published by the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) further state that there may be indirect effects of land use change, such as increases in carbon emissions as more land is converted to biofuel crop production in response to global demand.<ref name= "BSC"/> Furthermore, the FAO also warns that biofuel production may have a higher carbon footprint than fossil fuels once land-use changes are factored into the analysis.<ref> Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations. (2008). The State of Food and Agriculture. Retrieved from : http://www.fao.org/docrep/011/i0100e/i0100e00.htm </ref>
[[File:LUC Figure 22.png|500px||center||frame|via UN Food and Agriculture Organization. Retrieved from [http://www.fao.org/3/a-i0100e.pdf The State of Food and Agriculture 2008 Report]]]

The greatest reduction in GHG emissions from biofuels production is the sequestration of carbon dioxide (CO2) in the atmosphere when feedstocks and crops are planted.<ref name="BIGELUC"/> Conversion on land with high natural carbon stocks like forests, grasslands, woodlands, peatlands, and wetlands will result in significant additional greenhouse gas emissions. The "carbon debt" is a term referencing the carbon emissions generated from land conversion.<ref name="B&B"/> Studies often fail to count emissions from land use change because they are difficult to quantify and are commonly overlooked by existing analytical methods. In order to generate greenhouse benefits or "pay back" the carbon debt, the carbon uptake credit (CO2 absorbed by the biofuel crop) must exceed the emissions from land use change.
<ref name="BIGELUC"> Searchinger, T., Heimlich, R., Houghton, R., Dong, F., Elobeid, A., Fabiosa, J., . . . Yu, T. (2008). Use of U.S. Croplands for Biofuels Increases Greenhouse Gases through Emissions from Land-Use Change. Science, 319(5867), 1238-1240. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/stable/20053483 </ref> <ref name="B&B"/>
[[File:LUC Figure 23.png|600px|frame|centre|via UN Food and Agriculture Organization. Retrieved from [http://www.fao.org/3/a-i0100e.pdf The State of Food and Agriculture 2008 Report]]]

===Remaining Land Alternatives===
====Marginal and Degraded Lands====
[[File:Potential biofuels production on abandoned agricultural land.jpg|thumb|Potential biofuels production on abandoned agricultural land. Nieves Lopez Izquierdo, via [http://www.grida.no/resources/6188 GRID-Arendal]]]
It is clear that the benefit of biofuels is questionable and that it can either contribute to climate change mitigation or be a GHG emission intensifier. Undoubtedly, appropriate locations for biofuel plantations are critical for sustainable production. Producing biomass on less productive areas may alleviate the land use competition with food and improve the agronomy and ecology of the area.<ref name= "LUC"/>
Bioenergy industries are delving into the potential of marginal lands and degraded lands as alternative to cropland and feedstock supply to address the food versus fuel debate.<ref name= "LUC"/>
Marginal lands suitable for cropping shares 19% and approximate 298 Mha of cultivated lands Globally in 2010.<ref>The Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations and Earthscan. (2011) Managing systems at risk. The State of the World's Land and Water Resources for Food and Agriculture. Retrieved from: http://www.fao.org/docrep/017/i1688e/i1688e.pdf</ref>

Some generally recognized benefits of replanting biomass on marginal and degraded lands include reducing pressure on ecosystems and natural land conversion while providing soil stability and productivity, increasing soil nutrient and water content, and recreating habitats.<ref name="Diversity">Campbell, A. & Doswald, N. (2009) The impacts of biofuel production on
biodiversity: A review of the current literature. UNEP-WCMC, Cambridge, UK. Retrived from: https://www.cbd.int/agriculture/2011-121/UNEP-WCMC3-sep11-en.pdf</ref> However, others argue that the environment will be better protected through sustainable agriculture, reducing agricultural inputs, and restoring degraded lands.<ref name="B&B"/>

====Broad issues with using degraded lands for energy crops:====
[[File:Table 2.1.png|thumb|Proposed Definitions of Land Types. UN Food and Agriculture Organization.Retrieved from [http://www.fao.org/wairdocs/tac/x5784e/x5784e0f.htm#1.1 Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research]]]
#How to define these marginal and degraded lands and soil. Agroeconomic profitability is no longer sustainable criterion to define marginal and degraded land. Multiple criteria are suggested using soil health indicators, current land use and environmental degradation.<ref name="B&B"/> The value of marginal lands should also be deliberated according to its social and cultural importance. Some marginal areas constitute a primary source of livelihoods for the rural poor, provide ecosystem services, and hold biodiversity values.<ref name="B&B"/>
#Production of energy crops is one of many purposes competing for the use of degraded land. In the long-term, competition for land will only become more pronounced due to increasing demand for food production and urbanization.<ref name="B&B"/>
#GHG benefits of growing energy crops on marginal and degraded lands do not compare to restoration of natural vegetation and soils.<ref name="B&B"/>

===Impact on Biodiversity===
Biodiversity is another important element to consider when analyzing the consequences of Biomass production. Practices of crop monoculture can be detrimental to local biodiversity through habitat loss, expansion of invasive species, and contamination from fertilizers and herbicides.<ref name= "BSC"/> Generally single-crop biofuel plantations have been reported to have low species diversity and can increase soil erosion.<ref name="Diversity"/> On a field-scale, the most efficient cropping systems have great uniformity and very little biodiversity.<ref name= "BSC"/> Choice of crop and management regime is therefore an important element in determining whether the biofuel is biodiversity friendly.<ref name="Diversity"/>
[[File:Figure 2.5.png|center|frame|Conflict Zones: High Potentials for Biomass Production vs. High Biodiversity. UN Food and Agriculture Organization. Retrieved from [http://www.fao.org/docrep/017/i3126e/i3126e.pdf Biofuels and the Sustainability Challenge] report by Elbehri ''et al''. ]]

Rising demand for biofuels escalates the incentive for the clearing of natural habitats<ref name= "BSC"/>. For instance, palm oil plantation development is one of the most cited causes of natural habitat conversion in Southeast Asia, which continues to lose its primary forests, thus endangering the region’s biodiversity.<ref name="Diversity"/> Oil palm plantations have estimated to remove 78% to 85% of recorded native species in primary forests of Indonesia and Malaysia, and supports lower levels of biodiversity than other tree crops, agricultural crops and abandoned pasture.<ref name="Diversity"/> Dominant species on these plantations are often invasive or non-forest generalist species, which replace specialist species important for a functional ecosystem.<ref name="Diversity"/> Habitat fragmentation is also a threat to native species of continuous forest. The development of infrastructures and burning of forest land to create oil palm remain a threat to many species in Southeast Asia, such as the Sumatran rhino, Asian elephants, tigers, and Borneo orangutan.<ref name="Diversity"/>

==Layering Perspectives: Environmental Impacts==
In this section we welcome contributions from scholars and students that widen the discussion on the possible environmental impacts of biofuels.

==Economic Viability==

===The Global Demand for Biofuels===

Worldwide demand for biofuels has been growing rapidly in recent decades. Production is estimated to reach 51.1 billion gallons by 2022, up from 32.4 billion gallons produced in 2013. <ref> Navigant Research. (2014) Annual biofuel demand forecasted at 51 billion gallons by 2022. Retrieved from: http://biomassmagazine.com/articles/10002/annual-biofuel-demand-forecasted-at-51-billion-gallons-by-2022 </ref> However, the economies of scale in the biofuel industry has demonstrated the problems it can cause, including encouraging agriculturalisation of carbon-rich forested land leading to the rapid expansion of the frontier in Brazil<ref>Leon, A., & Leon, R. (2016). The Scope for Increasing Biofuel Crop Production in Japan: An Analysis of Alternative Policies. Asian Economic And Financial Review, 6(3), 115-126.</ref>, and encouraging the use of pesticides and fertilisers to press for higher crop yield<ref name="Wash">Washington Post. (2008) Title of the Article. The Problem With Biofuels, More proof that there are no easy solutions to climate change. Retrieved from:http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2008/02/26/AR2008022602827_pf.html</ref> Consequently, the carbon emission problems biofuels aimed to remedy in the first place can actually be escalated due to the massive scale of production. If forest removal is considered in carbon emission calculations, the total emissions can be between 17 and 420 times greater than if just considering production alone.<ref name="Wash"/>

===The Increased Food Price===

Since biofuel production requires the same lands that are used to traditionally grow food, the food price increase in recent years should have contribution from the expansion of the biofuel industry.<ref>Alexander, C & Hurt, C. (Year) Biofuels and Their impact on Food Prices, 1. Retrieved from: http://wiki.ubc.ca/Documentation:Open_Case_Studies/Licensing_Citation#Citing_Resources_in_a_Wiki</ref> Furthermore, Rice (2010) has claimed that the biofuels option is merely an easy way-out for politicians<ref name="M/G">Rice, T. (2010). Meals per gallon. Retrieved from: https://www.actionaid.org.uk/sites/default/files/doc_lib/meals_per_gallon_final.pdf</ref>. To the global commons, biofuels, with the competition they induce on farm lands, are believed to have put '''100 millions people back into poverty''' with the food price crisis in 2008, evidenced by the World Bank's estimation.<ref name="M/G"/>

===Businesses' Views on Biofuels===

Although biofuels mandates are mostly from government policy-makers, it's businesses that take on the commercialisation "quest" to deliver this technology to consumers.<ref name="RiskInBusinesses">Pries, F., Talebi, A., Schillo, R. S., & Lemay, M. A. (2016). Risks Affecting the Biofuels Industry: A US and Canadian Company Perspective. Energy Policy, 9793-101. doi:http://dx.doi.org.ezp.lib.unimelb.edu.au/10.1016/j.enpol.2016.07.006</ref> Potential risks that may forbid actual companies to invest in biofuels production include: (1) unknown and hard-to-predict technical and non-technical consequences by innovative products; (2) potential impacts on the demand-supply status quo; (3) raising food security problems; (4) uncertainty in competition with "oil giants"; and (5) inadequate infrastructure to support such production processes.<ref name="RiskInBusinesses"/>

==Biofuels and Agriculture==
===Food Prices and Social Unrest===
[[file:FAO Food Price Index.png|thumb|Food price index from January 1990 to July 2012, data from [http://www.fao.org/fileadmin/templates/worldfood/Reports_and_docs/Food_price_indices_data.xls UN Food and Agriculture Organization. Jashuah, [https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/ CC BY-SA 3.0]]]
Biofuels have been controversial regarding spikes in food prices and the resulting social unrest such price increases have caused. The rise of food prices correlate well with the increased diversion of corn and soy from the food supply to biofuel production.<ref name= "Changing Landscape">Newton, J., and T. Kuethe. (2015) Changing Landscape of Corn and Soybean Production and Potential Implications in 2015. Farmdoc Daily, Department of Agricultural and Consumer Economics, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, (5)42, doi: http://farmdocdaily.illinois.edu/2015/03/changing-landscape-of-corn-and-soybean-production.html </ref> Though also involving complex political issues, the rising cost of cereal prices played a major role in protests that developed into the Syrian Civil War.<ref>Rocchi, B., Romano, D., Hamza, R. (2013). Agriculture reform and food crisis in Syria: Impacts on poverty and inequality. Food Policy, Volume 43, 190-203.</ref> Similarly, food prices also played a major role in the series of uprisings that became known as the Arab Spring. In Cairo, for example, waving bread became a symbolic gesture of outrage at food price rises which rose as high as 300% in 2011. The rise in food prices in that year can be attributed to several factors that reduced the overall global supply, including extreme weather conditions in Russia, Ukraine, Australia, and Canada that reduced crop yields.<ref>Sternberg, T. (2012). Chinese drought, bread and the Arab Spring. Applied Geography, Volume 34, 519-524. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.apgeog.2012.02.004</ref> Many issues have been raised about diverting crops from the food supply to produce biofuels, including concerns over biofuel production decreasing the global food supply, and the replacement of food crops with corn or sugar cane for biofuel production increasing food costs. Industrial corn production uses a large amount of chemical fertilizers and pesticides (97% of acres of corn in the US have applications of both nitrogen fertilizer and herbicides) which is an ecological sustainability concern in terms of greenhouse gas emission and runoff pollution.<ref>USDA. (2015). 2014 Agricultural Chemical Use Survey - Corn Highlights. United States Department of Agriculture. Retrieved from https://www.nass.usda.gov/Surveys/Guide_to_NASS_Surveys/Chemical_Use/2014_Corn_Highlights/</ref> However, the threat of collapse of nation-states or societies from unequal access to food poses a serious threat to the ecological, social, and economic sustainability globally.
[[file:Arab_Spring_and_Regional_Conflict_Map.svg|thumb|Arab Spring and Regional Conflict Map. Ian Remsen. Public Domain, via [https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Arab_Spring_and_Regional_Conflict_Map.svg Wikimedia Commons]]]

===Decreasing the Global Food Supply===
[[File:FAO Cereal Production, Utilization, Stocks.jpg|thumb|World Cereal Production, Utilization, and Stocks. Retrieved from [http://www.fao.org/worldfoodsituation/csdb/en/ UN Food and Agriculture Organization].]]
In 2007, Jacques Diouf, then-Director-General of the United Nations Food and Agriculture Agency (FAO) warned that if trends regarding biofuels were to continue world hunger would rise, especially in the developing world.<ref>Rosenthal, E. (2007). World Food Stocks Dwindling, UN Warns. New York Times. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/2007/12/17/world/europe/17iht-food.html</ref> Similarly, the United States National Institutes of Environmental Health Sciences (NIEHS) warned that biofuels further tie food prices to the price of petroleum and force people to compete with automobiles for energy.<ref>Tenenbaum, D. J. (2008). Food vs. Fuel: Diversion of Crops Could Cause More Hunger. Environmental Health Perspectives, 116(6), A254-A257.</ref> There is as yet no consensus on the real-world impact of biofuels on food prices, though generally as the price of petroleum rises, the price of biofuels increase, which in turn causes price increases for the agricultural commodities used to produce them.<ref>Bastianin, A., Galeotti, M., & Manera, M. (2016). Ethanol and field crops: is there a price connection?. Food Policy, 63, 53-61.</ref> Analyses of the level of price increases of agricultural commodities from diversion for biofuels have ranged from increases of 14% to 43%.<ref>Persson, U. M. (2014). The impact of biofuel on agricultural commodity prices: a systematic review. Wiley Interdisciplinary Review: Energy and Environment, 4(5), 410-428.</ref>

===Replacement of Food Crops===
[[File:Change in Corn Harvested, 2004-2015.jpg|thumb|[http://farmdocdaily.illinois.edu/2015/03/changing-landscape-of-corn-and-soybean-production.html Changing Landscape of Corn and Soybean Production and Potential Implications] in 2015 by John Newton and Todd Kuethe via [http://farmdocdaily.illinois.edu/ familydoc daily]]][[File:Change in Wheat Harvested, 2005-2015.jpg|thumb|[http://farmdocdaily.illinois.edu/2015/03/changing-landscape-of-corn-and-soybean-production.html Changing Landscape of Corn and Soybean Production and Potential Implications] in 2015 by John Newton and Todd Kuethe via [http://farmdocdaily.illinois.edu/ familydoc daily]]]
Another concern of biofuel production is the replacement of food crops with biofuel crops. Since biofuel subsidies were introduced in 2005, the land dedicated to growing corn in the US has risen by more than 20 million acres. Wheat production has seen a corresponding decline of acreage of nearly 4 million acres, as well as reductions in area dedicated to rice and peanut production.<ref name="Changing Landscape" /> This trend has been seen in other parts of the world as well. Brazil is another major producer of biofuel from sugar cane, which has displaced agricultural commodities that are important staple food crops.<ref>Sayffarth, A. R. (2015). The Impact of Rising Ethanol Production on the Brazilian Market for Basic Food Commodities: An Econometric Assessment. Environmental and Resource Economics, 64(3), 511-536.</ref> Possibly because it’s a more efficient producer of ethanol than corn, the effect on food prices hasn’t been as dramatic with sugar production.<ref>Bentivoglio, D., Finco, A., & Bacchi, M. (2016). Interdependencies between biofuel, fuel and food prices: The case of the Brazilian ethanol market. Energies, 9(6), 464. doi:10.3390/en9060464</ref>

==Policy Recommendations==
===Balancing Biofuels Production In Land/Resources Management On A Multi-Level Platform===
Major environmental deficits revolving around biofuel production are caused by the imbalance between biofuel crops and other biota. This is due to the need for and the lack of effective management strategies for scarce and competitive resources, such as land, water, and other agricultural inputs. The full extent of negative impacts on the environment, based solely on land use change, cannot be easily determined. As the balance between crop growing and natural ecological reservation varies from one area to another, multi-level (global, regional, local) negotiation and planning should be implemented to develop a comprehensive and equitable land use policy that serves to provide a sustainable balance for biofuel production in the environment, fully exploiting the possibility of coexistence between fuel production and the environment with the least compromise.

===Avoid Over-Incentivising Biofuels In The Commercialisation Process===
Food production serves as one of the basic necessities for a functional economy and should not be challenged by biofuel crops. Autocratically providing incentives for biofuel production to achieve economic or political goals will only isolate environmental considerations from decision-making. This is inappropriate because the ecological services serve as the basis for the continued existence of all economies and polities. Hence, before pushing biofuel products into the market, policy-makers should seek to organize an investigation to produce estimates for actual business owners about the capacity of biofuel production the economy can withstand without further decreasing the capacity of the environment to provide consistent natural resources.

===Avoid Compromising Traditional Food Crops For Biofuels In Agriculture===
Competition for food crops represents a major impact from biofuels to agricultural food production by land use repurposing. This can contribute to increased carbon emissions from the agricultural industry. However, it also has potential increase social unrest by causing increases in food prices. Policies should be set to reduce or eliminate biofuel-caused food scarcity, and the price increase it causes. This can be accomplished by mandating reductions, and eventual elimination, of first-generation biofuels made using food crops, and promoting the development and adoption of second-generation biofuels that can be produced using other materials such as agricultural waste (crop residue), municipal wastes, and algae. During policy-making, crops with important cultural meaning should obtain additional attention to avoid conflicts, which can weaken nations' agricultural capacity and overall stability. A recent of such instability is Egypt during the Arab Spring, wherein prolonged conflict led to detrimental ecological degradation.

==Conclusion==
With the purpose of examining the viability of biofuels as a green initiative, this study on biofuels has included the history of biofuels and impacts of biofuels on environmental, economic and agricultural sustainability from the regional scale to the global. Environmentally, biofuels have evidently caused increased competition land resources with natural ecosystems that preserve biodiversity. Economically, biofuels are believably capable of restructuring the contemporary economy by challenging traditionally dominant industries and by modifying the market supply-demand balance. Agriculturally, misuse of land resources and other agricultural products is also pervasive and is causing considerable destruction to the basic functionality of agriculture: sustainably providing food for humanity. We have thus concluded with the following recommendations: to enforce the idea of balance in managing biofuel production with natural resources; to take careful steps in implementing biofuel products in the market; and to guarantee the production of traditional food crops on arable lands.

==References==

<references/>

[[Category:Conservation]]

Course:CONS200/2016w2/Wiki Projects/Biofuels

2017-09-04T20:19:53Z

JenniferMansour: /* Environmental Impacts */

{{Projectbox Conservation
|names= Adam Todd
}}
'''Biofuels: green economy initiative or more business as usual?'''

==Background and Types of Biofuels==

=== Background ===
Biofuel is the product of the refinement of plant [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Biomass biomass] which can then be burned for heat or light energy. <ref name="Guo"> Guo, M., Song, W., & Buhain, J. (2015). Bioenergy and biofuels: History, status, and perspective. Renewable and Sustainable Energy Reviews, 42, 712-725</ref> It is made of organic matter, either directly from plants or indirectly from domestic, industrial or commercial wastes.<ref>biofuel. BusinessDictionary.com. Retrieved March 20, 2017, from BusinessDictionary.com website: http://www.businessdictionary.com/definition/biofuel.html</ref>

=== Types of Biofuels ===
===== Firewood =====
Before fossil fuels, firewood was the primary source of fuel domestically, especially for heating and cooking before the 19th century. <ref name="Guo"/> Materials such as wood, hay, straw, and dung are collected, dried, and then burned as a fuel source.
The amount of energy that a well-seasoned firewood can produce is approximately 15 MJ per kg, which is one-third to one-half of what fossil fuels can produce. <ref name="ORNL">ORNL. Bioenergy conversion factors. Oak Ridge, TN: Oak Ridge National Laboratory; 2013. (http://bioenergy.ornl.gov/papers/misc/energy_conv.html)</ref>
Even today, nearly 2.6 billion people, primarily rural areas of developing countries, still depend on firewood as an energy source.

===== Charcoal =====
Because the temperature of a wood fire (approximately 850˚C) is unable to melt many metals, pyrolysis techniques were developed to turn wood into charcoal.<ref>Urbas, J., & Parker, W. J. (1993). Surface temperature measurements on burning wood specimens in the cone calorimeter and the effect of grain orientation. Fire and Materials, 17(5), 205-208.</ref> Charcoal is a grey-black solid that is carbon-enriched, often burning without smoke and reaching temperatures as high as 2700˚C.<ref>Gronli, M., Antal Jr, M. J., Schenkel, Y., & Crehay, R. (2003). The science and technology of charcoal production. Fast Pyrolysis of Biomass, A Handbook, 3, 147-178)</ref>. Good quality charcoal can produce 28-33 MJ per kg. Charcoal is commonly turned into briquets and used for barbecuing.

===== Bioethanol =====
Bioethanol is alcohol made by fermentation mostly from carbohydrates produced in sugar or starch crops such as corn, sugar cane or sweet sorghum, in which biochemical reactions are involved. It is an alternative to a highly depended-upon fuel source: gasoline. It is the only renewable feedstock material to create liquid fuel. The method of fermentation is similar to that of alcohol production for human consumption. Samuel Morey, an American inventor in the early 1800's, was the first to design a boat engine fueled by alcohol. It was able to run 7-8 miles per hour.
Despite the popularity of gasoline during the early 1900's, scientists supported the sustainability of ethanol in the fuel industry as there was an abundance of potential feedstock for its production.

Interest for using ethanol as a fuel was brought up again during the 1973 oil crisis, when the Organization of Arab Petroleum Exporting Countries (OAPEC) declared an oil ban. The ban raised the price of oil from $3 USD to nearly $12 globally.<ref>(Corbett, M. (2013). Oil Shock of 1973-74. Federal Reserve History. http://www. federalreservehistory. org/Events/DetailView/36 [Accessed March 3, 2016].)</ref>

[[File:First and Second Generation Bioethanol Production.gif|thumb|First and second generation bioethanol production by alcohol fermentation. Ian Zammit. [https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/deed.en CC BY-SA 3.0], via [https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File%3AFirst_and_Second_Generation_Bioethanol_Production_by_Alcoholic_Fermentation.gif%20 Wikiemedia Commons]]]
In 2013, The US produced more than 50% of the world's bioethanol, though Europe, Brazil, China and Canada also played significant roles.<ref>(RFA. Ethanol industry statistics. Washington, DC: Renewable Fuel Association; 2014. (http://www.ethanolrfa.org/ pages/statistics)</ref> The predominate feedstocks used for bioethanol production are corn, sugar cane, wheat, sugar beet, and cassava.

Bioethanol that is made from food crops is considered a "first-generation" biofuel, which means that the feedstock used in production competes with human and animals as a food source material. To reduce the competition, "second-generation" bioethanol from non-food dry plant materials have been created. Examples of biomass that is used are switchgrass, crop residues, yard trimmings, and food processing waste. Because they are non-food biomasses, the feedstocks are not required to be planted on agricultural land.<ref>Jansen, R. A., & Wiley InterScience (Online service). (2013;2012;). Second generation biofuels and biomass: Essential guide for investors, scientists and decision makers (1. Aufl.;1; ed.). Weinheim: Wiley-VCH.</ref>

===== Biodiesel =====
Biodiesel is a yellow liquid that is the product of transesterification from vegetable oil, animal fats, and/or waste grease along with alcohol. It is commercially produced and is a alternative to petrol diesel. Animal fat and vegetable oil were used for lighting lamps in the 1800's, but were not used for making biodiesel until the 1930's.<ref>(Thomson J. The Scot Who Lit the World—the Story of William Murdoch inventor of gas lighting. Dennistoun, Glasgow G31 2JJ, UK: Janet Thomson; 2003.)</ref> In 1893, German engineer Rudolf Diesel became the first person to create a diesel engine. He believed that the use of vegetable oil could fuel machines for agriculture in rural parts of the world.

[[File:Biodiesel produced from soybean oil.jpg|thumb|Biodiesel Pump. United Soybean Board.
[https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/ CC by 2.0, via [http://www.flickr.com/photos/95352257@N06/10479074054 Flickr]]]]
Between 2000 and 2013, the world production of biodiesel increased dramatically, rising from 213 million gallons to 6289 million gallons. Top production regions include the European Union, Brazil, the U.S., Argentina, and China.<ref>(EIA. Monthly biodiesel production report. Washington, DC: U.S. Energy Information Administration; 2014. (http://www.eia.gov/biofuels/biodiesel/production/)</ref> In 2013, the U.S. alone produced over 1300 million gallons of biodiesel from soy bean oil.<ref>(Atadashi, I. M., Aroua, M. K., Aziz, A. R. A., & Sulaiman, N. M. N. (2011). Refining technologies for the purification of crude biodiesel. Applied Energy, 88(12), 4239-4251. doi:10.1016/j.apenergy.2011.05.029)</ref> The most commonly used biodiesel blend in the US is B20, which is a blend of 20% biodiesel and 80% petroleum diesel.

The benefits of biodiesel are ease of use, production simplicity and cost-competitiveness. However, the ability to economically produce renewable feedstocks such as animal fat and vegetable oil sustainably is what will create a promising future for biodiesel.

===== Biogas =====
Biogas is a renewable alternative to natural gas that is created by anaerobic digestion of organic wastes. Raw biogas contains methane (CH4), carbon dioxide (CO2) and water vapour (H2, and H2S) that can be purified to become pipeline-quality biogas (or ''biomethane'')<ref name="Weiland">(Weiland, P. (2010). Biogas production: Current state and perspectives. Applied Microbiology and Biotechnology, 85(4), 849-860. doi:10.1007/s00253-009-2246-7)</ref>. Organic wastes, such as plant residues, can decompose to carbon dioxide and water in natural environments with sufficient air supply and microbial activity. However, in anaerobic conditions plant residues will undergo anaerobic digestion, being broken down to methane and carbon dioxide by microorganisms.

The anaerobic digestion reaction equation is as followed:
<big>'''''
C6H12O6→3CO2+3CH4'''</big>

[[File:ChinaBiogas.jpg|thumb|An anaerobic digester. By Chinese training pamphlet, several sources including [http://www.i-sis.org.uk/graphics/chinaBiogas.jpg Institute of Science in Society]. Public domain.]]
Anaerobic digestion is often used in treatment plants, farms as well as regular households to manage waste and produce energy. Organic wastes from every day living, excluding highly lignified material (such as woody debris) which cannot be broken down by anaerobic microorganisms<ref name="Weiland"/>, can be used for biogas production. Organic waste mixed with water can be placed in an air-tight container (anaerobic digester) and will produce biogas in one to two weeks time. This produces biogas as well as dark, odorous solids and liquids that needs to be cleaned and replaced with new organic waste. Typically one ton of organic waste (dry weight) can yield approximately 120 cubic metres of biomethane. This can in turn can create 200kW of electricity <ref>(European Bioplastics. Factsheet Mar 2010Anaerobic digestion European Bioplastics, Berlin, Germany (2011) )</ref>

China is currently the largest biogas producer, harvesting 6 billion Nm3 of biomethane per year. The potential for biogas continues to grow. More than 1 trillion N m^3 of biomethane could be harvested considering the amount of agricultural byproducts and domestic wastes created <ref>(World Bioenergy Association. Fact sheet on biogas—an important renewable energy source. Stockholm, Sweden: World Bioenergy Association; 2013.)</ref>. This in turn can cover a quarter of the worlds current natural gas consumption and 6% of the global demand for energy.

==First Generation Biofuel Crops and Feedstocks==

[[File:The enlarged biofuels family.jpg|frame|centre| Figure illustrates the various feedstocks, which can be converted to biofuels for transport. Riccardo Pravettoni, via [http://www.grida.no/resources/6222%20 UNEP/GRID-Arendal]]]

{| border="1" cellspacing="0" cellpadding="2"
|-
!scope="col"| Crop/Feedstock
!scope="col"| Associated Countries/Regions<ref name= "BSC"/>
!scope="col"| Growing Conditions<ref name= "BSC"/>
!scope="col"| Related Facts<ref name= "BSC"/>
|-
!scope="row"| Maize/Corn
| USA
|
*Cultivated in temperate climates
*Relatively low water consumption for both production and ethanol conversion process
*Fertilizer and pesticide requirements are high
|
*High productivity per unit of land, but uses large amounts of fertilizers and pesticides and consumes fossil energy
*Create food/fuel competition for resources.
|-
!scope="row"| Sugarcane
| Brazil (Latin America), Africa, India
|
*Tropical regions, with ample rainfall
*Requires deep soils
*Requires high level of nitrogen and phosphate fertilization
|
*Efficient crop in terms of yield per unit of land, but its sustainability hinges on water availability
*Produces range of useful byproducts
*Continues to be attractive under 2nd generation technologies as bagasse
|-
!scope="row"| Rapeseed
| European Union (EU)
|
*Ideally in temperate regions under 500 mm of rainfall
*Grown on fertile and well drained land
|
*Biodiesel yield per acre and GHG savings does not compare to other alternative feedstocks
*Biofuel development in EU is promoted through heavy subsidies and mandates
|-
!scope="row"| Oil Palm
| Malaysia, Indonesia, Africa, Latin America
|
*Tropical forest plant
*Needs to be sufficiently watered
*Optimal production on well-drained and deep soils, can be cultivated on number of soil types
|
*Most sufficient for biodiesel production
*Creates great concern for plantation expansion on sensitive lands (peatlants, forests, etc.)
|-
!scope="row"| Soybean
| China, USA, Latin America
|
*Majority grown in tropical/sub-tropical areas, where rainfall ranges from 600 to 1500 mm annually
*Tends to be grown in monoculture systems
|
*Raises concerns over potential further undesirable land expansion from USA to Latin America
|-
!scope="row"| Jatropha
| Africa, India,Thailand
|
*Drought-tolerant, low input requirements and suitable for marginal lands.
|
*Can improve soil quality because of its deep root system
*Suitable for small scale production; large scale production with land conversion must be incentivize
*Will compete with food crops for land and water resources
|-
!scope="row"| Cassava
| China, Africa, Latin America, Thailand, Indonesia
|
*Cultivated in the tropics
*Precipitation above 600 mm
*Tolerant to limited soil fertility on sandy and clay textures
|
*Critical food security source for rural communities
*Most commonly produced in small farm scale
|-
!scope="row"| Sweet Sorghum
| Sub-Saharan Africa, India
|
*Can be grown in variety of soil depths and water conditions
*It is drought-tolerant, can be grown in shorter season with less labour requirements.
|
*Requires quick processing and therefore presents transportation and storeage challenge
*Fibrous residues can be used to produce electricity, process heat and power
|-
|}

==An Alternative==
===Audi's e-Diesel===
Audi, the German car manufacturer, has announced a new fuel technology which they call "e-Diesel". "E-Diesel" is entirely manufactured in a factory that only requires inputs of electricity that can be generated through renewable energy sources, water (H2O) and carbon dioxide (CO2) that can be found excessively in the atmosphere. With its consumption, it's only output is oxygen (O2). In cars running on "e-Diesel", they claim that a zero carbon-footprint can be achieved.<ref>McSpadden, K. (2015) Audi just invented fuel made from CO2 and water. Retrieved from:http://wiki.ubc.ca/Documentation:Open_Case_Studies/Licensing_Citation#Citing_Resources_in_a_Wiki</ref>
==Layering Perspectives: Other Alternatives ==
In this section we welcome contributions from scholars and students that widen the scope of this case study by providing other examples of sustainable biofuels.

==Environmental Impacts==

===Land Use Change===
[[File:Dominant land cover and use.png|thumb|Map for dominant land cover and use. UN Food and Agriculture Organization. Retrieved from [http://www.fao.org/docrep/017/i1688e/i1688e00.htm Chapter 1: Status and Trends in Land and Water Resources]]]

Land use change is a major issue regarding biofuel production. From directly growing energy crops to raising domestic animals whose fat can be converted into biofuel, every step requires planning and land management. Systems for land and agronomic management are critical evaluation tools for analyzing the global scale impacts of biofuel and its dependability in the future.

There are two kinds of land use change: direct land use change (dLUC) and indirect land use change (iLUC).<ref name= "LUC">Barnabè, D., Bucchi, R., Rispoli, A., Chiavetta, C., Porta, P.L., Bianchi, C.L., Pirola, C., Boffito D.C. & Carvoli G. (2013). Land Use Change Impacts of Biofuels: A Methodology to Evaluate Biofuel Sustainability, Biofuels - Economy, Environment and Sustainability. InTech, doi:10.5772/52255</ref> Remote-sensing is a common method to estimate the severity of land use change such as deforestation.<ref name= "BSC">Elbehri, A., Segerstedt, A., Liu, P. (2013). Biofuels and the sustainability challenge : A global assessment of sustainability issues, trends and policies for biofuels and related feedstocks. Rome: Trade and Markets Division, Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations. Retrieved from: http://www.fao.org/economic/est/publications/biofuel-publication/en/</ref>

Direct land use change (dLUC) refers to land being converted to biofuel feedstock production from a previous land use, such as natural areas under conservation, wetland, rangeland, or agricultural land.<ref name="B&B">Webb, A. and D. Coates (2012). Biofuels and Biodiversity. Secretariat of the Convention on Biological Diversity. Montreal, Technical Series No. 65, Retreived from: https://www.cbd.int/doc/publications/cbd-ts-65-en.pdf</ref> Indirect land use change (iLUC) occurs when biofuel feedstock production displaces previous productive land to other areas.<ref name="B&B"/> Sustainability of biofuels is questionable. Serious doubts have been raised about the social and environmental impacts of iLUC. These impacts include deforestation (conversion and fragmentation of natural habitats), significant greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, as well as negative effects on biodiversity, carbon stocks, water quality, food security and land rights.<ref name="B&B"/> A report describes the impact of indirect land use change: “The iLUC in this context is always direct land use (dLUC) for food production incentivized by the cross-price effects of an increased production of biofuel feedstocks which then translates into an additional demand for so far unused land areas.”<ref name= "LUC"/>
[[File:Land required for biofuels by feedstock.jpg|frame|center|Land required for biofuels by feedstock. Nieves Lopez Izquierdo, via [http://www.grida.no/resources/6220 GRID-Arendal] ]]

Reports published by the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) further state that there may be indirect effects of land use change, such as increases in carbon emissions as more land is converted to biofuel crop production in response to global demand.<ref name= "BSC"/> Furthermore, the FAO also warns that biofuel production may have a higher carbon footprint than fossil fuels once land-use changes are factored into the analysis.<ref> Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations. (2008). The State of Food and Agriculture. Retrieved from : http://www.fao.org/docrep/011/i0100e/i0100e00.htm </ref>
[[File:LUC Figure 22.png|500px||center||frame|via UN Food and Agriculture Organization. Retrieved from [http://www.fao.org/3/a-i0100e.pdf The State of Food and Agriculture 2008 Report]]]

The greatest reduction in GHG emissions from biofuels production is the sequestration of carbon dioxide (CO2) in the atmosphere when feedstocks and crops are planted.<ref name="BIGELUC"/> Conversion on land with high natural carbon stocks like forests, grasslands, woodlands, peatlands, and wetlands will result in significant additional greenhouse gas emissions. The "carbon debt" is a term referencing the carbon emissions generated from land conversion.<ref name="B&B"/> Studies often fail to count emissions from land use change because they are difficult to quantify and are commonly overlooked by existing analytical methods. In order to generate greenhouse benefits or "pay back" the carbon debt, the carbon uptake credit (CO2 absorbed by the biofuel crop) must exceed the emissions from land use change.
<ref name="BIGELUC"> Searchinger, T., Heimlich, R., Houghton, R., Dong, F., Elobeid, A., Fabiosa, J., . . . Yu, T. (2008). Use of U.S. Croplands for Biofuels Increases Greenhouse Gases through Emissions from Land-Use Change. Science, 319(5867), 1238-1240. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/stable/20053483 </ref> <ref name="B&B"/>
[[File:LUC Figure 23.png|600px|frame|centre|via UN Food and Agriculture Organization. Retrieved from [http://www.fao.org/3/a-i0100e.pdf The State of Food and Agriculture 2008 Report]]]

===Remaining Land Alternatives===
====Marginal and Degraded Lands====
[[File:Potential biofuels production on abandoned agricultural land.jpg|thumb|Potential biofuels production on abandoned agricultural land. Nieves Lopez Izquierdo, via [http://www.grida.no/resources/6188 GRID-Arendal]]]
It is clear that the benefit of biofuels is questionable and that it can either contribute to climate change mitigation or be a GHG emission intensifier. Undoubtedly, appropriate locations for biofuel plantations are critical for sustainable production. Producing biomass on less productive areas may alleviate the land use competition with food and improve the agronomy and ecology of the area.<ref name= "LUC"/>
Bioenergy industries are delving into the potential of marginal lands and degraded lands as alternative to cropland and feedstock supply to address the food versus fuel debate.<ref name= "LUC"/>
Marginal lands suitable for cropping shares 19% and approximate 298 Mha of cultivated lands Globally in 2010.<ref>The Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations and Earthscan. (2011) Managing systems at risk. The State of the World's Land and Water Resources for Food and Agriculture. Retrieved from: http://www.fao.org/docrep/017/i1688e/i1688e.pdf</ref>

Some generally recognized benefits of replanting biomass on marginal and degraded lands include reducing pressure on ecosystems and natural land conversion while providing soil stability and productivity, increasing soil nutrient and water content, and recreating habitats.<ref name="Diversity">Campbell, A. & Doswald, N. (2009) The impacts of biofuel production on
biodiversity: A review of the current literature. UNEP-WCMC, Cambridge, UK. Retrived from: https://www.cbd.int/agriculture/2011-121/UNEP-WCMC3-sep11-en.pdf</ref> However, others argue that the environment will be better protected through sustainable agriculture, reducing agricultural inputs, and restoring degraded lands.<ref name="B&B"/>

====Broad issues with using degraded lands for energy crops:====
[[File:Table 2.1.png|thumb|Proposed Definitions of Land Types. UN Food and Agriculture Organization.Retrieved from [http://www.fao.org/wairdocs/tac/x5784e/x5784e0f.htm#1.1 Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research]]]
#How to define these marginal and degraded lands and soil. Agroeconomic profitability is no longer sustainable criterion to define marginal and degraded land. Multiple criteria are suggested using soil health indicators, current land use and environmental degradation.<ref name="B&B"/> The value of marginal lands should also be deliberated according to its social and cultural importance. Some marginal areas constitute a primary source of livelihoods for the rural poor, provide ecosystem services, and hold biodiversity values.<ref name="B&B"/>
#Production of energy crops is one of many purposes competing for the use of degraded land. In the long-term, competition for land will only become more pronounced due to increasing demand for food production and urbanization.<ref name="B&B"/>
#GHG benefits of growing energy crops on marginal and degraded lands do not compare to restoration of natural vegetation and soils.<ref name="B&B"/>

===Impact on Biodiversity===
Biodiversity is another important element to consider when analyzing the consequences of Biomass production. Practices of crop monoculture can be detrimental to local biodiversity through habitat loss, expansion of invasive species, and contamination from fertilizers and herbicides.<ref name= "BSC"/> Generally single-crop biofuel plantations have been reported to have low species diversity and can increase soil erosion.<ref name="Diversity"/> On a field-scale, the most efficient cropping systems have great uniformity and very little biodiversity.<ref name= "BSC"/> Choice of crop and management regime is therefore an important element in determining whether the biofuel is biodiversity friendly.<ref name="Diversity"/>
[[File:Figure 2.5.png|center|frame|Conflict Zones: High Potentials for Biomass Production vs. High Biodiversity. UN Food and Agriculture Organization. Retrieved from [http://www.fao.org/docrep/017/i3126e/i3126e.pdf Biofuels and the Sustainability Challenge] report by Elbehri ''et al''. ]]

Rising demand for biofuels escalates the incentive for the clearing of natural habitats<ref name= "BSC"/>. For instance, palm oil plantation development is one of the most cited causes of natural habitat conversion in Southeast Asia, which continues to lose its primary forests, thus endangering the region’s biodiversity.<ref name="Diversity"/> Oil palm plantations have estimated to remove 78% to 85% of recorded native species in primary forests of Indonesia and Malaysia, and supports lower levels of biodiversity than other tree crops, agricultural crops and abandoned pasture.<ref name="Diversity"/> Dominant species on these plantations are often invasive or non-forest generalist species, which replace specialist species important for a functional ecosystem.<ref name="Diversity"/> Habitat fragmentation is also a threat to native species of continuous forest. The development of infrastructures and burning of forest land to create oil palm remain a threat to many species in Southeast Asia, such as the Sumatran rhino, Asian elephants, tigers, and Borneo orangutan.<ref name="Diversity"/>

==Environmental Impacts==

==Economic Viability==

===The Global Demand for Biofuels===

Worldwide demand for biofuels has been growing rapidly in recent decades. Production is estimated to reach 51.1 billion gallons by 2022, up from 32.4 billion gallons produced in 2013. <ref> Navigant Research. (2014) Annual biofuel demand forecasted at 51 billion gallons by 2022. Retrieved from: http://biomassmagazine.com/articles/10002/annual-biofuel-demand-forecasted-at-51-billion-gallons-by-2022 </ref> However, the economies of scale in the biofuel industry has demonstrated the problems it can cause, including encouraging agriculturalisation of carbon-rich forested land leading to the rapid expansion of the frontier in Brazil<ref>Leon, A., & Leon, R. (2016). The Scope for Increasing Biofuel Crop Production in Japan: An Analysis of Alternative Policies. Asian Economic And Financial Review, 6(3), 115-126.</ref>, and encouraging the use of pesticides and fertilisers to press for higher crop yield<ref name="Wash">Washington Post. (2008) Title of the Article. The Problem With Biofuels, More proof that there are no easy solutions to climate change. Retrieved from:http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2008/02/26/AR2008022602827_pf.html</ref> Consequently, the carbon emission problems biofuels aimed to remedy in the first place can actually be escalated due to the massive scale of production. If forest removal is considered in carbon emission calculations, the total emissions can be between 17 and 420 times greater than if just considering production alone.<ref name="Wash"/>

===The Increased Food Price===

Since biofuel production requires the same lands that are used to traditionally grow food, the food price increase in recent years should have contribution from the expansion of the biofuel industry.<ref>Alexander, C & Hurt, C. (Year) Biofuels and Their impact on Food Prices, 1. Retrieved from: http://wiki.ubc.ca/Documentation:Open_Case_Studies/Licensing_Citation#Citing_Resources_in_a_Wiki</ref> Furthermore, Rice (2010) has claimed that the biofuels option is merely an easy way-out for politicians<ref name="M/G">Rice, T. (2010). Meals per gallon. Retrieved from: https://www.actionaid.org.uk/sites/default/files/doc_lib/meals_per_gallon_final.pdf</ref>. To the global commons, biofuels, with the competition they induce on farm lands, are believed to have put '''100 millions people back into poverty''' with the food price crisis in 2008, evidenced by the World Bank's estimation.<ref name="M/G"/>

===Businesses' Views on Biofuels===

Although biofuels mandates are mostly from government policy-makers, it's businesses that take on the commercialisation "quest" to deliver this technology to consumers.<ref name="RiskInBusinesses">Pries, F., Talebi, A., Schillo, R. S., & Lemay, M. A. (2016). Risks Affecting the Biofuels Industry: A US and Canadian Company Perspective. Energy Policy, 9793-101. doi:http://dx.doi.org.ezp.lib.unimelb.edu.au/10.1016/j.enpol.2016.07.006</ref> Potential risks that may forbid actual companies to invest in biofuels production include: (1) unknown and hard-to-predict technical and non-technical consequences by innovative products; (2) potential impacts on the demand-supply status quo; (3) raising food security problems; (4) uncertainty in competition with "oil giants"; and (5) inadequate infrastructure to support such production processes.<ref name="RiskInBusinesses"/>

==Biofuels and Agriculture==
===Food Prices and Social Unrest===
[[file:FAO Food Price Index.png|thumb|Food price index from January 1990 to July 2012, data from [http://www.fao.org/fileadmin/templates/worldfood/Reports_and_docs/Food_price_indices_data.xls UN Food and Agriculture Organization. Jashuah, [https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/ CC BY-SA 3.0]]]
Biofuels have been controversial regarding spikes in food prices and the resulting social unrest such price increases have caused. The rise of food prices correlate well with the increased diversion of corn and soy from the food supply to biofuel production.<ref name= "Changing Landscape">Newton, J., and T. Kuethe. (2015) Changing Landscape of Corn and Soybean Production and Potential Implications in 2015. Farmdoc Daily, Department of Agricultural and Consumer Economics, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, (5)42, doi: http://farmdocdaily.illinois.edu/2015/03/changing-landscape-of-corn-and-soybean-production.html </ref> Though also involving complex political issues, the rising cost of cereal prices played a major role in protests that developed into the Syrian Civil War.<ref>Rocchi, B., Romano, D., Hamza, R. (2013). Agriculture reform and food crisis in Syria: Impacts on poverty and inequality. Food Policy, Volume 43, 190-203.</ref> Similarly, food prices also played a major role in the series of uprisings that became known as the Arab Spring. In Cairo, for example, waving bread became a symbolic gesture of outrage at food price rises which rose as high as 300% in 2011. The rise in food prices in that year can be attributed to several factors that reduced the overall global supply, including extreme weather conditions in Russia, Ukraine, Australia, and Canada that reduced crop yields.<ref>Sternberg, T. (2012). Chinese drought, bread and the Arab Spring. Applied Geography, Volume 34, 519-524. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.apgeog.2012.02.004</ref> Many issues have been raised about diverting crops from the food supply to produce biofuels, including concerns over biofuel production decreasing the global food supply, and the replacement of food crops with corn or sugar cane for biofuel production increasing food costs. Industrial corn production uses a large amount of chemical fertilizers and pesticides (97% of acres of corn in the US have applications of both nitrogen fertilizer and herbicides) which is an ecological sustainability concern in terms of greenhouse gas emission and runoff pollution.<ref>USDA. (2015). 2014 Agricultural Chemical Use Survey - Corn Highlights. United States Department of Agriculture. Retrieved from https://www.nass.usda.gov/Surveys/Guide_to_NASS_Surveys/Chemical_Use/2014_Corn_Highlights/</ref> However, the threat of collapse of nation-states or societies from unequal access to food poses a serious threat to the ecological, social, and economic sustainability globally.
[[file:Arab_Spring_and_Regional_Conflict_Map.svg|thumb|Arab Spring and Regional Conflict Map. Ian Remsen. Public Domain, via [https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Arab_Spring_and_Regional_Conflict_Map.svg Wikimedia Commons]]]

===Decreasing the Global Food Supply===
[[File:FAO Cereal Production, Utilization, Stocks.jpg|thumb|World Cereal Production, Utilization, and Stocks. Retrieved from [http://www.fao.org/worldfoodsituation/csdb/en/ UN Food and Agriculture Organization].]]
In 2007, Jacques Diouf, then-Director-General of the United Nations Food and Agriculture Agency (FAO) warned that if trends regarding biofuels were to continue world hunger would rise, especially in the developing world.<ref>Rosenthal, E. (2007). World Food Stocks Dwindling, UN Warns. New York Times. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/2007/12/17/world/europe/17iht-food.html</ref> Similarly, the United States National Institutes of Environmental Health Sciences (NIEHS) warned that biofuels further tie food prices to the price of petroleum and force people to compete with automobiles for energy.<ref>Tenenbaum, D. J. (2008). Food vs. Fuel: Diversion of Crops Could Cause More Hunger. Environmental Health Perspectives, 116(6), A254-A257.</ref> There is as yet no consensus on the real-world impact of biofuels on food prices, though generally as the price of petroleum rises, the price of biofuels increase, which in turn causes price increases for the agricultural commodities used to produce them.<ref>Bastianin, A., Galeotti, M., & Manera, M. (2016). Ethanol and field crops: is there a price connection?. Food Policy, 63, 53-61.</ref> Analyses of the level of price increases of agricultural commodities from diversion for biofuels have ranged from increases of 14% to 43%.<ref>Persson, U. M. (2014). The impact of biofuel on agricultural commodity prices: a systematic review. Wiley Interdisciplinary Review: Energy and Environment, 4(5), 410-428.</ref>

===Replacement of Food Crops===
[[File:Change in Corn Harvested, 2004-2015.jpg|thumb|[http://farmdocdaily.illinois.edu/2015/03/changing-landscape-of-corn-and-soybean-production.html Changing Landscape of Corn and Soybean Production and Potential Implications] in 2015 by John Newton and Todd Kuethe via [http://farmdocdaily.illinois.edu/ familydoc daily]]][[File:Change in Wheat Harvested, 2005-2015.jpg|thumb|[http://farmdocdaily.illinois.edu/2015/03/changing-landscape-of-corn-and-soybean-production.html Changing Landscape of Corn and Soybean Production and Potential Implications] in 2015 by John Newton and Todd Kuethe via [http://farmdocdaily.illinois.edu/ familydoc daily]]]
Another concern of biofuel production is the replacement of food crops with biofuel crops. Since biofuel subsidies were introduced in 2005, the land dedicated to growing corn in the US has risen by more than 20 million acres. Wheat production has seen a corresponding decline of acreage of nearly 4 million acres, as well as reductions in area dedicated to rice and peanut production.<ref name="Changing Landscape" /> This trend has been seen in other parts of the world as well. Brazil is another major producer of biofuel from sugar cane, which has displaced agricultural commodities that are important staple food crops.<ref>Sayffarth, A. R. (2015). The Impact of Rising Ethanol Production on the Brazilian Market for Basic Food Commodities: An Econometric Assessment. Environmental and Resource Economics, 64(3), 511-536.</ref> Possibly because it’s a more efficient producer of ethanol than corn, the effect on food prices hasn’t been as dramatic with sugar production.<ref>Bentivoglio, D., Finco, A., & Bacchi, M. (2016). Interdependencies between biofuel, fuel and food prices: The case of the Brazilian ethanol market. Energies, 9(6), 464. doi:10.3390/en9060464</ref>

==Policy Recommendations==
===Balancing Biofuels Production In Land/Resources Management On A Multi-Level Platform===
Major environmental deficits revolving around biofuel production are caused by the imbalance between biofuel crops and other biota. This is due to the need for and the lack of effective management strategies for scarce and competitive resources, such as land, water, and other agricultural inputs. The full extent of negative impacts on the environment, based solely on land use change, cannot be easily determined. As the balance between crop growing and natural ecological reservation varies from one area to another, multi-level (global, regional, local) negotiation and planning should be implemented to develop a comprehensive and equitable land use policy that serves to provide a sustainable balance for biofuel production in the environment, fully exploiting the possibility of coexistence between fuel production and the environment with the least compromise.

===Avoid Over-Incentivising Biofuels In The Commercialisation Process===
Food production serves as one of the basic necessities for a functional economy and should not be challenged by biofuel crops. Autocratically providing incentives for biofuel production to achieve economic or political goals will only isolate environmental considerations from decision-making. This is inappropriate because the ecological services serve as the basis for the continued existence of all economies and polities. Hence, before pushing biofuel products into the market, policy-makers should seek to organize an investigation to produce estimates for actual business owners about the capacity of biofuel production the economy can withstand without further decreasing the capacity of the environment to provide consistent natural resources.

===Avoid Compromising Traditional Food Crops For Biofuels In Agriculture===
Competition for food crops represents a major impact from biofuels to agricultural food production by land use repurposing. This can contribute to increased carbon emissions from the agricultural industry. However, it also has potential increase social unrest by causing increases in food prices. Policies should be set to reduce or eliminate biofuel-caused food scarcity, and the price increase it causes. This can be accomplished by mandating reductions, and eventual elimination, of first-generation biofuels made using food crops, and promoting the development and adoption of second-generation biofuels that can be produced using other materials such as agricultural waste (crop residue), municipal wastes, and algae. During policy-making, crops with important cultural meaning should obtain additional attention to avoid conflicts, which can weaken nations' agricultural capacity and overall stability. A recent of such instability is Egypt during the Arab Spring, wherein prolonged conflict led to detrimental ecological degradation.

==Conclusion==
With the purpose of examining the viability of biofuels as a green initiative, this study on biofuels has included the history of biofuels and impacts of biofuels on environmental, economic and agricultural sustainability from the regional scale to the global. Environmentally, biofuels have evidently caused increased competition land resources with natural ecosystems that preserve biodiversity. Economically, biofuels are believably capable of restructuring the contemporary economy by challenging traditionally dominant industries and by modifying the market supply-demand balance. Agriculturally, misuse of land resources and other agricultural products is also pervasive and is causing considerable destruction to the basic functionality of agriculture: sustainably providing food for humanity. We have thus concluded with the following recommendations: to enforce the idea of balance in managing biofuel production with natural resources; to take careful steps in implementing biofuel products in the market; and to guarantee the production of traditional food crops on arable lands.

==References==

<references/>

[[Category:Conservation]]

Course:CONS200/2016w2/Wiki Projects/Biofuels

2017-09-04T19:22:39Z

JenniferMansour: /* Audi's e-Diesel */

{{Projectbox Conservation
|names= Adam Todd
}}
'''Biofuels: green economy initiative or more business as usual?'''

==Background and Types of Biofuels==

=== Background ===
Biofuel is the product of the refinement of plant [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Biomass biomass] which can then be burned for heat or light energy. <ref name="Guo"> Guo, M., Song, W., & Buhain, J. (2015). Bioenergy and biofuels: History, status, and perspective. Renewable and Sustainable Energy Reviews, 42, 712-725</ref> It is made of organic matter, either directly from plants or indirectly from domestic, industrial or commercial wastes.<ref>biofuel. BusinessDictionary.com. Retrieved March 20, 2017, from BusinessDictionary.com website: http://www.businessdictionary.com/definition/biofuel.html</ref>

=== Types of Biofuels ===
===== Firewood =====
Before fossil fuels, firewood was the primary source of fuel domestically, especially for heating and cooking before the 19th century. <ref name="Guo"/> Materials such as wood, hay, straw, and dung are collected, dried, and then burned as a fuel source.
The amount of energy that a well-seasoned firewood can produce is approximately 15 MJ per kg, which is one-third to one-half of what fossil fuels can produce. <ref name="ORNL">ORNL. Bioenergy conversion factors. Oak Ridge, TN: Oak Ridge National Laboratory; 2013. (http://bioenergy.ornl.gov/papers/misc/energy_conv.html)</ref>
Even today, nearly 2.6 billion people, primarily rural areas of developing countries, still depend on firewood as an energy source.

===== Charcoal =====
Because the temperature of a wood fire (approximately 850˚C) is unable to melt many metals, pyrolysis techniques were developed to turn wood into charcoal.<ref>Urbas, J., & Parker, W. J. (1993). Surface temperature measurements on burning wood specimens in the cone calorimeter and the effect of grain orientation. Fire and Materials, 17(5), 205-208.</ref> Charcoal is a grey-black solid that is carbon-enriched, often burning without smoke and reaching temperatures as high as 2700˚C.<ref>Gronli, M., Antal Jr, M. J., Schenkel, Y., & Crehay, R. (2003). The science and technology of charcoal production. Fast Pyrolysis of Biomass, A Handbook, 3, 147-178)</ref>. Good quality charcoal can produce 28-33 MJ per kg. Charcoal is commonly turned into briquets and used for barbecuing.

===== Bioethanol =====
Bioethanol is alcohol made by fermentation mostly from carbohydrates produced in sugar or starch crops such as corn, sugar cane or sweet sorghum, in which biochemical reactions are involved. It is an alternative to a highly depended-upon fuel source: gasoline. It is the only renewable feedstock material to create liquid fuel. The method of fermentation is similar to that of alcohol production for human consumption. Samuel Morey, an American inventor in the early 1800's, was the first to design a boat engine fueled by alcohol. It was able to run 7-8 miles per hour.
Despite the popularity of gasoline during the early 1900's, scientists supported the sustainability of ethanol in the fuel industry as there was an abundance of potential feedstock for its production.

Interest for using ethanol as a fuel was brought up again during the 1973 oil crisis, when the Organization of Arab Petroleum Exporting Countries (OAPEC) declared an oil ban. The ban raised the price of oil from $3 USD to nearly $12 globally.<ref>(Corbett, M. (2013). Oil Shock of 1973-74. Federal Reserve History. http://www. federalreservehistory. org/Events/DetailView/36 [Accessed March 3, 2016].)</ref>

[[File:First and Second Generation Bioethanol Production.gif|thumb|First and second generation bioethanol production by alcohol fermentation. Ian Zammit. [https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/deed.en CC BY-SA 3.0], via [https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File%3AFirst_and_Second_Generation_Bioethanol_Production_by_Alcoholic_Fermentation.gif%20 Wikiemedia Commons]]]
In 2013, The US produced more than 50% of the world's bioethanol, though Europe, Brazil, China and Canada also played significant roles.<ref>(RFA. Ethanol industry statistics. Washington, DC: Renewable Fuel Association; 2014. (http://www.ethanolrfa.org/ pages/statistics)</ref> The predominate feedstocks used for bioethanol production are corn, sugar cane, wheat, sugar beet, and cassava.

Bioethanol that is made from food crops is considered a "first-generation" biofuel, which means that the feedstock used in production competes with human and animals as a food source material. To reduce the competition, "second-generation" bioethanol from non-food dry plant materials have been created. Examples of biomass that is used are switchgrass, crop residues, yard trimmings, and food processing waste. Because they are non-food biomasses, the feedstocks are not required to be planted on agricultural land.<ref>Jansen, R. A., & Wiley InterScience (Online service). (2013;2012;). Second generation biofuels and biomass: Essential guide for investors, scientists and decision makers (1. Aufl.;1; ed.). Weinheim: Wiley-VCH.</ref>

===== Biodiesel =====
Biodiesel is a yellow liquid that is the product of transesterification from vegetable oil, animal fats, and/or waste grease along with alcohol. It is commercially produced and is a alternative to petrol diesel. Animal fat and vegetable oil were used for lighting lamps in the 1800's, but were not used for making biodiesel until the 1930's.<ref>(Thomson J. The Scot Who Lit the World—the Story of William Murdoch inventor of gas lighting. Dennistoun, Glasgow G31 2JJ, UK: Janet Thomson; 2003.)</ref> In 1893, German engineer Rudolf Diesel became the first person to create a diesel engine. He believed that the use of vegetable oil could fuel machines for agriculture in rural parts of the world.

[[File:Biodiesel produced from soybean oil.jpg|thumb|Biodiesel Pump. United Soybean Board.
[https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/ CC by 2.0, via [http://www.flickr.com/photos/95352257@N06/10479074054 Flickr]]]]
Between 2000 and 2013, the world production of biodiesel increased dramatically, rising from 213 million gallons to 6289 million gallons. Top production regions include the European Union, Brazil, the U.S., Argentina, and China.<ref>(EIA. Monthly biodiesel production report. Washington, DC: U.S. Energy Information Administration; 2014. (http://www.eia.gov/biofuels/biodiesel/production/)</ref> In 2013, the U.S. alone produced over 1300 million gallons of biodiesel from soy bean oil.<ref>(Atadashi, I. M., Aroua, M. K., Aziz, A. R. A., & Sulaiman, N. M. N. (2011). Refining technologies for the purification of crude biodiesel. Applied Energy, 88(12), 4239-4251. doi:10.1016/j.apenergy.2011.05.029)</ref> The most commonly used biodiesel blend in the US is B20, which is a blend of 20% biodiesel and 80% petroleum diesel.

The benefits of biodiesel are ease of use, production simplicity and cost-competitiveness. However, the ability to economically produce renewable feedstocks such as animal fat and vegetable oil sustainably is what will create a promising future for biodiesel.

===== Biogas =====
Biogas is a renewable alternative to natural gas that is created by anaerobic digestion of organic wastes. Raw biogas contains methane (CH4), carbon dioxide (CO2) and water vapour (H2, and H2S) that can be purified to become pipeline-quality biogas (or ''biomethane'')<ref name="Weiland">(Weiland, P. (2010). Biogas production: Current state and perspectives. Applied Microbiology and Biotechnology, 85(4), 849-860. doi:10.1007/s00253-009-2246-7)</ref>. Organic wastes, such as plant residues, can decompose to carbon dioxide and water in natural environments with sufficient air supply and microbial activity. However, in anaerobic conditions plant residues will undergo anaerobic digestion, being broken down to methane and carbon dioxide by microorganisms.

The anaerobic digestion reaction equation is as followed:
<big>'''''
C6H12O6→3CO2+3CH4'''</big>

[[File:ChinaBiogas.jpg|thumb|An anaerobic digester. By Chinese training pamphlet, several sources including [http://www.i-sis.org.uk/graphics/chinaBiogas.jpg Institute of Science in Society]. Public domain.]]
Anaerobic digestion is often used in treatment plants, farms as well as regular households to manage waste and produce energy. Organic wastes from every day living, excluding highly lignified material (such as woody debris) which cannot be broken down by anaerobic microorganisms<ref name="Weiland"/>, can be used for biogas production. Organic waste mixed with water can be placed in an air-tight container (anaerobic digester) and will produce biogas in one to two weeks time. This produces biogas as well as dark, odorous solids and liquids that needs to be cleaned and replaced with new organic waste. Typically one ton of organic waste (dry weight) can yield approximately 120 cubic metres of biomethane. This can in turn can create 200kW of electricity <ref>(European Bioplastics. Factsheet Mar 2010Anaerobic digestion European Bioplastics, Berlin, Germany (2011) )</ref>

China is currently the largest biogas producer, harvesting 6 billion Nm3 of biomethane per year. The potential for biogas continues to grow. More than 1 trillion N m^3 of biomethane could be harvested considering the amount of agricultural byproducts and domestic wastes created <ref>(World Bioenergy Association. Fact sheet on biogas—an important renewable energy source. Stockholm, Sweden: World Bioenergy Association; 2013.)</ref>. This in turn can cover a quarter of the worlds current natural gas consumption and 6% of the global demand for energy.

==First Generation Biofuel Crops and Feedstocks==

[[File:The enlarged biofuels family.jpg|frame|centre| Figure illustrates the various feedstocks, which can be converted to biofuels for transport. Riccardo Pravettoni, via [http://www.grida.no/resources/6222%20 UNEP/GRID-Arendal]]]

{| border="1" cellspacing="0" cellpadding="2"
|-
!scope="col"| Crop/Feedstock
!scope="col"| Associated Countries/Regions<ref name= "BSC"/>
!scope="col"| Growing Conditions<ref name= "BSC"/>
!scope="col"| Related Facts<ref name= "BSC"/>
|-
!scope="row"| Maize/Corn
| USA
|
*Cultivated in temperate climates
*Relatively low water consumption for both production and ethanol conversion process
*Fertilizer and pesticide requirements are high
|
*High productivity per unit of land, but uses large amounts of fertilizers and pesticides and consumes fossil energy
*Create food/fuel competition for resources.
|-
!scope="row"| Sugarcane
| Brazil (Latin America), Africa, India
|
*Tropical regions, with ample rainfall
*Requires deep soils
*Requires high level of nitrogen and phosphate fertilization
|
*Efficient crop in terms of yield per unit of land, but its sustainability hinges on water availability
*Produces range of useful byproducts
*Continues to be attractive under 2nd generation technologies as bagasse
|-
!scope="row"| Rapeseed
| European Union (EU)
|
*Ideally in temperate regions under 500 mm of rainfall
*Grown on fertile and well drained land
|
*Biodiesel yield per acre and GHG savings does not compare to other alternative feedstocks
*Biofuel development in EU is promoted through heavy subsidies and mandates
|-
!scope="row"| Oil Palm
| Malaysia, Indonesia, Africa, Latin America
|
*Tropical forest plant
*Needs to be sufficiently watered
*Optimal production on well-drained and deep soils, can be cultivated on number of soil types
|
*Most sufficient for biodiesel production
*Creates great concern for plantation expansion on sensitive lands (peatlants, forests, etc.)
|-
!scope="row"| Soybean
| China, USA, Latin America
|
*Majority grown in tropical/sub-tropical areas, where rainfall ranges from 600 to 1500 mm annually
*Tends to be grown in monoculture systems
|
*Raises concerns over potential further undesirable land expansion from USA to Latin America
|-
!scope="row"| Jatropha
| Africa, India,Thailand
|
*Drought-tolerant, low input requirements and suitable for marginal lands.
|
*Can improve soil quality because of its deep root system
*Suitable for small scale production; large scale production with land conversion must be incentivize
*Will compete with food crops for land and water resources
|-
!scope="row"| Cassava
| China, Africa, Latin America, Thailand, Indonesia
|
*Cultivated in the tropics
*Precipitation above 600 mm
*Tolerant to limited soil fertility on sandy and clay textures
|
*Critical food security source for rural communities
*Most commonly produced in small farm scale
|-
!scope="row"| Sweet Sorghum
| Sub-Saharan Africa, India
|
*Can be grown in variety of soil depths and water conditions
*It is drought-tolerant, can be grown in shorter season with less labour requirements.
|
*Requires quick processing and therefore presents transportation and storeage challenge
*Fibrous residues can be used to produce electricity, process heat and power
|-
|}

==An Alternative==
===Audi's e-Diesel===
Audi, the German car manufacturer, has announced a new fuel technology which they call "e-Diesel". "E-Diesel" is entirely manufactured in a factory that only requires inputs of electricity that can be generated through renewable energy sources, water (H2O) and carbon dioxide (CO2) that can be found excessively in the atmosphere. With its consumption, it's only output is oxygen (O2). In cars running on "e-Diesel", they claim that a zero carbon-footprint can be achieved.<ref>McSpadden, K. (2015) Audi just invented fuel made from CO2 and water. Retrieved from:http://wiki.ubc.ca/Documentation:Open_Case_Studies/Licensing_Citation#Citing_Resources_in_a_Wiki</ref>
==Layering Perspectives: Other Alternatives ==
In this section we welcome contributions from scholars and students that widen the scope of this case study by providing other examples of sustainable biofuels.

==Environmental Impacts==

===Land Use Change===
[[File:Dominant land cover and use.png|thumb|Map for dominant land cover and use. UN Food and Agriculture Organization. Retrieved from [http://www.fao.org/docrep/017/i1688e/i1688e00.htm Chapter 1: Status and Trends in Land and Water Resources]]]

Land use change is a major issue regarding biofuel production. From directly growing energy crops to raising domestic animals whose fat can be converted into biofuel, every step requires planning and land management. Systems for land and agronomic management are critical evaluation tools for analyzing the global scale impacts of biofuel and its dependability in the future.

There are two kinds of land use change: direct land use change (dLUC) and indirect land use change (iLUC).<ref name= "LUC">Barnabè, D., Bucchi, R., Rispoli, A., Chiavetta, C., Porta, P.L., Bianchi, C.L., Pirola, C., Boffito D.C. & Carvoli G. (2013). Land Use Change Impacts of Biofuels: A Methodology to Evaluate Biofuel Sustainability, Biofuels - Economy, Environment and Sustainability. InTech, doi:10.5772/52255</ref> Remote-sensing is a common method to estimate the severity of land use change such as deforestation.<ref name= "BSC">Elbehri, A., Segerstedt, A., Liu, P. (2013). Biofuels and the sustainability challenge : A global assessment of sustainability issues, trends and policies for biofuels and related feedstocks. Rome: Trade and Markets Division, Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations. Retrieved from: http://www.fao.org/economic/est/publications/biofuel-publication/en/</ref>

Direct land use change (dLUC) refers to land being converted to biofuel feedstock production from a previous land use, such as natural areas under conservation, wetland, rangeland, or agricultural land.<ref name="B&B">Webb, A. and D. Coates (2012). Biofuels and Biodiversity. Secretariat of the Convention on Biological Diversity. Montreal, Technical Series No. 65, Retreived from: https://www.cbd.int/doc/publications/cbd-ts-65-en.pdf</ref> Indirect land use change (iLUC) occurs when biofuel feedstock production displaces previous productive land to other areas.<ref name="B&B"/> Sustainability of biofuels is questionable. Serious doubts have been raised about the social and environmental impacts of iLUC. These impacts include deforestation (conversion and fragmentation of natural habitats), significant greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, as well as negative effects on biodiversity, carbon stocks, water quality, food security and land rights.<ref name="B&B"/> A report describes the impact of indirect land use change: “The iLUC in this context is always direct land use (dLUC) for food production incentivized by the cross-price effects of an increased production of biofuel feedstocks which then translates into an additional demand for so far unused land areas.”<ref name= "LUC"/>
[[File:Land required for biofuels by feedstock.jpg|frame|center|Land required for biofuels by feedstock. Nieves Lopez Izquierdo, via [http://www.grida.no/resources/6220 GRID-Arendal] ]]

Reports published by the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) further state that there may be indirect effects of land use change, such as increases in carbon emissions as more land is converted to biofuel crop production in response to global demand.<ref name= "BSC"/> Furthermore, the FAO also warns that biofuel production may have a higher carbon footprint than fossil fuels once land-use changes are factored into the analysis.<ref> Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations. (2008). The State of Food and Agriculture. Retrieved from : http://www.fao.org/docrep/011/i0100e/i0100e00.htm </ref>
[[File:LUC Figure 22.png|500px||center||frame|via UN Food and Agriculture Organization. Retrieved from [http://www.fao.org/3/a-i0100e.pdf The State of Food and Agriculture 2008 Report]]]

The greatest reduction in GHG emissions from biofuels production is the sequestration of carbon dioxide (CO2) in the atmosphere when feedstocks and crops are planted.<ref name="BIGELUC"/> Conversion on land with high natural carbon stocks like forests, grasslands, woodlands, peatlands, and wetlands will result in significant additional greenhouse gas emissions. The "carbon debt" is a term referencing the carbon emissions generated from land conversion.<ref name="B&B"/> Studies often fail to count emissions from land use change because they are difficult to quantify and are commonly overlooked by existing analytical methods. In order to generate greenhouse benefits or "pay back" the carbon debt, the carbon uptake credit (CO2 absorbed by the biofuel crop) must exceed the emissions from land use change.
<ref name="BIGELUC"> Searchinger, T., Heimlich, R., Houghton, R., Dong, F., Elobeid, A., Fabiosa, J., . . . Yu, T. (2008). Use of U.S. Croplands for Biofuels Increases Greenhouse Gases through Emissions from Land-Use Change. Science, 319(5867), 1238-1240. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/stable/20053483 </ref> <ref name="B&B"/>
[[File:LUC Figure 23.png|600px|frame|centre|via UN Food and Agriculture Organization. Retrieved from [http://www.fao.org/3/a-i0100e.pdf The State of Food and Agriculture 2008 Report]]]

===Remaining Land Alternatives===
====Marginal and Degraded Lands====
[[File:Potential biofuels production on abandoned agricultural land.jpg|thumb|Potential biofuels production on abandoned agricultural land. Nieves Lopez Izquierdo, via [http://www.grida.no/resources/6188 GRID-Arendal]]]
It is clear that the benefit of biofuels is questionable and that it can either contribute to climate change mitigation or be a GHG emission intensifier. Undoubtedly, appropriate locations for biofuel plantations are critical for sustainable production. Producing biomass on less productive areas may alleviate the land use competition with food and improve the agronomy and ecology of the area.<ref name= "LUC"/>
Bioenergy industries are delving into the potential of marginal lands and degraded lands as alternative to cropland and feedstock supply to address the food versus fuel debate.<ref name= "LUC"/>
Marginal lands suitable for cropping shares 19% and approximate 298 Mha of cultivated lands Globally in 2010.<ref>The Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations and Earthscan. (2011) Managing systems at risk. The State of the World's Land and Water Resources for Food and Agriculture. Retrieved from: http://www.fao.org/docrep/017/i1688e/i1688e.pdf</ref>

Some generally recognized benefits of replanting biomass on marginal and degraded lands include reducing pressure on ecosystems and natural land conversion while providing soil stability and productivity, increasing soil nutrient and water content, and recreating habitats.<ref name="Diversity">Campbell, A. & Doswald, N. (2009) The impacts of biofuel production on
biodiversity: A review of the current literature. UNEP-WCMC, Cambridge, UK. Retrived from: https://www.cbd.int/agriculture/2011-121/UNEP-WCMC3-sep11-en.pdf</ref> However, others argue that the environment will be better protected through sustainable agriculture, reducing agricultural inputs, and restoring degraded lands.<ref name="B&B"/>

====Broad issues with using degraded lands for energy crops:====
[[File:Table 2.1.png|thumb|Proposed Definitions of Land Types. UN Food and Agriculture Organization.Retrieved from [http://www.fao.org/wairdocs/tac/x5784e/x5784e0f.htm#1.1 Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research]]]
#How to define these marginal and degraded lands and soil. Agroeconomic profitability is no longer sustainable criterion to define marginal and degraded land. Multiple criteria are suggested using soil health indicators, current land use and environmental degradation.<ref name="B&B"/> The value of marginal lands should also be deliberated according to its social and cultural importance. Some marginal areas constitute a primary source of livelihoods for the rural poor, provide ecosystem services, and hold biodiversity values.<ref name="B&B"/>
#Production of energy crops is one of many purposes competing for the use of degraded land. In the long-term, competition for land will only become more pronounced due to increasing demand for food production and urbanization.<ref name="B&B"/>
#GHG benefits of growing energy crops on marginal and degraded lands do not compare to restoration of natural vegetation and soils.<ref name="B&B"/>

===Impact on Biodiversity===
Biodiversity is another important element to consider when analyzing the consequences of Biomass production. Practices of crop monoculture can be detrimental to local biodiversity through habitat loss, expansion of invasive species, and contamination from fertilizers and herbicides.<ref name= "BSC"/> Generally single-crop biofuel plantations have been reported to have low species diversity and can increase soil erosion.<ref name="Diversity"/> On a field-scale, the most efficient cropping systems have great uniformity and very little biodiversity.<ref name= "BSC"/> Choice of crop and management regime is therefore an important element in determining whether the biofuel is biodiversity friendly.<ref name="Diversity"/>
[[File:Figure 2.5.png|center|frame|Conflict Zones: High Potentials for Biomass Production vs. High Biodiversity. UN Food and Agriculture Organization. Retrieved from [http://www.fao.org/docrep/017/i3126e/i3126e.pdf Biofuels and the Sustainability Challenge] report by Elbehri ''et al''. ]]

Rising demand for biofuels escalates the incentive for the clearing of natural habitats<ref name= "BSC"/>. For instance, palm oil plantation development is one of the most cited causes of natural habitat conversion in Southeast Asia, which continues to lose its primary forests, thus endangering the region’s biodiversity.<ref name="Diversity"/> Oil palm plantations have estimated to remove 78% to 85% of recorded native species in primary forests of Indonesia and Malaysia, and supports lower levels of biodiversity than other tree crops, agricultural crops and abandoned pasture.<ref name="Diversity"/> Dominant species on these plantations are often invasive or non-forest generalist species, which replace specialist species important for a functional ecosystem.<ref name="Diversity"/> Habitat fragmentation is also a threat to native species of continuous forest. The development of infrastructures and burning of forest land to create oil palm remain a threat to many species in Southeast Asia, such as the Sumatran rhino, Asian elephants, tigers, and Borneo orangutan.<ref name="Diversity"/>

==Economic Viability==

===The Global Demand for Biofuels===

Worldwide demand for biofuels has been growing rapidly in recent decades. Production is estimated to reach 51.1 billion gallons by 2022, up from 32.4 billion gallons produced in 2013. <ref> Navigant Research. (2014) Annual biofuel demand forecasted at 51 billion gallons by 2022. Retrieved from: http://biomassmagazine.com/articles/10002/annual-biofuel-demand-forecasted-at-51-billion-gallons-by-2022 </ref> However, the economies of scale in the biofuel industry has demonstrated the problems it can cause, including encouraging agriculturalisation of carbon-rich forested land leading to the rapid expansion of the frontier in Brazil<ref>Leon, A., & Leon, R. (2016). The Scope for Increasing Biofuel Crop Production in Japan: An Analysis of Alternative Policies. Asian Economic And Financial Review, 6(3), 115-126.</ref>, and encouraging the use of pesticides and fertilisers to press for higher crop yield<ref name="Wash">Washington Post. (2008) Title of the Article. The Problem With Biofuels, More proof that there are no easy solutions to climate change. Retrieved from:http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2008/02/26/AR2008022602827_pf.html</ref> Consequently, the carbon emission problems biofuels aimed to remedy in the first place can actually be escalated due to the massive scale of production. If forest removal is considered in carbon emission calculations, the total emissions can be between 17 and 420 times greater than if just considering production alone.<ref name="Wash"/>

===The Increased Food Price===

Since biofuel production requires the same lands that are used to traditionally grow food, the food price increase in recent years should have contribution from the expansion of the biofuel industry.<ref>Alexander, C & Hurt, C. (Year) Biofuels and Their impact on Food Prices, 1. Retrieved from: http://wiki.ubc.ca/Documentation:Open_Case_Studies/Licensing_Citation#Citing_Resources_in_a_Wiki</ref> Furthermore, Rice (2010) has claimed that the biofuels option is merely an easy way-out for politicians<ref name="M/G">Rice, T. (2010). Meals per gallon. Retrieved from: https://www.actionaid.org.uk/sites/default/files/doc_lib/meals_per_gallon_final.pdf</ref>. To the global commons, biofuels, with the competition they induce on farm lands, are believed to have put '''100 millions people back into poverty''' with the food price crisis in 2008, evidenced by the World Bank's estimation.<ref name="M/G"/>

===Businesses' Views on Biofuels===

Although biofuels mandates are mostly from government policy-makers, it's businesses that take on the commercialisation "quest" to deliver this technology to consumers.<ref name="RiskInBusinesses">Pries, F., Talebi, A., Schillo, R. S., & Lemay, M. A. (2016). Risks Affecting the Biofuels Industry: A US and Canadian Company Perspective. Energy Policy, 9793-101. doi:http://dx.doi.org.ezp.lib.unimelb.edu.au/10.1016/j.enpol.2016.07.006</ref> Potential risks that may forbid actual companies to invest in biofuels production include: (1) unknown and hard-to-predict technical and non-technical consequences by innovative products; (2) potential impacts on the demand-supply status quo; (3) raising food security problems; (4) uncertainty in competition with "oil giants"; and (5) inadequate infrastructure to support such production processes.<ref name="RiskInBusinesses"/>

==Biofuels and Agriculture==
===Food Prices and Social Unrest===
[[file:FAO Food Price Index.png|thumb|Food price index from January 1990 to July 2012, data from [http://www.fao.org/fileadmin/templates/worldfood/Reports_and_docs/Food_price_indices_data.xls UN Food and Agriculture Organization. Jashuah, [https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/ CC BY-SA 3.0]]]
Biofuels have been controversial regarding spikes in food prices and the resulting social unrest such price increases have caused. The rise of food prices correlate well with the increased diversion of corn and soy from the food supply to biofuel production.<ref name= "Changing Landscape">Newton, J., and T. Kuethe. (2015) Changing Landscape of Corn and Soybean Production and Potential Implications in 2015. Farmdoc Daily, Department of Agricultural and Consumer Economics, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, (5)42, doi: http://farmdocdaily.illinois.edu/2015/03/changing-landscape-of-corn-and-soybean-production.html </ref> Though also involving complex political issues, the rising cost of cereal prices played a major role in protests that developed into the Syrian Civil War.<ref>Rocchi, B., Romano, D., Hamza, R. (2013). Agriculture reform and food crisis in Syria: Impacts on poverty and inequality. Food Policy, Volume 43, 190-203.</ref> Similarly, food prices also played a major role in the series of uprisings that became known as the Arab Spring. In Cairo, for example, waving bread became a symbolic gesture of outrage at food price rises which rose as high as 300% in 2011. The rise in food prices in that year can be attributed to several factors that reduced the overall global supply, including extreme weather conditions in Russia, Ukraine, Australia, and Canada that reduced crop yields.<ref>Sternberg, T. (2012). Chinese drought, bread and the Arab Spring. Applied Geography, Volume 34, 519-524. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.apgeog.2012.02.004</ref> Many issues have been raised about diverting crops from the food supply to produce biofuels, including concerns over biofuel production decreasing the global food supply, and the replacement of food crops with corn or sugar cane for biofuel production increasing food costs. Industrial corn production uses a large amount of chemical fertilizers and pesticides (97% of acres of corn in the US have applications of both nitrogen fertilizer and herbicides) which is an ecological sustainability concern in terms of greenhouse gas emission and runoff pollution.<ref>USDA. (2015). 2014 Agricultural Chemical Use Survey - Corn Highlights. United States Department of Agriculture. Retrieved from https://www.nass.usda.gov/Surveys/Guide_to_NASS_Surveys/Chemical_Use/2014_Corn_Highlights/</ref> However, the threat of collapse of nation-states or societies from unequal access to food poses a serious threat to the ecological, social, and economic sustainability globally.
[[file:Arab_Spring_and_Regional_Conflict_Map.svg|thumb|Arab Spring and Regional Conflict Map. Ian Remsen. Public Domain, via [https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Arab_Spring_and_Regional_Conflict_Map.svg Wikimedia Commons]]]

===Decreasing the Global Food Supply===
[[File:FAO Cereal Production, Utilization, Stocks.jpg|thumb|World Cereal Production, Utilization, and Stocks. Retrieved from [http://www.fao.org/worldfoodsituation/csdb/en/ UN Food and Agriculture Organization].]]
In 2007, Jacques Diouf, then-Director-General of the United Nations Food and Agriculture Agency (FAO) warned that if trends regarding biofuels were to continue world hunger would rise, especially in the developing world.<ref>Rosenthal, E. (2007). World Food Stocks Dwindling, UN Warns. New York Times. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/2007/12/17/world/europe/17iht-food.html</ref> Similarly, the United States National Institutes of Environmental Health Sciences (NIEHS) warned that biofuels further tie food prices to the price of petroleum and force people to compete with automobiles for energy.<ref>Tenenbaum, D. J. (2008). Food vs. Fuel: Diversion of Crops Could Cause More Hunger. Environmental Health Perspectives, 116(6), A254-A257.</ref> There is as yet no consensus on the real-world impact of biofuels on food prices, though generally as the price of petroleum rises, the price of biofuels increase, which in turn causes price increases for the agricultural commodities used to produce them.<ref>Bastianin, A., Galeotti, M., & Manera, M. (2016). Ethanol and field crops: is there a price connection?. Food Policy, 63, 53-61.</ref> Analyses of the level of price increases of agricultural commodities from diversion for biofuels have ranged from increases of 14% to 43%.<ref>Persson, U. M. (2014). The impact of biofuel on agricultural commodity prices: a systematic review. Wiley Interdisciplinary Review: Energy and Environment, 4(5), 410-428.</ref>

===Replacement of Food Crops===
[[File:Change in Corn Harvested, 2004-2015.jpg|thumb|[http://farmdocdaily.illinois.edu/2015/03/changing-landscape-of-corn-and-soybean-production.html Changing Landscape of Corn and Soybean Production and Potential Implications] in 2015 by John Newton and Todd Kuethe via [http://farmdocdaily.illinois.edu/ familydoc daily]]][[File:Change in Wheat Harvested, 2005-2015.jpg|thumb|[http://farmdocdaily.illinois.edu/2015/03/changing-landscape-of-corn-and-soybean-production.html Changing Landscape of Corn and Soybean Production and Potential Implications] in 2015 by John Newton and Todd Kuethe via [http://farmdocdaily.illinois.edu/ familydoc daily]]]
Another concern of biofuel production is the replacement of food crops with biofuel crops. Since biofuel subsidies were introduced in 2005, the land dedicated to growing corn in the US has risen by more than 20 million acres. Wheat production has seen a corresponding decline of acreage of nearly 4 million acres, as well as reductions in area dedicated to rice and peanut production.<ref name="Changing Landscape" /> This trend has been seen in other parts of the world as well. Brazil is another major producer of biofuel from sugar cane, which has displaced agricultural commodities that are important staple food crops.<ref>Sayffarth, A. R. (2015). The Impact of Rising Ethanol Production on the Brazilian Market for Basic Food Commodities: An Econometric Assessment. Environmental and Resource Economics, 64(3), 511-536.</ref> Possibly because it’s a more efficient producer of ethanol than corn, the effect on food prices hasn’t been as dramatic with sugar production.<ref>Bentivoglio, D., Finco, A., & Bacchi, M. (2016). Interdependencies between biofuel, fuel and food prices: The case of the Brazilian ethanol market. Energies, 9(6), 464. doi:10.3390/en9060464</ref>

==Policy Recommendations==
===Balancing Biofuels Production In Land/Resources Management On A Multi-Level Platform===
Major environmental deficits revolving around biofuel production are caused by the imbalance between biofuel crops and other biota. This is due to the need for and the lack of effective management strategies for scarce and competitive resources, such as land, water, and other agricultural inputs. The full extent of negative impacts on the environment, based solely on land use change, cannot be easily determined. As the balance between crop growing and natural ecological reservation varies from one area to another, multi-level (global, regional, local) negotiation and planning should be implemented to develop a comprehensive and equitable land use policy that serves to provide a sustainable balance for biofuel production in the environment, fully exploiting the possibility of coexistence between fuel production and the environment with the least compromise.

===Avoid Over-Incentivising Biofuels In The Commercialisation Process===
Food production serves as one of the basic necessities for a functional economy and should not be challenged by biofuel crops. Autocratically providing incentives for biofuel production to achieve economic or political goals will only isolate environmental considerations from decision-making. This is inappropriate because the ecological services serve as the basis for the continued existence of all economies and polities. Hence, before pushing biofuel products into the market, policy-makers should seek to organize an investigation to produce estimates for actual business owners about the capacity of biofuel production the economy can withstand without further decreasing the capacity of the environment to provide consistent natural resources.

===Avoid Compromising Traditional Food Crops For Biofuels In Agriculture===
Competition for food crops represents a major impact from biofuels to agricultural food production by land use repurposing. This can contribute to increased carbon emissions from the agricultural industry. However, it also has potential increase social unrest by causing increases in food prices. Policies should be set to reduce or eliminate biofuel-caused food scarcity, and the price increase it causes. This can be accomplished by mandating reductions, and eventual elimination, of first-generation biofuels made using food crops, and promoting the development and adoption of second-generation biofuels that can be produced using other materials such as agricultural waste (crop residue), municipal wastes, and algae. During policy-making, crops with important cultural meaning should obtain additional attention to avoid conflicts, which can weaken nations' agricultural capacity and overall stability. A recent of such instability is Egypt during the Arab Spring, wherein prolonged conflict led to detrimental ecological degradation.

==Conclusion==
With the purpose of examining the viability of biofuels as a green initiative, this study on biofuels has included the history of biofuels and impacts of biofuels on environmental, economic and agricultural sustainability from the regional scale to the global. Environmentally, biofuels have evidently caused increased competition land resources with natural ecosystems that preserve biodiversity. Economically, biofuels are believably capable of restructuring the contemporary economy by challenging traditionally dominant industries and by modifying the market supply-demand balance. Agriculturally, misuse of land resources and other agricultural products is also pervasive and is causing considerable destruction to the basic functionality of agriculture: sustainably providing food for humanity. We have thus concluded with the following recommendations: to enforce the idea of balance in managing biofuel production with natural resources; to take careful steps in implementing biofuel products in the market; and to guarantee the production of traditional food crops on arable lands.

==References==

<references/>

[[Category:Conservation]]

Documentation:Open Case Studies/CIVL 498A UBC Farm website

2017-05-24T00:47:57Z

JenniferMansour: /* Conclusion */

<big> Content in Context: UBC Farm Through a Sustainable Lens</big>

==Introduction==

U.S. President Barack Obama delivered a State of the Union Address stating that "No challenge -- no challenge -- poses a greater threat to future generations than climate change" <ref> Jeffery, Obama: Climate Change is the Biggest Threat, 2015. Retrieved on 2016-12-01 from http://www.cnsnews.com/blog/terence-p-jeffrey/obama-climate-change-greatest-threat </ref> . There is a plethora of scientific evidence to back up his claim, from rising sea levels, rising global temperatures, shrinking ice sheets, to increases in extreme weather events and ocean acidification <ref> NASA, Climate change: How do we know?, 2016. Retrieved on 2016-12-01 from http://climate.nasa.gov/evidence/ </ref>. Although it seems that the reality and seriousness of climate change is a truth (almost) universally acknowledged, solutions to the issue remain elusive. Despite huge leaps forward (a third of the countries in the EU have already reached the target of 20% renewables by 2020 set out by the European Commission <ref> European Commission, Renewable Energy: Moving towards a low carbon economy, 2016. Retrieved on 2016-12-01 from https://ec.europa.eu/energy/en/topics/renewable-energy</ref>), there have also been significant setbacks (Justin Trudeau recently approved the expansion of the Kinder Morgan pipeline through the Burnaby Mountain Conservation Area in Vancouver, B.C. <ref> Sheppard, Kinder Morgan pipeline approved by Justin Trudeau, 2016. Retrieved on 2016-12-01 from http://dailyhive.com/vancouver/kinder-morgan-pipeline-approved-burnaby-2016 </ref>) and more education for the public about climate change mitigation and prevention is required. This page attempts to fill this gap in public knowledge by presenting a way of looking at design problems that will allow for more innovation and incorporation of sustainable practices.

This page will use the University of British Columbia Farm as a case study to demonstrate sustainable design approaches, measures, and practices. The building industry currently contributes about 40% of greenhouse gases to the atmosphere globally. The ecosystem approach to sustainable design will be explored, using the Farm as the ecosystem in question. Next, various models used to describe ecosystems will be presented. Additionally, approaches and frameworks of sustainable design will be discussed as they pertain to the Farm. Finally, recommendations for a proposed development at the Farm will be made. This will give some concrete, specific examples of the application of sustainable practices and present some of the available green technology. It is our hope that this page provides a new way of looking at the built and natural environments that humans interact with every day, and reduces the barriers to incorporating sustainable practices in everyday life. <ref name="Stamatina"> Stamatina Th. Rassia, Panos M. Pardalos, sustainable environmental design, Springer, 2012. </ref> <ref name ="Sarte"> Sarte, S. Bry, Sustainable Infrastructure: The Guide to Green Engineering and Design. Wiley, 2010. </ref>

==The Ecosystem Approach==
===Looking at the UBC Farm as a Human Ecosystem===

When using the '''ecosystem approach''', it is necessary to look at the system we are trying to design or improve as a '''human ecosystem'''. When looking at a system through this lens, we are examining how a population of humans interact with the natural environment and the built environment around them. This examination may lead to previously undiscovered reliances or links between parties, and is crucial when designing with the ecosystem approach.

Below a very high level look at the UBC Farm is presented. In order to perform a more detailed analysis, the Inputs and Outputs would be expanded and broken down into specific categories. Many more links and reliances would become evident, and in some cases it would become clear that the Inputs actually depend on the Outputs, creating more of a circular structure than the graphic below suggests.

[[Image: Human Ecosystem Infographic 1.jpg|400pxl|centre]]

===Ecosystem Services Provided by the UBC Farm===

Now that we are thinking of the UBC Farm as an ecosystem, it is important to consider the '''ecosystem services''' it provides to the surrounding community. It is crucial to consider ecosystem services during any design project, especially one where the ecosystem in question will be altered or removed. Ecosystem services are any benefit provided by an ecosystem to humans. The following video gives a more detailed explanation of ecosystem services.

{{#widget:YouTube|id=N2whWWYSh6M|height=315|width=420|right}}

A high-level overview of the services provided by the UBC Farm is presented below. Only one example of a service from each category is presented, but it is important to remember that many services of each type are provided by the UBC Farm.

[[Image:Ecosystem Services Infographic.png‎|600px|centre]]

==Types of Models==
{{#widget:YouTube|id=9pV_iC6-8mA|height=315|width=420}}

===Common Overarching Goals===
The common overarching goals is a comprehensive list of guidelines employed by community planners and the stakeholders in the development of a community plan. Urban ecologies - such as the UBC Farm – remain stable and successful ecological systems due to collective agreements of the community and stakeholders alike. In fact, The UBC Vancouver Campus Plan acknowledges the importance of the UBC Farm as a unique research opportunity.
To further reinforce UBC as Canada’s most sustainable university and to distinguish UBC as a world leader in campus sustainability, UBC Farm adheres to the South Campus Academic Plan and is not subject to development of campus market housing.<ref>The University of British Columbia. Vancouver Campus Plan. Retrieved on 2016-11-10 from: http://planning.ubc.ca/vancouver/planning/policies-plans/land-use-governance-documents/vancouver-campus-plan</ref>

[[File:UBC Farm Wetland.jpg|180x250px|frame|UBC Farm Wetland]]

[[File:Conceptual Operation of Evapotranspiration within High-Tunnels.jpg|frame|Conceptual Operation of Evapotranspiration within High-Tunnels]]

[[File:Bee Colonies.jpg|180x250px|frame|UBC Farm Bee Colonies]]

===Cell Model===
The UBC Farm is a comprehensive ecological system made up of many individual aspects that work together to create a successful ecological system. The individual aspects can be observed as “cells”. The cell model can also be attributed to the UBC Farm’s motto of, “No one thing does just one thing”<ref>Centre for Sustainable Food Systems at UBC Farm. Integration. Retrieved on 2016-11-10 from: http://ubcfarm.ubc.ca/about/cultivating-place/integration/</ref>. A few examples include honey bee colonies, which pollinate many different species of cultivars located on the farm; high tunnel farming, which provide prolonged heating during colder weather found in late fall; and provide natural habitat for amphibious life, through the naturally-occurring wetland.

===High-Tunnel/Greenhouse Farming===
High-tunnel/Greenhouse farming is an effective way of prolonging the farming season when temperatures begin to lower. It is a natural method to utilize the self-heat in the form of convection, and requires no external energy. In addition, solar energy can also provide heat naturally during the colder season. However, there are potential improvements that may further reinforce the regenerative design concept.

===Conceptual Improvements: Evapotranspiration===

Evapotranspiration is a combination of water vapours transfer from the soil, and water vapour discharged from plants. Subsequently, the water vapours within the high-tunnel, from both soil and plant, can be collected when the water condenses on the surfaces of cooled pipes.

The design may potentially include a reservoir that collects rainwater. The pipes then carry the cooled water inside the high-tunnels. The water vapours from the plants and soil will then condense on the relatively cooler pipes, and that water can then be extracted. The pumps do not need to pressure the system, only to convey water between the high-tunnel and external reservoir; as a result, the power
required is expected to remain low. Photovoltaic cells can capture solar energy and provide power to the pumps.

===Fog Harvesting===
The UBC Farm is located right by the ocean, and is an ideal location to potentially take advantage of fog harvesting. The fog from the ocean can provide an additional source of water. Specially designed nets are able to capture the water droplets within the fog itself, and the captured water can be used for irrigation.

===Flow Models===
At the core of ecosystem thinking is the need to view ecosystems in terms of the relations of the various components that make up the ecosystem. Ecosystem thinking when applied to cities helps us envision cities as fully ecologically dependent and functioning systems. The various conceptual models shown below help us to see the inter dependencies of the various components in an ecosystem. Typically, these models help us to account for the mass, energy and information flows within the system and across the boundaries of the system <ref name="Sarte"/>.

====Black Box Model====
Being the simplest of the four conceptual models it helps us to envision the flows in and out of the system while keeping abstract the flows within the system <ref name="Sarte"/>. The black box model is often the starting point when conceptualising a system’s flows.
If the UBC farm were trying to track their water sustainability, they would start from this model. The first step would be to get a measure for the input water from all the sources. This would give an estimation of the overall water demand of the farm. A general overview of the farm's water usage such as this would give an idea of the magnitudes a water analysis of the UBC farm would involve. The Input water could be further broken down into more sustainable sources like rainwater that gets collected on the farm land and other sources like water form public water systems and groundwater. This would give an estimation of how the farm is doing with regards to utilising sustainable sources of water.

[[File:BLACKBOXMODEL.png|x200px|The Black Box Model]]

====Input/Output Model====
This is similar to the black box model except that it also accounts for the flows within the system. It gives us a good idea of the various interactions within the system without taking into account the quantity of the flows.
The amounts of nitrogen transformed from one form to another inside the wetland cannot be measured but the different chemical forms of nitrogen and total nitrogen can be measured in the input and output. This model would show that a significant amount of the element can escape to the atmosphere in the form of ammonium, gaseous nitrogen and nitrogen oxide. Below is an example of the Input/Output Model applied to the UBC Farm wetland.

[[File:INOUTMODEL.png|x200px|The Input/Output Model]]

====Generalised P-R Ecosystem Model====
This model aims to capture various aspects of a natural ecosystem like energy capture and transformation, mineral retention and cycling and rate regulation. The P-R in the model stands for “Production of Biomass” and “Respiration of the Community of species within the ecosystem” <ref name="Sarte"/>. It gives us an idea of the living organisms that exist within the system under consideration and how they interact with the environment.

[[File:PRMODEL.png|x400px|The Generalized P-R Model]]

====The Road-Map Model====
More specifically aimed at urban infrastructure this model helps us to understand the fluxes in a system; how much flows through within each of the components and how much is retained within the components <ref name="Sarte"/>. Below is a diagram that shows a road map model of the water flows inside a city.

[[File:ROADMAPMODEL.png|x200px|The Road Map Model]]

==Approaches and Frameworks==

===Frameworks===
To achieve sustainable targets, it is helpful to orient our thoughts and design processes. Listed are four frameworks that exist to centralize the idea of sustainable design. Rather than a mere portion of a scope, sustainability becomes the lens or the overarching objective on all fronts. These frameworks can be used individually or in combination, depending on the objectives of the design team.

====Framework 1: Pillars of Sustainability====
In this framework, five major categories have been established as a basis for sustainable development practices. An image that summarizes these pillars is seen on the right.

[[File:Pillars of Sustainability.png|thumb|Framework 1: Pillars of Sustainability|x300px]]

To apply these pillars, the following steps should be taken: 

1. Present the pillars to the design team. Teams should consider project outcomes, practices, and processes that fall into the five categories. The entire lifespan of the project should be taken into consideration; from construction to decommissioning. As these pillars are discussed and contextualized for the specific project, teams should familiarize and prioritize areas which can reduce harm or can contribute towards a positive effect on the environment. 
2. Specify strategies for courses of action which contribute to a positive effect on the environment. Breaking down the larger picture into steps allows teams to identify concrete targets, assign priorities, and specify interconnected parameters. 
3. Revisit and revise the pillars. Looking back encourages teams to refer back to the original targets. The process of updating makes room for improvement throughout all phases of the project - construction, operation and decommissioning. Refining the design often can significantly improve the level at which sustainable targets are met. Some information that cannot be available during the design phase is incredibly valuable. For example, the data collected while the building is in full operation can give feedback and provides facts on what is or is not working. The topic of collected or observed performance is further discussed in 4.2 Measures of Sustainable Design 

====Framework 2: The Scale-Density Framework====

As the name suggests, the framework interprets design by examining scale and density. A benefit to using this framework is having the insight into appropriate design responses. When you consider scale and density, discussion about scope and/or design requirements happen early on. It is particularly effective for implementing change because the scope can then be combined with the sustainable goals that the design team has set out. In the case of infrastructure, important questions such as unit size, number of units, proximity to structures that serve the same purpose all come from an understanding of scale and density. 

The principles within this framework are evident in our urban fabric here at UBC and is also seen in the greater Vancouver area. It is quite common that anyone living in an urban area walks along a street everyday. Whether that particular street is pedestrian friendly, cyclist friendly, or car friendly depends on the scale which it was designed for. Importance is placed on the notion of walkable cities scaled to pedestrians.<ref name="Nacto, Street Design Guide"> National Association of City Transportation Officials (2016) Urban Street Design Guide. Retrieved from http://nacto.org/publication/urban-street-design-guide/street-design-elements/sidewalks/ </ref> Spaces that are conducive to walking increase accessibility to services, build a stronger sense of community, and encourage green modes of transportation. Overall, these changes, which are informed by urban density and scale, have significant positive sustainable implications. 

[[File:Succession - Zones T1-T6.jpg|thumb|Visual of the T-Zones. A collection of informative Transect illustrations are available at http://transect.org/img_lib2.html|x500px]]

====Framework 3: The Transect Framework====

Transect means 'to cut or divide'.<ref> Center for Applied Transect Studies. (2013) The Transect. Retrieved from http://transect.org/transect.html</ref> This framework defines land use, and categorizes areas into six zones. As you move across the a region, one can expect to see a progression from zones 1 to 6. Even before these zones were suggested in industry, the built human ecosystem has exhibited these traits throughout history.

Andres Duany first developed this transect concept, and it now typically referred and exists as part of the SmartCode. The 'T Zones' are as follows: 

* T1 Natural Zone
* T2 Rural Zone
* T3 Sub-urban Zone
* T4 General Urban Zone
* T5 Urban Center Zone
* T6 Urban Core Zone

In addition to the six zones, there is recognition of spaces which do not fall under these categories. Such cases fall under the zone termed 'Special District'. These include mixed-use environments, industrial facilities, large institutions/campuses, or unique use. The advantage of using this framework is that a smaller set off options are distinguished as the optimal options. Designers working on sustainable developments continue to use this resource and add to the body of knowledge collected up to this point.

====Framework 4: The Built Form-Ecology Framework====
The basis of this framework is to focus on the interactions that exist between the human-made and the naturally occurring systems. It is important, when using the Built Form-Ecology Framework, to establish an understanding of how interconnected these two can be. Our decisions have greatly altered the natural environment, to create widely dense, all consuming, and ambitious urban developments. There are very few cities which took with stance so strongly and have been able to implement it fully. As a whole, the main goal of this framework is to contribute and make positive change towards the environment when we are carrying on with what is known and somewhat routine in industry. This type of change handles sustainability quite head on because it directly suggests that we replace harmful habits and lifestyles to fit what is needed by the earth. It is certainly applicable and relevant to projects which are adjacent to natural areas. The concept is closely linked with regenerative design, which is discussed further in Section 4.3. Additionally, a thorough study of eco-system services would be beneficial when using Framework 4. This topic of eco-system services is in Section 2 Human Ecosystems.

====UBC Farm; Fitting Frameworks====

'''Framework 1: Pillars of Sustainability '''
To make use of this framework, it is important to be able to define and recognize aspects of the farm that fall within each pillar. The following is a list of questions that are within the scope of the given category.

Water - How does the farm manage their water? [What does] acquiring, reusing, collecting, disposing look like on the farm? How does the irrigation system work? How effective is the signage about irrigation? See the image on the right. 
[[File:Irrigation Signage.JPG|thumb|There is clear signage around the site to mark irrigation pits.|x250px]]

Energy - What are the common practices on the farm in terms of energy consumption? Has UBC farm retrofitted or updated inefficient places/machinery? 
[[File:Aerial view. UBC Farm.png|thumb|UBC Farm - Satellite aerial view|x250px]]

Materials - What types of soil are present? What remediation efforts have taken place to increase fertility? Which are native to the area? Which have been introduced? How is the water quality and chemical composition? How do the farm address contaminants? What is the size of a typical rain event and how does it impact the moisture of soil? 

Ecology - Describe the historical profile of the area and comment on previous uses of the land. How conducive is the location of the farm in relation to the sustainable targets? What is the effect of being adjacent to Pacific Spirit Park? 

Community - What community based programs are available? What is offered for/within academics institutions? [Ie. Elementary school programs, high school, and university level courses] 

'''Framework 2: The Scale-Density Framework '''
Project proposals for the UBC Farm can use the second framework to identify appropriate solutions for the size and needs of the farm. The farm covers 24 hectares of south campus. On site, the farm has a number of features including a 300 cubic meter composting facility, multiple areas for growing produce, and space for free range poultry. Making changes to improve the impact on the environment would be unique to the scale and density of UBC Farm. Sustainably sound practices on the farm would surely look different when compared to a community garden, as well as an industrial sized farm.

'''Framework 3: The Transect Framework '''
Since the farm is flanked by the University and Pacific Spirit Park, the Transect Framework can give insight into how best to manage the space allotted to them. Use of this framework can also aid the effectiveness of transitional zones. By clearly assigning zones, the typical gradient can be used to its full potential.

'''Framework 4: The Built Form-Ecology Framework '''
Currently, the farm does not have a lot of buildings.The built-form refers to the acreage and how it is managed. Future developments pose an interested design opportunity. Since they can start from the drawing board, cutting edge regenerative designs may be feasibly.

===Measures of Sustainable Design===

It is important to have specific methods of evaluating and observing designs which are already active because of the constant push/need for improvement in this area. These measures are helpful to the direct design team. But in addition to that, data collected adds to the body of knowledge surrounding environmental practices. Critical analysis, quantitative data, and qualitative evaluations are a few among many ways to assess whether our strategies are working or not. 
For measuring the effectiveness of sustainable design, the American Institute of Architects Committee on the Environment (AIA/COTE) developed the following ten measure: 
# Design and Innovation
# Regional community design
# Land use and site ecology
# Bioclimatic design
# Light and air
# Water cycle
# Energy flows and future energy
# Materials and construction
# Long life, loose fit
# Collective wisdom and feedback loops

===Regenerative Design===
Sustainable design has always promoted the idea that we as individuals and as global citizens can reduce and minimize our impacts on the environment. Along the same lines, regenerative design challenges us further by stating our ability to make positive contributions to the natural environment in a restorative fashion. Rather than simply doing 'less bad' to ecosystems and habitats, regenerative design asks that we consider how we can improve and really 'do good' for the environment.

The following steps are recommended when aiming to incorporate regenerative design:
# Ideology and Values - To begin understanding regenerative design, it is helpful to have a deeper knowledge of underlying frameworks, approaches, and green designs. To see significant changes in society, we need to collectively shift towards having an appreciation for natural systems and processes.
# Approaches - At this stage, all the parties who are involved with the design collect and discuss different approaches. In picking an approach, teams must consider site specific constraints, client defined requirements, and access to sustainable technology/resources, among other things. It is preferred that all parties which are invested or who are affected by the project give input into design. Creating interdisciplinary design teams is one way to try and incorporate different backgrounds and expertise. Parties involved can range from technical professionals, to skilled trades workers, owners, and community members. Involvement takes many forms, including technical work, experiential information, and opinions via public consultation.
# Planning for the Future - As work happens in the first two steps, a lot can be gained for future designs. Regenerative design can progress if efforts are made to examine and improve what is known so far.

==Approaches and Frameworks: Layering Perspectives==

The original version of this case study was written from the perspective of a civil engineer. In this section we invite those with differing perspectives to offer insights into other ways of thinking about and applying different frameworks to issues of sustainability at UBC Farm.
This might include contributions from:
* Economics
* Forestry
* Conservation
* Biology
* History
* Law

==Future Developments==
===Introductions to the New Developments on the Farm===

The UBC Farm is working toward replacing some of the existing infrastructure currently used for classrooms and offices. The Farm is currently using buildings on the Farm which are not meeting the demands. The 'New Farm Centre' is aiming to meet the learning and research needs of current and future students, faculty, staff and visitors. In terms of the Farm's core programming the new building will be used for:
* Flexible learning spaces
* Field Laboratory space
* Research and administrative office space
* Small-scale pilot food processing facility
* Suites for resident staff caretakers
* Lobby, washroom, and other essentials
The new Farm Centre will also, be incorporating the Residential College. This aims to support an immersive sustainability-themed academic experience while also, contributing to UBC's student housing goals.The residential college will typically be for upper-level undergraduate, graduate students and visiting scholars within multiple disciplines engaged in sustainability. Overall, the building itself aims to get LEED Platinum and minimize the footprint while also demonstrating the preservation of the farmland.

The new developments are still in the approval process so the details have not been confirmed. The aim of this section is to take the concepts discussed above and apply them to the new buildings to help improve the built environment while maintaining the natural surrounding environment. The main goals can be outlined as follows:
# Improve the quality of water, air and soil
# Improve energy savings
# Improve the reduction of stormwater runoff and carbon emissions
# Improve the aesthetic of the built environment

===Considerations and Recommendations===

In order to achieve the sustainability goals, there are 4 main management areas that need to be considered.

# Energy Management
# Water Management
# Material or Mass Management
# Land Management

====Energy Management====
Building energy is one of the largest energy consumers in the world including embodied energy and energy use. In order to increase the sustainability of the energy use within a building, two approaches should be made. One is to reduce the unnecessary use of energy and the other is to maximize the efficiency of the energy use. When determining the best way to do this, it is important to consider the general operations of the building and the daily function and habits of the people within the building. Since the UBC Farm Centre and Residential College will have many different purpose, there will be a wide range of energy needs. This may make sustainable energy management more difficult but it also makes it more important to consider.

When designing an energy system of a building, it is important first consider any passive strategies to improve energy use before considering active strategies. Here are some examples of both active and passive strategies:

[[File:Active & passive strategies.png|x600px|centre]]
<ref name="Sarte"/> <ref name="Stamatina"/>

Next, looking at ways to incorporate the use of clean energy should be considered. Since the new Farm Centre may end up having high energy needs, it will be important to consider producing some clean energy onsite. Here are some of the options that could be looked at:

[[File:Clean energy options.png|x700px|centre]]
<ref name="Sarte"/> <ref name="Stamatina"/>

Here is a summary of some of the strategies that should be considered:<ref name="Sarte"/> <ref name="Stamatina"/>
# Minimize building energy use
# Building envelope to reduce heat loss
# Improving efficiency of the building systems including heating, ventilation, air conditioning systems, electrical systems
# Reducing building energy demand
# Using efficient building equipment at the time of construction
# Increase renewable energy use
# Use the roof space for sites for renewable energy generation
# Increase building renewable energy supply
# On-site renewable energy generation

====Water Management====

Water management is one of the 4 main areas that need to be considered for sustainable infrastructure. The following will demonstrate some of the ways that minimizing the consumption of potable water can be done. As well as some concrete examples that the Farm could implement.

[[File:Infographic- Water Management- add to website.jpeg‎|600px|centre]]

====Material or Mass Management====

Both site planning and sustainable materials are important to consider when determining the material management plan for any new development. All stages of the building process needs to be incorporated to ensure maximum sustainability can be achieved. Each stage will have specific considerations that might be beneficial for the Farm to look into for the new Farm Centre and Residential College.

[[File:Material or Mass Management.jpeg|x2000px|centre]]
<ref name="Sarte"/> <ref name="Stamatina"/>

====Land Management====

Since the UBC Farm's land is one of their most valuable resources for the Farm's learning programs, sources of income and many other purposes. Minimzing the effect of the new development on the land should be considered. Here are some aspects to considered for land management:

[[File:UBC Farm picture.jpg|frame|x200px|UBC Farm|centre]]

Nature Conservation and Biodiversity Management

To maximize the conservation of the natural farm land, it would be important to reduce the footprint of the building. This may require the new development to be more than one story, depending. During construction, ensuring the movement of materials and people does not disturb the land surrounding the building is important. To counter act any negative effects that may occur due to construction, it should be planned to replace any green life that may be harmed. Since the UBC Farm has a unique variation of plants and trees around the land, it is important to maintain this unique diversity that can be used for learning.

Green Space

Incorporating green space into the built environment will reduce the impact of the building on the surrounding land. This will allow for opportunities to include trees and plants which may of been harmed during construction. As well, adding more green space will help capture the rain and runoff from adding impervious surfaces on an area. Adding green life will allow the water to be absorbed into the ground reducing the impact runoff or pooling of water could have on the land. Incorporating green space into the building could also, provide some learning opportunities for the students, staff and community who use the Farm, while also improving the sustainability of the building.

====Building a Sustainable Inside Environment====

Through the application of the management areas, a healthy and sustainable inside environment can be made. Here are some examples of how these concepts can be incorporated into the new Farm development.

[[File:Inside Environment.JPG‎|400px|right|]] <ref name="Sarte"/> <ref name="Stamatina"/>
=====Air Quality and Human Health=====
One of the main ways to maintain the quality of air is ensure the building has proper ventilation. To reduce the energy used for ventilation, natural or passive ventilation systems can be used. Putting more ducts, doors and operable windows in allows for more opportunities for air flow, especially with the more occupants of the buildings. This would be a good idea to incorporate into the Farm Centre and residential building because this is probably where the most occupants will be entering and leaving. Night-Purge ventilation which is when the windows stay closed during the day and are opened at night. This could be used to maintain the air quality in the office or work spaces.
Cross-ventilation can be used to move air through the smaller spaces. Allowing a large atrium like room to draw the air from the rest of the building to an exhaust which could be through the roof. If the Farm Centre has a larger atrium like entrance would allow the opportunity to include cross-ventilation in the design of the Farm Centre.
A combination of passive and mechanical and passive ventilation may also be considered if passive ventilation is not adequate. The important thing is to stay away from solely mechanical ventilation system which requires a large portion of the building energy.

=====Lighting=====
Maximizing the use of solar lighting is an important part of designing a healthy sustainable environment inside a building. Having high vertical windows, roof lights and daylight guiding systems will allow the light to penetrate deeper in the building which would reduce the need to artificial light. Incorporating a living wall would provide glare control as well as heat gain especially on the western facade. This would allow to reduce the energy needed to heat the building and help create an comfortable environment when using the daylight.
There will be the need for some artificial light at night especially in the resident rooms and work areas. Using efficient light bulbs and adding in dimming and motion sensors can reduce the use of unnecessary energy.

=====Acoustics=====
Acoustics are important to consider in the classrooms, work areas and within the Farm Centre Lobby. Using sound absorbing materials, oscillating panels closing the cavities and resonators are all options which could be used to improve the acoustics within the building.

==Future Developments: Layering Perspectives==
The original version of this case study was written from the perspective of a civil engineer. In this section we invite those with differing perspectives to offer insights into other possible future developments at UBC Farm. This might include contributions from:
*Economics
*Forestry
*Conservation
*Biology
*History
*Law

==Recommendations==

Although climate change can sometimes feel like an insurmountable problem, there are many ways, both large and small, that we can all make a difference. It is our hope that this page has provided some illumination with regard to the built environment and civil engineering projects on methods that can impart real change in our communities. First and foremost, a shift in how design problems are viewed is required. Using the '''ecosystem approach''', engineers can begin to look at design projects with respect to how they interact with the ecosystem they are a part of. Various models may be used to fully understand and explore the systems within and around these ecosystems. Frameworks for design are a useful tool to guide this process, and it is essential to measure and track progress as it is made. Using this approach, sustainable design considerations will be implemented as much as is possible.

Now that a greater understanding of the guiding principles has been achieved, how can we apply these practices in our workplaces, schools, or any other situation? There are a few barriers to sustainable development that must be considered.

1. The Rebound Effect

When sustainable technology has been implemented, people tend to forget their sustainable habits as the problem has been "solved". For example, after the installation of energy saving LED lights, people may not be as diligent as before about keeping lights off whenever possible.

2. Supply Chain Characteristics

Development tends to be divided into distinct phases: planning, designing, construction, operation, maintenance, and deconstruction, with different parties being responsible for each phase. The problem that arises from this system is that it becomes very easy for each party to blame a different phase for failing to address sustainability.

3. Perceptions of Cost and Benefits

There is a persisting public perception that sustainability is expensive. Stakeholders often over-estimate the cost and under-estimate the benefits of sustainable practices.

4. Risk Adverse Attitudes

Due to a combination of liability issues and a lack of funding for research and development, innovation in the development industry is very rare. It is extremely difficult for cutting-edge technology to compete with tried and tested techniques that have proven to be safe and effective (no matter how out of date and inefficient they may be).

One of the ways to overcome these barriers is the integrative design process. This process involves all of the stakeholders from a project coming together to work on every phase of the project life cycle. It also involves consulting with multiple experts from various fields on every aspect of the design. The integrative design process increases trust between stakeholders and ensures that the entire team is working together towards the same goals. It also eliminates the supply chain characteristic barrier previously discussed. A number of technologies are available to aid teams that are attempting to transition to the integrative design process, including Business Intelligence software, social software, and the Analytic Hierarchy Process.

A shift in typical approaches to leadership is also required for sustainability. The following strategies can aid leaders in developing leaders in sustainable development:

1. Creating space for observation which helps learners’ self-awareness
2. Promote reflective practices and reflective learning activities
3. Exploring ecological and diverse perspectives
4. Understanding leadership from a living processes model (which highlights ecological
principals, design and interconnectedness)
5. Strengthening a learners’ sense of community and connectedness
6. Creating environments of collaboration instead of competition
7. Building trust
8. Adaptive leadership, which is about change than enables capacity to thrive

It is our hope that the Farm will be able to integrate some of these practices into their future developments. We hope that we have provided sufficient tools and resources to accomplish this. Additionally, we hope that this page has helped to fill the public knowledge gap on sustainable design and technologies.

==Recommendations: Layering Perspectives==
The original version of this case study was written from the perspective of a civil engineer. In this section we invite those with differing perspectives to offer insights into other recommendations for UBC Farm. This might include contributions from:
*Economics
*Forestry
*Conservation
*Biology
*History
*Law

==References==
<references/>

[[Category: CIVL498]]

Documentation:Open Case Studies/CIVL 498A UBC Farm website

2017-05-24T00:45:09Z

JenniferMansour: /* Future Developments */

<big> Content in Context: UBC Farm Through a Sustainable Lens</big>

==Introduction==

U.S. President Barack Obama delivered a State of the Union Address stating that "No challenge -- no challenge -- poses a greater threat to future generations than climate change" <ref> Jeffery, Obama: Climate Change is the Biggest Threat, 2015. Retrieved on 2016-12-01 from http://www.cnsnews.com/blog/terence-p-jeffrey/obama-climate-change-greatest-threat </ref> . There is a plethora of scientific evidence to back up his claim, from rising sea levels, rising global temperatures, shrinking ice sheets, to increases in extreme weather events and ocean acidification <ref> NASA, Climate change: How do we know?, 2016. Retrieved on 2016-12-01 from http://climate.nasa.gov/evidence/ </ref>. Although it seems that the reality and seriousness of climate change is a truth (almost) universally acknowledged, solutions to the issue remain elusive. Despite huge leaps forward (a third of the countries in the EU have already reached the target of 20% renewables by 2020 set out by the European Commission <ref> European Commission, Renewable Energy: Moving towards a low carbon economy, 2016. Retrieved on 2016-12-01 from https://ec.europa.eu/energy/en/topics/renewable-energy</ref>), there have also been significant setbacks (Justin Trudeau recently approved the expansion of the Kinder Morgan pipeline through the Burnaby Mountain Conservation Area in Vancouver, B.C. <ref> Sheppard, Kinder Morgan pipeline approved by Justin Trudeau, 2016. Retrieved on 2016-12-01 from http://dailyhive.com/vancouver/kinder-morgan-pipeline-approved-burnaby-2016 </ref>) and more education for the public about climate change mitigation and prevention is required. This page attempts to fill this gap in public knowledge by presenting a way of looking at design problems that will allow for more innovation and incorporation of sustainable practices.

This page will use the University of British Columbia Farm as a case study to demonstrate sustainable design approaches, measures, and practices. The building industry currently contributes about 40% of greenhouse gases to the atmosphere globally. The ecosystem approach to sustainable design will be explored, using the Farm as the ecosystem in question. Next, various models used to describe ecosystems will be presented. Additionally, approaches and frameworks of sustainable design will be discussed as they pertain to the Farm. Finally, recommendations for a proposed development at the Farm will be made. This will give some concrete, specific examples of the application of sustainable practices and present some of the available green technology. It is our hope that this page provides a new way of looking at the built and natural environments that humans interact with every day, and reduces the barriers to incorporating sustainable practices in everyday life. <ref name="Stamatina"> Stamatina Th. Rassia, Panos M. Pardalos, sustainable environmental design, Springer, 2012. </ref> <ref name ="Sarte"> Sarte, S. Bry, Sustainable Infrastructure: The Guide to Green Engineering and Design. Wiley, 2010. </ref>

==The Ecosystem Approach==
===Looking at the UBC Farm as a Human Ecosystem===

When using the '''ecosystem approach''', it is necessary to look at the system we are trying to design or improve as a '''human ecosystem'''. When looking at a system through this lens, we are examining how a population of humans interact with the natural environment and the built environment around them. This examination may lead to previously undiscovered reliances or links between parties, and is crucial when designing with the ecosystem approach.

Below a very high level look at the UBC Farm is presented. In order to perform a more detailed analysis, the Inputs and Outputs would be expanded and broken down into specific categories. Many more links and reliances would become evident, and in some cases it would become clear that the Inputs actually depend on the Outputs, creating more of a circular structure than the graphic below suggests.

[[Image: Human Ecosystem Infographic 1.jpg|400pxl|centre]]

===Ecosystem Services Provided by the UBC Farm===

Now that we are thinking of the UBC Farm as an ecosystem, it is important to consider the '''ecosystem services''' it provides to the surrounding community. It is crucial to consider ecosystem services during any design project, especially one where the ecosystem in question will be altered or removed. Ecosystem services are any benefit provided by an ecosystem to humans. The following video gives a more detailed explanation of ecosystem services.

{{#widget:YouTube|id=N2whWWYSh6M|height=315|width=420|right}}

A high-level overview of the services provided by the UBC Farm is presented below. Only one example of a service from each category is presented, but it is important to remember that many services of each type are provided by the UBC Farm.

[[Image:Ecosystem Services Infographic.png‎|600px|centre]]

==Types of Models==
{{#widget:YouTube|id=9pV_iC6-8mA|height=315|width=420}}

===Common Overarching Goals===
The common overarching goals is a comprehensive list of guidelines employed by community planners and the stakeholders in the development of a community plan. Urban ecologies - such as the UBC Farm – remain stable and successful ecological systems due to collective agreements of the community and stakeholders alike. In fact, The UBC Vancouver Campus Plan acknowledges the importance of the UBC Farm as a unique research opportunity.
To further reinforce UBC as Canada’s most sustainable university and to distinguish UBC as a world leader in campus sustainability, UBC Farm adheres to the South Campus Academic Plan and is not subject to development of campus market housing.<ref>The University of British Columbia. Vancouver Campus Plan. Retrieved on 2016-11-10 from: http://planning.ubc.ca/vancouver/planning/policies-plans/land-use-governance-documents/vancouver-campus-plan</ref>

[[File:UBC Farm Wetland.jpg|180x250px|frame|UBC Farm Wetland]]

[[File:Conceptual Operation of Evapotranspiration within High-Tunnels.jpg|frame|Conceptual Operation of Evapotranspiration within High-Tunnels]]

[[File:Bee Colonies.jpg|180x250px|frame|UBC Farm Bee Colonies]]

===Cell Model===
The UBC Farm is a comprehensive ecological system made up of many individual aspects that work together to create a successful ecological system. The individual aspects can be observed as “cells”. The cell model can also be attributed to the UBC Farm’s motto of, “No one thing does just one thing”<ref>Centre for Sustainable Food Systems at UBC Farm. Integration. Retrieved on 2016-11-10 from: http://ubcfarm.ubc.ca/about/cultivating-place/integration/</ref>. A few examples include honey bee colonies, which pollinate many different species of cultivars located on the farm; high tunnel farming, which provide prolonged heating during colder weather found in late fall; and provide natural habitat for amphibious life, through the naturally-occurring wetland.

===High-Tunnel/Greenhouse Farming===
High-tunnel/Greenhouse farming is an effective way of prolonging the farming season when temperatures begin to lower. It is a natural method to utilize the self-heat in the form of convection, and requires no external energy. In addition, solar energy can also provide heat naturally during the colder season. However, there are potential improvements that may further reinforce the regenerative design concept.

===Conceptual Improvements: Evapotranspiration===

Evapotranspiration is a combination of water vapours transfer from the soil, and water vapour discharged from plants. Subsequently, the water vapours within the high-tunnel, from both soil and plant, can be collected when the water condenses on the surfaces of cooled pipes.

The design may potentially include a reservoir that collects rainwater. The pipes then carry the cooled water inside the high-tunnels. The water vapours from the plants and soil will then condense on the relatively cooler pipes, and that water can then be extracted. The pumps do not need to pressure the system, only to convey water between the high-tunnel and external reservoir; as a result, the power
required is expected to remain low. Photovoltaic cells can capture solar energy and provide power to the pumps.

===Fog Harvesting===
The UBC Farm is located right by the ocean, and is an ideal location to potentially take advantage of fog harvesting. The fog from the ocean can provide an additional source of water. Specially designed nets are able to capture the water droplets within the fog itself, and the captured water can be used for irrigation.

===Flow Models===
At the core of ecosystem thinking is the need to view ecosystems in terms of the relations of the various components that make up the ecosystem. Ecosystem thinking when applied to cities helps us envision cities as fully ecologically dependent and functioning systems. The various conceptual models shown below help us to see the inter dependencies of the various components in an ecosystem. Typically, these models help us to account for the mass, energy and information flows within the system and across the boundaries of the system <ref name="Sarte"/>.

====Black Box Model====
Being the simplest of the four conceptual models it helps us to envision the flows in and out of the system while keeping abstract the flows within the system <ref name="Sarte"/>. The black box model is often the starting point when conceptualising a system’s flows.
If the UBC farm were trying to track their water sustainability, they would start from this model. The first step would be to get a measure for the input water from all the sources. This would give an estimation of the overall water demand of the farm. A general overview of the farm's water usage such as this would give an idea of the magnitudes a water analysis of the UBC farm would involve. The Input water could be further broken down into more sustainable sources like rainwater that gets collected on the farm land and other sources like water form public water systems and groundwater. This would give an estimation of how the farm is doing with regards to utilising sustainable sources of water.

[[File:BLACKBOXMODEL.png|x200px|The Black Box Model]]

====Input/Output Model====
This is similar to the black box model except that it also accounts for the flows within the system. It gives us a good idea of the various interactions within the system without taking into account the quantity of the flows.
The amounts of nitrogen transformed from one form to another inside the wetland cannot be measured but the different chemical forms of nitrogen and total nitrogen can be measured in the input and output. This model would show that a significant amount of the element can escape to the atmosphere in the form of ammonium, gaseous nitrogen and nitrogen oxide. Below is an example of the Input/Output Model applied to the UBC Farm wetland.

[[File:INOUTMODEL.png|x200px|The Input/Output Model]]

====Generalised P-R Ecosystem Model====
This model aims to capture various aspects of a natural ecosystem like energy capture and transformation, mineral retention and cycling and rate regulation. The P-R in the model stands for “Production of Biomass” and “Respiration of the Community of species within the ecosystem” <ref name="Sarte"/>. It gives us an idea of the living organisms that exist within the system under consideration and how they interact with the environment.

[[File:PRMODEL.png|x400px|The Generalized P-R Model]]

====The Road-Map Model====
More specifically aimed at urban infrastructure this model helps us to understand the fluxes in a system; how much flows through within each of the components and how much is retained within the components <ref name="Sarte"/>. Below is a diagram that shows a road map model of the water flows inside a city.

[[File:ROADMAPMODEL.png|x200px|The Road Map Model]]

==Approaches and Frameworks==

===Frameworks===
To achieve sustainable targets, it is helpful to orient our thoughts and design processes. Listed are four frameworks that exist to centralize the idea of sustainable design. Rather than a mere portion of a scope, sustainability becomes the lens or the overarching objective on all fronts. These frameworks can be used individually or in combination, depending on the objectives of the design team.

====Framework 1: Pillars of Sustainability====
In this framework, five major categories have been established as a basis for sustainable development practices. An image that summarizes these pillars is seen on the right.

[[File:Pillars of Sustainability.png|thumb|Framework 1: Pillars of Sustainability|x300px]]

To apply these pillars, the following steps should be taken: 

1. Present the pillars to the design team. Teams should consider project outcomes, practices, and processes that fall into the five categories. The entire lifespan of the project should be taken into consideration; from construction to decommissioning. As these pillars are discussed and contextualized for the specific project, teams should familiarize and prioritize areas which can reduce harm or can contribute towards a positive effect on the environment. 
2. Specify strategies for courses of action which contribute to a positive effect on the environment. Breaking down the larger picture into steps allows teams to identify concrete targets, assign priorities, and specify interconnected parameters. 
3. Revisit and revise the pillars. Looking back encourages teams to refer back to the original targets. The process of updating makes room for improvement throughout all phases of the project - construction, operation and decommissioning. Refining the design often can significantly improve the level at which sustainable targets are met. Some information that cannot be available during the design phase is incredibly valuable. For example, the data collected while the building is in full operation can give feedback and provides facts on what is or is not working. The topic of collected or observed performance is further discussed in 4.2 Measures of Sustainable Design 

====Framework 2: The Scale-Density Framework====

As the name suggests, the framework interprets design by examining scale and density. A benefit to using this framework is having the insight into appropriate design responses. When you consider scale and density, discussion about scope and/or design requirements happen early on. It is particularly effective for implementing change because the scope can then be combined with the sustainable goals that the design team has set out. In the case of infrastructure, important questions such as unit size, number of units, proximity to structures that serve the same purpose all come from an understanding of scale and density. 

The principles within this framework are evident in our urban fabric here at UBC and is also seen in the greater Vancouver area. It is quite common that anyone living in an urban area walks along a street everyday. Whether that particular street is pedestrian friendly, cyclist friendly, or car friendly depends on the scale which it was designed for. Importance is placed on the notion of walkable cities scaled to pedestrians.<ref name="Nacto, Street Design Guide"> National Association of City Transportation Officials (2016) Urban Street Design Guide. Retrieved from http://nacto.org/publication/urban-street-design-guide/street-design-elements/sidewalks/ </ref> Spaces that are conducive to walking increase accessibility to services, build a stronger sense of community, and encourage green modes of transportation. Overall, these changes, which are informed by urban density and scale, have significant positive sustainable implications. 

[[File:Succession - Zones T1-T6.jpg|thumb|Visual of the T-Zones. A collection of informative Transect illustrations are available at http://transect.org/img_lib2.html|x500px]]

====Framework 3: The Transect Framework====

Transect means 'to cut or divide'.<ref> Center for Applied Transect Studies. (2013) The Transect. Retrieved from http://transect.org/transect.html</ref> This framework defines land use, and categorizes areas into six zones. As you move across the a region, one can expect to see a progression from zones 1 to 6. Even before these zones were suggested in industry, the built human ecosystem has exhibited these traits throughout history.

Andres Duany first developed this transect concept, and it now typically referred and exists as part of the SmartCode. The 'T Zones' are as follows: 

* T1 Natural Zone
* T2 Rural Zone
* T3 Sub-urban Zone
* T4 General Urban Zone
* T5 Urban Center Zone
* T6 Urban Core Zone

In addition to the six zones, there is recognition of spaces which do not fall under these categories. Such cases fall under the zone termed 'Special District'. These include mixed-use environments, industrial facilities, large institutions/campuses, or unique use. The advantage of using this framework is that a smaller set off options are distinguished as the optimal options. Designers working on sustainable developments continue to use this resource and add to the body of knowledge collected up to this point.

====Framework 4: The Built Form-Ecology Framework====
The basis of this framework is to focus on the interactions that exist between the human-made and the naturally occurring systems. It is important, when using the Built Form-Ecology Framework, to establish an understanding of how interconnected these two can be. Our decisions have greatly altered the natural environment, to create widely dense, all consuming, and ambitious urban developments. There are very few cities which took with stance so strongly and have been able to implement it fully. As a whole, the main goal of this framework is to contribute and make positive change towards the environment when we are carrying on with what is known and somewhat routine in industry. This type of change handles sustainability quite head on because it directly suggests that we replace harmful habits and lifestyles to fit what is needed by the earth. It is certainly applicable and relevant to projects which are adjacent to natural areas. The concept is closely linked with regenerative design, which is discussed further in Section 4.3. Additionally, a thorough study of eco-system services would be beneficial when using Framework 4. This topic of eco-system services is in Section 2 Human Ecosystems.

====UBC Farm; Fitting Frameworks====

'''Framework 1: Pillars of Sustainability '''
To make use of this framework, it is important to be able to define and recognize aspects of the farm that fall within each pillar. The following is a list of questions that are within the scope of the given category.

Water - How does the farm manage their water? [What does] acquiring, reusing, collecting, disposing look like on the farm? How does the irrigation system work? How effective is the signage about irrigation? See the image on the right. 
[[File:Irrigation Signage.JPG|thumb|There is clear signage around the site to mark irrigation pits.|x250px]]

Energy - What are the common practices on the farm in terms of energy consumption? Has UBC farm retrofitted or updated inefficient places/machinery? 
[[File:Aerial view. UBC Farm.png|thumb|UBC Farm - Satellite aerial view|x250px]]

Materials - What types of soil are present? What remediation efforts have taken place to increase fertility? Which are native to the area? Which have been introduced? How is the water quality and chemical composition? How do the farm address contaminants? What is the size of a typical rain event and how does it impact the moisture of soil? 

Ecology - Describe the historical profile of the area and comment on previous uses of the land. How conducive is the location of the farm in relation to the sustainable targets? What is the effect of being adjacent to Pacific Spirit Park? 

Community - What community based programs are available? What is offered for/within academics institutions? [Ie. Elementary school programs, high school, and university level courses] 

'''Framework 2: The Scale-Density Framework '''
Project proposals for the UBC Farm can use the second framework to identify appropriate solutions for the size and needs of the farm. The farm covers 24 hectares of south campus. On site, the farm has a number of features including a 300 cubic meter composting facility, multiple areas for growing produce, and space for free range poultry. Making changes to improve the impact on the environment would be unique to the scale and density of UBC Farm. Sustainably sound practices on the farm would surely look different when compared to a community garden, as well as an industrial sized farm.

'''Framework 3: The Transect Framework '''
Since the farm is flanked by the University and Pacific Spirit Park, the Transect Framework can give insight into how best to manage the space allotted to them. Use of this framework can also aid the effectiveness of transitional zones. By clearly assigning zones, the typical gradient can be used to its full potential.

'''Framework 4: The Built Form-Ecology Framework '''
Currently, the farm does not have a lot of buildings.The built-form refers to the acreage and how it is managed. Future developments pose an interested design opportunity. Since they can start from the drawing board, cutting edge regenerative designs may be feasibly.

===Measures of Sustainable Design===

It is important to have specific methods of evaluating and observing designs which are already active because of the constant push/need for improvement in this area. These measures are helpful to the direct design team. But in addition to that, data collected adds to the body of knowledge surrounding environmental practices. Critical analysis, quantitative data, and qualitative evaluations are a few among many ways to assess whether our strategies are working or not. 
For measuring the effectiveness of sustainable design, the American Institute of Architects Committee on the Environment (AIA/COTE) developed the following ten measure: 
# Design and Innovation
# Regional community design
# Land use and site ecology
# Bioclimatic design
# Light and air
# Water cycle
# Energy flows and future energy
# Materials and construction
# Long life, loose fit
# Collective wisdom and feedback loops

===Regenerative Design===
Sustainable design has always promoted the idea that we as individuals and as global citizens can reduce and minimize our impacts on the environment. Along the same lines, regenerative design challenges us further by stating our ability to make positive contributions to the natural environment in a restorative fashion. Rather than simply doing 'less bad' to ecosystems and habitats, regenerative design asks that we consider how we can improve and really 'do good' for the environment.

The following steps are recommended when aiming to incorporate regenerative design:
# Ideology and Values - To begin understanding regenerative design, it is helpful to have a deeper knowledge of underlying frameworks, approaches, and green designs. To see significant changes in society, we need to collectively shift towards having an appreciation for natural systems and processes.
# Approaches - At this stage, all the parties who are involved with the design collect and discuss different approaches. In picking an approach, teams must consider site specific constraints, client defined requirements, and access to sustainable technology/resources, among other things. It is preferred that all parties which are invested or who are affected by the project give input into design. Creating interdisciplinary design teams is one way to try and incorporate different backgrounds and expertise. Parties involved can range from technical professionals, to skilled trades workers, owners, and community members. Involvement takes many forms, including technical work, experiential information, and opinions via public consultation.
# Planning for the Future - As work happens in the first two steps, a lot can be gained for future designs. Regenerative design can progress if efforts are made to examine and improve what is known so far.

==Approaches and Frameworks: Layering Perspectives==

The original version of this case study was written from the perspective of a civil engineer. In this section we invite those with differing perspectives to offer insights into other ways of thinking about and applying different frameworks to issues of sustainability at UBC Farm.
This might include contributions from:
* Economics
* Forestry
* Conservation
* Biology
* History
* Law

==Future Developments==
===Introductions to the New Developments on the Farm===

The UBC Farm is working toward replacing some of the existing infrastructure currently used for classrooms and offices. The Farm is currently using buildings on the Farm which are not meeting the demands. The 'New Farm Centre' is aiming to meet the learning and research needs of current and future students, faculty, staff and visitors. In terms of the Farm's core programming the new building will be used for:
* Flexible learning spaces
* Field Laboratory space
* Research and administrative office space
* Small-scale pilot food processing facility
* Suites for resident staff caretakers
* Lobby, washroom, and other essentials
The new Farm Centre will also, be incorporating the Residential College. This aims to support an immersive sustainability-themed academic experience while also, contributing to UBC's student housing goals.The residential college will typically be for upper-level undergraduate, graduate students and visiting scholars within multiple disciplines engaged in sustainability. Overall, the building itself aims to get LEED Platinum and minimize the footprint while also demonstrating the preservation of the farmland.

The new developments are still in the approval process so the details have not been confirmed. The aim of this section is to take the concepts discussed above and apply them to the new buildings to help improve the built environment while maintaining the natural surrounding environment. The main goals can be outlined as follows:
# Improve the quality of water, air and soil
# Improve energy savings
# Improve the reduction of stormwater runoff and carbon emissions
# Improve the aesthetic of the built environment

===Considerations and Recommendations===

In order to achieve the sustainability goals, there are 4 main management areas that need to be considered.

# Energy Management
# Water Management
# Material or Mass Management
# Land Management

====Energy Management====
Building energy is one of the largest energy consumers in the world including embodied energy and energy use. In order to increase the sustainability of the energy use within a building, two approaches should be made. One is to reduce the unnecessary use of energy and the other is to maximize the efficiency of the energy use. When determining the best way to do this, it is important to consider the general operations of the building and the daily function and habits of the people within the building. Since the UBC Farm Centre and Residential College will have many different purpose, there will be a wide range of energy needs. This may make sustainable energy management more difficult but it also makes it more important to consider.

When designing an energy system of a building, it is important first consider any passive strategies to improve energy use before considering active strategies. Here are some examples of both active and passive strategies:

[[File:Active & passive strategies.png|x600px|centre]]
<ref name="Sarte"/> <ref name="Stamatina"/>

Next, looking at ways to incorporate the use of clean energy should be considered. Since the new Farm Centre may end up having high energy needs, it will be important to consider producing some clean energy onsite. Here are some of the options that could be looked at:

[[File:Clean energy options.png|x700px|centre]]
<ref name="Sarte"/> <ref name="Stamatina"/>

Here is a summary of some of the strategies that should be considered:<ref name="Sarte"/> <ref name="Stamatina"/>
# Minimize building energy use
# Building envelope to reduce heat loss
# Improving efficiency of the building systems including heating, ventilation, air conditioning systems, electrical systems
# Reducing building energy demand
# Using efficient building equipment at the time of construction
# Increase renewable energy use
# Use the roof space for sites for renewable energy generation
# Increase building renewable energy supply
# On-site renewable energy generation

====Water Management====

Water management is one of the 4 main areas that need to be considered for sustainable infrastructure. The following will demonstrate some of the ways that minimizing the consumption of potable water can be done. As well as some concrete examples that the Farm could implement.

[[File:Infographic- Water Management- add to website.jpeg‎|600px|centre]]

====Material or Mass Management====

Both site planning and sustainable materials are important to consider when determining the material management plan for any new development. All stages of the building process needs to be incorporated to ensure maximum sustainability can be achieved. Each stage will have specific considerations that might be beneficial for the Farm to look into for the new Farm Centre and Residential College.

[[File:Material or Mass Management.jpeg|x2000px|centre]]
<ref name="Sarte"/> <ref name="Stamatina"/>

====Land Management====

Since the UBC Farm's land is one of their most valuable resources for the Farm's learning programs, sources of income and many other purposes. Minimzing the effect of the new development on the land should be considered. Here are some aspects to considered for land management:

[[File:UBC Farm picture.jpg|frame|x200px|UBC Farm|centre]]

Nature Conservation and Biodiversity Management

To maximize the conservation of the natural farm land, it would be important to reduce the footprint of the building. This may require the new development to be more than one story, depending. During construction, ensuring the movement of materials and people does not disturb the land surrounding the building is important. To counter act any negative effects that may occur due to construction, it should be planned to replace any green life that may be harmed. Since the UBC Farm has a unique variation of plants and trees around the land, it is important to maintain this unique diversity that can be used for learning.

Green Space

Incorporating green space into the built environment will reduce the impact of the building on the surrounding land. This will allow for opportunities to include trees and plants which may of been harmed during construction. As well, adding more green space will help capture the rain and runoff from adding impervious surfaces on an area. Adding green life will allow the water to be absorbed into the ground reducing the impact runoff or pooling of water could have on the land. Incorporating green space into the building could also, provide some learning opportunities for the students, staff and community who use the Farm, while also improving the sustainability of the building.

====Building a Sustainable Inside Environment====

Through the application of the management areas, a healthy and sustainable inside environment can be made. Here are some examples of how these concepts can be incorporated into the new Farm development.

[[File:Inside Environment.JPG‎|400px|right|]] <ref name="Sarte"/> <ref name="Stamatina"/>
=====Air Quality and Human Health=====
One of the main ways to maintain the quality of air is ensure the building has proper ventilation. To reduce the energy used for ventilation, natural or passive ventilation systems can be used. Putting more ducts, doors and operable windows in allows for more opportunities for air flow, especially with the more occupants of the buildings. This would be a good idea to incorporate into the Farm Centre and residential building because this is probably where the most occupants will be entering and leaving. Night-Purge ventilation which is when the windows stay closed during the day and are opened at night. This could be used to maintain the air quality in the office or work spaces.
Cross-ventilation can be used to move air through the smaller spaces. Allowing a large atrium like room to draw the air from the rest of the building to an exhaust which could be through the roof. If the Farm Centre has a larger atrium like entrance would allow the opportunity to include cross-ventilation in the design of the Farm Centre.
A combination of passive and mechanical and passive ventilation may also be considered if passive ventilation is not adequate. The important thing is to stay away from solely mechanical ventilation system which requires a large portion of the building energy.

=====Lighting=====
Maximizing the use of solar lighting is an important part of designing a healthy sustainable environment inside a building. Having high vertical windows, roof lights and daylight guiding systems will allow the light to penetrate deeper in the building which would reduce the need to artificial light. Incorporating a living wall would provide glare control as well as heat gain especially on the western facade. This would allow to reduce the energy needed to heat the building and help create an comfortable environment when using the daylight.
There will be the need for some artificial light at night especially in the resident rooms and work areas. Using efficient light bulbs and adding in dimming and motion sensors can reduce the use of unnecessary energy.

=====Acoustics=====
Acoustics are important to consider in the classrooms, work areas and within the Farm Centre Lobby. Using sound absorbing materials, oscillating panels closing the cavities and resonators are all options which could be used to improve the acoustics within the building.

==Future Developments: Layering Perspectives==
The original version of this case study was written from the perspective of a civil engineer. In this section we invite those with differing perspectives to offer insights into other possible future developments at UBC Farm. This might include contributions from:
*Economics
*Forestry
*Conservation
*Biology
*History
*Law

==Conclusion==

Although climate change can sometimes feel like an insurmountable problem, there are many ways, both large and small, that we can all make a difference. It is our hope that this page has provided some illumination with regard to the built environment and civil engineering projects on methods that can impart real change in our communities. First and foremost, a shift in how design problems are viewed is required. Using the '''ecosystem approach''', engineers can begin to look at design projects with respect to how they interact with the ecosystem they are a part of. Various models may be used to fully understand and explore the systems within and around these ecosystems. Frameworks for design are a useful tool to guide this process, and it is essential to measure and track progress as it is made. Using this approach, sustainable design considerations will be implemented as much as is possible.

Now that a greater understanding of the guiding principles has been achieved, how can we apply these practices in our workplaces, schools, or any other situation? There are a few barriers to sustainable development that must be considered.

1. The Rebound Effect

When sustainable technology has been implemented, people tend to forget their sustainable habits as the problem has been "solved". For example, after the installation of energy saving LED lights, people may not be as diligent as before about keeping lights off whenever possible.

2. Supply Chain Characteristics

Development tends to be divided into distinct phases: planning, designing, construction, operation, maintenance, and deconstruction, with different parties being responsible for each phase. The problem that arises from this system is that it becomes very easy for each party to blame a different phase for failing to address sustainability.

3. Perceptions of Cost and Benefits

There is a persisting public perception that sustainability is expensive. Stakeholders often over-estimate the cost and under-estimate the benefits of sustainable practices.

4. Risk Adverse Attitudes

Due to a combination of liability issues and a lack of funding for research and development, innovation in the development industry is very rare. It is extremely difficult for cutting-edge technology to compete with tried and tested techniques that have proven to be safe and effective (no matter how out of date and inefficient they may be).

One of the ways to overcome these barriers is the integrative design process. This process involves all of the stakeholders from a project coming together to work on every phase of the project life cycle. It also involves consulting with multiple experts from various fields on every aspect of the design. The integrative design process increases trust between stakeholders and ensures that the entire team is working together towards the same goals. It also eliminates the supply chain characteristic barrier previously discussed. A number of technologies are available to aid teams that are attempting to transition to the integrative design process, including Business Intelligence software, social software, and the Analytic Hierarchy Process.

A shift in typical approaches to leadership is also required for sustainability. The following strategies can aid leaders in developing leaders in sustainable development:

1. Creating space for observation which helps learners’ self-awareness
2. Promote reflective practices and reflective learning activities
3. Exploring ecological and diverse perspectives
4. Understanding leadership from a living processes model (which highlights ecological
principals, design and interconnectedness)
5. Strengthening a learners’ sense of community and connectedness
6. Creating environments of collaboration instead of competition
7. Building trust
8. Adaptive leadership, which is about change than enables capacity to thrive

It is our hope that the Farm will be able to integrate some of these practices into their future developments. We hope that we have provided sufficient tools and resources to accomplish this. Additionally, we hope that this page has helped to fill the public knowledge gap on sustainable design and technologies.

==References==
<references/>

[[Category: CIVL498]]

Documentation:Open Case Studies/CIVL 498A UBC Farm website

2017-05-24T00:41:54Z

JenniferMansour: /* Approaches and Frameworks */

<big> Content in Context: UBC Farm Through a Sustainable Lens</big>

==Introduction==

U.S. President Barack Obama delivered a State of the Union Address stating that "No challenge -- no challenge -- poses a greater threat to future generations than climate change" <ref> Jeffery, Obama: Climate Change is the Biggest Threat, 2015. Retrieved on 2016-12-01 from http://www.cnsnews.com/blog/terence-p-jeffrey/obama-climate-change-greatest-threat </ref> . There is a plethora of scientific evidence to back up his claim, from rising sea levels, rising global temperatures, shrinking ice sheets, to increases in extreme weather events and ocean acidification <ref> NASA, Climate change: How do we know?, 2016. Retrieved on 2016-12-01 from http://climate.nasa.gov/evidence/ </ref>. Although it seems that the reality and seriousness of climate change is a truth (almost) universally acknowledged, solutions to the issue remain elusive. Despite huge leaps forward (a third of the countries in the EU have already reached the target of 20% renewables by 2020 set out by the European Commission <ref> European Commission, Renewable Energy: Moving towards a low carbon economy, 2016. Retrieved on 2016-12-01 from https://ec.europa.eu/energy/en/topics/renewable-energy</ref>), there have also been significant setbacks (Justin Trudeau recently approved the expansion of the Kinder Morgan pipeline through the Burnaby Mountain Conservation Area in Vancouver, B.C. <ref> Sheppard, Kinder Morgan pipeline approved by Justin Trudeau, 2016. Retrieved on 2016-12-01 from http://dailyhive.com/vancouver/kinder-morgan-pipeline-approved-burnaby-2016 </ref>) and more education for the public about climate change mitigation and prevention is required. This page attempts to fill this gap in public knowledge by presenting a way of looking at design problems that will allow for more innovation and incorporation of sustainable practices.

This page will use the University of British Columbia Farm as a case study to demonstrate sustainable design approaches, measures, and practices. The building industry currently contributes about 40% of greenhouse gases to the atmosphere globally. The ecosystem approach to sustainable design will be explored, using the Farm as the ecosystem in question. Next, various models used to describe ecosystems will be presented. Additionally, approaches and frameworks of sustainable design will be discussed as they pertain to the Farm. Finally, recommendations for a proposed development at the Farm will be made. This will give some concrete, specific examples of the application of sustainable practices and present some of the available green technology. It is our hope that this page provides a new way of looking at the built and natural environments that humans interact with every day, and reduces the barriers to incorporating sustainable practices in everyday life. <ref name="Stamatina"> Stamatina Th. Rassia, Panos M. Pardalos, sustainable environmental design, Springer, 2012. </ref> <ref name ="Sarte"> Sarte, S. Bry, Sustainable Infrastructure: The Guide to Green Engineering and Design. Wiley, 2010. </ref>

==The Ecosystem Approach==
===Looking at the UBC Farm as a Human Ecosystem===

When using the '''ecosystem approach''', it is necessary to look at the system we are trying to design or improve as a '''human ecosystem'''. When looking at a system through this lens, we are examining how a population of humans interact with the natural environment and the built environment around them. This examination may lead to previously undiscovered reliances or links between parties, and is crucial when designing with the ecosystem approach.

Below a very high level look at the UBC Farm is presented. In order to perform a more detailed analysis, the Inputs and Outputs would be expanded and broken down into specific categories. Many more links and reliances would become evident, and in some cases it would become clear that the Inputs actually depend on the Outputs, creating more of a circular structure than the graphic below suggests.

[[Image: Human Ecosystem Infographic 1.jpg|400pxl|centre]]

===Ecosystem Services Provided by the UBC Farm===

Now that we are thinking of the UBC Farm as an ecosystem, it is important to consider the '''ecosystem services''' it provides to the surrounding community. It is crucial to consider ecosystem services during any design project, especially one where the ecosystem in question will be altered or removed. Ecosystem services are any benefit provided by an ecosystem to humans. The following video gives a more detailed explanation of ecosystem services.

{{#widget:YouTube|id=N2whWWYSh6M|height=315|width=420|right}}

A high-level overview of the services provided by the UBC Farm is presented below. Only one example of a service from each category is presented, but it is important to remember that many services of each type are provided by the UBC Farm.

[[Image:Ecosystem Services Infographic.png‎|600px|centre]]

==Types of Models==
{{#widget:YouTube|id=9pV_iC6-8mA|height=315|width=420}}

===Common Overarching Goals===
The common overarching goals is a comprehensive list of guidelines employed by community planners and the stakeholders in the development of a community plan. Urban ecologies - such as the UBC Farm – remain stable and successful ecological systems due to collective agreements of the community and stakeholders alike. In fact, The UBC Vancouver Campus Plan acknowledges the importance of the UBC Farm as a unique research opportunity.
To further reinforce UBC as Canada’s most sustainable university and to distinguish UBC as a world leader in campus sustainability, UBC Farm adheres to the South Campus Academic Plan and is not subject to development of campus market housing.<ref>The University of British Columbia. Vancouver Campus Plan. Retrieved on 2016-11-10 from: http://planning.ubc.ca/vancouver/planning/policies-plans/land-use-governance-documents/vancouver-campus-plan</ref>

[[File:UBC Farm Wetland.jpg|180x250px|frame|UBC Farm Wetland]]

[[File:Conceptual Operation of Evapotranspiration within High-Tunnels.jpg|frame|Conceptual Operation of Evapotranspiration within High-Tunnels]]

[[File:Bee Colonies.jpg|180x250px|frame|UBC Farm Bee Colonies]]

===Cell Model===
The UBC Farm is a comprehensive ecological system made up of many individual aspects that work together to create a successful ecological system. The individual aspects can be observed as “cells”. The cell model can also be attributed to the UBC Farm’s motto of, “No one thing does just one thing”<ref>Centre for Sustainable Food Systems at UBC Farm. Integration. Retrieved on 2016-11-10 from: http://ubcfarm.ubc.ca/about/cultivating-place/integration/</ref>. A few examples include honey bee colonies, which pollinate many different species of cultivars located on the farm; high tunnel farming, which provide prolonged heating during colder weather found in late fall; and provide natural habitat for amphibious life, through the naturally-occurring wetland.

===High-Tunnel/Greenhouse Farming===
High-tunnel/Greenhouse farming is an effective way of prolonging the farming season when temperatures begin to lower. It is a natural method to utilize the self-heat in the form of convection, and requires no external energy. In addition, solar energy can also provide heat naturally during the colder season. However, there are potential improvements that may further reinforce the regenerative design concept.

===Conceptual Improvements: Evapotranspiration===

Evapotranspiration is a combination of water vapours transfer from the soil, and water vapour discharged from plants. Subsequently, the water vapours within the high-tunnel, from both soil and plant, can be collected when the water condenses on the surfaces of cooled pipes.

The design may potentially include a reservoir that collects rainwater. The pipes then carry the cooled water inside the high-tunnels. The water vapours from the plants and soil will then condense on the relatively cooler pipes, and that water can then be extracted. The pumps do not need to pressure the system, only to convey water between the high-tunnel and external reservoir; as a result, the power
required is expected to remain low. Photovoltaic cells can capture solar energy and provide power to the pumps.

===Fog Harvesting===
The UBC Farm is located right by the ocean, and is an ideal location to potentially take advantage of fog harvesting. The fog from the ocean can provide an additional source of water. Specially designed nets are able to capture the water droplets within the fog itself, and the captured water can be used for irrigation.

===Flow Models===
At the core of ecosystem thinking is the need to view ecosystems in terms of the relations of the various components that make up the ecosystem. Ecosystem thinking when applied to cities helps us envision cities as fully ecologically dependent and functioning systems. The various conceptual models shown below help us to see the inter dependencies of the various components in an ecosystem. Typically, these models help us to account for the mass, energy and information flows within the system and across the boundaries of the system <ref name="Sarte"/>.

====Black Box Model====
Being the simplest of the four conceptual models it helps us to envision the flows in and out of the system while keeping abstract the flows within the system <ref name="Sarte"/>. The black box model is often the starting point when conceptualising a system’s flows.
If the UBC farm were trying to track their water sustainability, they would start from this model. The first step would be to get a measure for the input water from all the sources. This would give an estimation of the overall water demand of the farm. A general overview of the farm's water usage such as this would give an idea of the magnitudes a water analysis of the UBC farm would involve. The Input water could be further broken down into more sustainable sources like rainwater that gets collected on the farm land and other sources like water form public water systems and groundwater. This would give an estimation of how the farm is doing with regards to utilising sustainable sources of water.

[[File:BLACKBOXMODEL.png|x200px|The Black Box Model]]

====Input/Output Model====
This is similar to the black box model except that it also accounts for the flows within the system. It gives us a good idea of the various interactions within the system without taking into account the quantity of the flows.
The amounts of nitrogen transformed from one form to another inside the wetland cannot be measured but the different chemical forms of nitrogen and total nitrogen can be measured in the input and output. This model would show that a significant amount of the element can escape to the atmosphere in the form of ammonium, gaseous nitrogen and nitrogen oxide. Below is an example of the Input/Output Model applied to the UBC Farm wetland.

[[File:INOUTMODEL.png|x200px|The Input/Output Model]]

====Generalised P-R Ecosystem Model====
This model aims to capture various aspects of a natural ecosystem like energy capture and transformation, mineral retention and cycling and rate regulation. The P-R in the model stands for “Production of Biomass” and “Respiration of the Community of species within the ecosystem” <ref name="Sarte"/>. It gives us an idea of the living organisms that exist within the system under consideration and how they interact with the environment.

[[File:PRMODEL.png|x400px|The Generalized P-R Model]]

====The Road-Map Model====
More specifically aimed at urban infrastructure this model helps us to understand the fluxes in a system; how much flows through within each of the components and how much is retained within the components <ref name="Sarte"/>. Below is a diagram that shows a road map model of the water flows inside a city.

[[File:ROADMAPMODEL.png|x200px|The Road Map Model]]

==Approaches and Frameworks==

===Frameworks===
To achieve sustainable targets, it is helpful to orient our thoughts and design processes. Listed are four frameworks that exist to centralize the idea of sustainable design. Rather than a mere portion of a scope, sustainability becomes the lens or the overarching objective on all fronts. These frameworks can be used individually or in combination, depending on the objectives of the design team.

====Framework 1: Pillars of Sustainability====
In this framework, five major categories have been established as a basis for sustainable development practices. An image that summarizes these pillars is seen on the right.

[[File:Pillars of Sustainability.png|thumb|Framework 1: Pillars of Sustainability|x300px]]

To apply these pillars, the following steps should be taken: 

1. Present the pillars to the design team. Teams should consider project outcomes, practices, and processes that fall into the five categories. The entire lifespan of the project should be taken into consideration; from construction to decommissioning. As these pillars are discussed and contextualized for the specific project, teams should familiarize and prioritize areas which can reduce harm or can contribute towards a positive effect on the environment. 
2. Specify strategies for courses of action which contribute to a positive effect on the environment. Breaking down the larger picture into steps allows teams to identify concrete targets, assign priorities, and specify interconnected parameters. 
3. Revisit and revise the pillars. Looking back encourages teams to refer back to the original targets. The process of updating makes room for improvement throughout all phases of the project - construction, operation and decommissioning. Refining the design often can significantly improve the level at which sustainable targets are met. Some information that cannot be available during the design phase is incredibly valuable. For example, the data collected while the building is in full operation can give feedback and provides facts on what is or is not working. The topic of collected or observed performance is further discussed in 4.2 Measures of Sustainable Design 

====Framework 2: The Scale-Density Framework====

As the name suggests, the framework interprets design by examining scale and density. A benefit to using this framework is having the insight into appropriate design responses. When you consider scale and density, discussion about scope and/or design requirements happen early on. It is particularly effective for implementing change because the scope can then be combined with the sustainable goals that the design team has set out. In the case of infrastructure, important questions such as unit size, number of units, proximity to structures that serve the same purpose all come from an understanding of scale and density. 

The principles within this framework are evident in our urban fabric here at UBC and is also seen in the greater Vancouver area. It is quite common that anyone living in an urban area walks along a street everyday. Whether that particular street is pedestrian friendly, cyclist friendly, or car friendly depends on the scale which it was designed for. Importance is placed on the notion of walkable cities scaled to pedestrians.<ref name="Nacto, Street Design Guide"> National Association of City Transportation Officials (2016) Urban Street Design Guide. Retrieved from http://nacto.org/publication/urban-street-design-guide/street-design-elements/sidewalks/ </ref> Spaces that are conducive to walking increase accessibility to services, build a stronger sense of community, and encourage green modes of transportation. Overall, these changes, which are informed by urban density and scale, have significant positive sustainable implications. 

[[File:Succession - Zones T1-T6.jpg|thumb|Visual of the T-Zones. A collection of informative Transect illustrations are available at http://transect.org/img_lib2.html|x500px]]

====Framework 3: The Transect Framework====

Transect means 'to cut or divide'.<ref> Center for Applied Transect Studies. (2013) The Transect. Retrieved from http://transect.org/transect.html</ref> This framework defines land use, and categorizes areas into six zones. As you move across the a region, one can expect to see a progression from zones 1 to 6. Even before these zones were suggested in industry, the built human ecosystem has exhibited these traits throughout history.

Andres Duany first developed this transect concept, and it now typically referred and exists as part of the SmartCode. The 'T Zones' are as follows: 

* T1 Natural Zone
* T2 Rural Zone
* T3 Sub-urban Zone
* T4 General Urban Zone
* T5 Urban Center Zone
* T6 Urban Core Zone

In addition to the six zones, there is recognition of spaces which do not fall under these categories. Such cases fall under the zone termed 'Special District'. These include mixed-use environments, industrial facilities, large institutions/campuses, or unique use. The advantage of using this framework is that a smaller set off options are distinguished as the optimal options. Designers working on sustainable developments continue to use this resource and add to the body of knowledge collected up to this point.

====Framework 4: The Built Form-Ecology Framework====
The basis of this framework is to focus on the interactions that exist between the human-made and the naturally occurring systems. It is important, when using the Built Form-Ecology Framework, to establish an understanding of how interconnected these two can be. Our decisions have greatly altered the natural environment, to create widely dense, all consuming, and ambitious urban developments. There are very few cities which took with stance so strongly and have been able to implement it fully. As a whole, the main goal of this framework is to contribute and make positive change towards the environment when we are carrying on with what is known and somewhat routine in industry. This type of change handles sustainability quite head on because it directly suggests that we replace harmful habits and lifestyles to fit what is needed by the earth. It is certainly applicable and relevant to projects which are adjacent to natural areas. The concept is closely linked with regenerative design, which is discussed further in Section 4.3. Additionally, a thorough study of eco-system services would be beneficial when using Framework 4. This topic of eco-system services is in Section 2 Human Ecosystems.

====UBC Farm; Fitting Frameworks====

'''Framework 1: Pillars of Sustainability '''
To make use of this framework, it is important to be able to define and recognize aspects of the farm that fall within each pillar. The following is a list of questions that are within the scope of the given category.

Water - How does the farm manage their water? [What does] acquiring, reusing, collecting, disposing look like on the farm? How does the irrigation system work? How effective is the signage about irrigation? See the image on the right. 
[[File:Irrigation Signage.JPG|thumb|There is clear signage around the site to mark irrigation pits.|x250px]]

Energy - What are the common practices on the farm in terms of energy consumption? Has UBC farm retrofitted or updated inefficient places/machinery? 
[[File:Aerial view. UBC Farm.png|thumb|UBC Farm - Satellite aerial view|x250px]]

Materials - What types of soil are present? What remediation efforts have taken place to increase fertility? Which are native to the area? Which have been introduced? How is the water quality and chemical composition? How do the farm address contaminants? What is the size of a typical rain event and how does it impact the moisture of soil? 

Ecology - Describe the historical profile of the area and comment on previous uses of the land. How conducive is the location of the farm in relation to the sustainable targets? What is the effect of being adjacent to Pacific Spirit Park? 

Community - What community based programs are available? What is offered for/within academics institutions? [Ie. Elementary school programs, high school, and university level courses] 

'''Framework 2: The Scale-Density Framework '''
Project proposals for the UBC Farm can use the second framework to identify appropriate solutions for the size and needs of the farm. The farm covers 24 hectares of south campus. On site, the farm has a number of features including a 300 cubic meter composting facility, multiple areas for growing produce, and space for free range poultry. Making changes to improve the impact on the environment would be unique to the scale and density of UBC Farm. Sustainably sound practices on the farm would surely look different when compared to a community garden, as well as an industrial sized farm.

'''Framework 3: The Transect Framework '''
Since the farm is flanked by the University and Pacific Spirit Park, the Transect Framework can give insight into how best to manage the space allotted to them. Use of this framework can also aid the effectiveness of transitional zones. By clearly assigning zones, the typical gradient can be used to its full potential.

'''Framework 4: The Built Form-Ecology Framework '''
Currently, the farm does not have a lot of buildings.The built-form refers to the acreage and how it is managed. Future developments pose an interested design opportunity. Since they can start from the drawing board, cutting edge regenerative designs may be feasibly.

===Measures of Sustainable Design===

It is important to have specific methods of evaluating and observing designs which are already active because of the constant push/need for improvement in this area. These measures are helpful to the direct design team. But in addition to that, data collected adds to the body of knowledge surrounding environmental practices. Critical analysis, quantitative data, and qualitative evaluations are a few among many ways to assess whether our strategies are working or not. 
For measuring the effectiveness of sustainable design, the American Institute of Architects Committee on the Environment (AIA/COTE) developed the following ten measure: 
# Design and Innovation
# Regional community design
# Land use and site ecology
# Bioclimatic design
# Light and air
# Water cycle
# Energy flows and future energy
# Materials and construction
# Long life, loose fit
# Collective wisdom and feedback loops

===Regenerative Design===
Sustainable design has always promoted the idea that we as individuals and as global citizens can reduce and minimize our impacts on the environment. Along the same lines, regenerative design challenges us further by stating our ability to make positive contributions to the natural environment in a restorative fashion. Rather than simply doing 'less bad' to ecosystems and habitats, regenerative design asks that we consider how we can improve and really 'do good' for the environment.

The following steps are recommended when aiming to incorporate regenerative design:
# Ideology and Values - To begin understanding regenerative design, it is helpful to have a deeper knowledge of underlying frameworks, approaches, and green designs. To see significant changes in society, we need to collectively shift towards having an appreciation for natural systems and processes.
# Approaches - At this stage, all the parties who are involved with the design collect and discuss different approaches. In picking an approach, teams must consider site specific constraints, client defined requirements, and access to sustainable technology/resources, among other things. It is preferred that all parties which are invested or who are affected by the project give input into design. Creating interdisciplinary design teams is one way to try and incorporate different backgrounds and expertise. Parties involved can range from technical professionals, to skilled trades workers, owners, and community members. Involvement takes many forms, including technical work, experiential information, and opinions via public consultation.
# Planning for the Future - As work happens in the first two steps, a lot can be gained for future designs. Regenerative design can progress if efforts are made to examine and improve what is known so far.

==Approaches and Frameworks: Layering Perspectives==

The original version of this case study was written from the perspective of a civil engineer. In this section we invite those with differing perspectives to offer insights into other ways of thinking about and applying different frameworks to issues of sustainability at UBC Farm.
This might include contributions from:
* Economics
* Forestry
* Conservation
* Biology
* History
* Law

==Future Developments==
===Introductions to the New Developments on the Farm===

The UBC Farm is working toward replacing some of the existing infrastructure currently used for classrooms and offices. The Farm is currently using buildings on the Farm which are not meeting the demands. The 'New Farm Centre' is aiming to meet the learning and research needs of current and future students, faculty, staff and visitors. In terms of the Farm's core programming the new building will be used for:
* Flexible learning spaces
* Field Laboratory space
* Research and administrative office space
* Small-scale pilot food processing facility
* Suites for resident staff caretakers
* Lobby, washroom, and other essentials
The new Farm Centre will also, be incorporating the Residential College. This aims to support an immersive sustainability-themed academic experience while also, contributing to UBC's student housing goals.The residential college will typically be for upper-level undergraduate, graduate students and visiting scholars within multiple disciplines engaged in sustainability. Overall, the building itself aims to get LEED Platinum and minimize the footprint while also demonstrating the preservation of the farmland.

The new developments are still in the approval process so the details have not been confirmed. The aim of this section is to take the concepts discussed above and apply them to the new buildings to help improve the built environment while maintaining the natural surrounding environment. The main goals can be outlined as follows:
# Improve the quality of water, air and soil
# Improve energy savings
# Improve the reduction of stormwater runoff and carbon emissions
# Improve the aesthetic of the built environment

===Considerations and Recommendations===

In order to achieve the sustainability goals, there are 4 main management areas that need to be considered.

# Energy Management
# Water Management
# Material or Mass Management
# Land Management

====Energy Management====
Building energy is one of the largest energy consumers in the world including embodied energy and energy use. In order to increase the sustainability of the energy use within a building, two approaches should be made. One is to reduce the unnecessary use of energy and the other is to maximize the efficiency of the energy use. When determining the best way to do this, it is important to consider the general operations of the building and the daily function and habits of the people within the building. Since the UBC Farm Centre and Residential College will have many different purpose, there will be a wide range of energy needs. This may make sustainable energy management more difficult but it also makes it more important to consider.

When designing an energy system of a building, it is important first consider any passive strategies to improve energy use before considering active strategies. Here are some examples of both active and passive strategies:

[[File:Active & passive strategies.png|x600px|centre]]
<ref name="Sarte"/> <ref name="Stamatina"/>

Next, looking at ways to incorporate the use of clean energy should be considered. Since the new Farm Centre may end up having high energy needs, it will be important to consider producing some clean energy onsite. Here are some of the options that could be looked at:

[[File:Clean energy options.png|x700px|centre]]
<ref name="Sarte"/> <ref name="Stamatina"/>

Here is a summary of some of the strategies that should be considered:<ref name="Sarte"/> <ref name="Stamatina"/>
# Minimize building energy use
# Building envelope to reduce heat loss
# Improving efficiency of the building systems including heating, ventilation, air conditioning systems, electrical systems
# Reducing building energy demand
# Using efficient building equipment at the time of construction
# Increase renewable energy use
# Use the roof space for sites for renewable energy generation
# Increase building renewable energy supply
# On-site renewable energy generation

====Water Management====

Water management is one of the 4 main areas that need to be considered for sustainable infrastructure. The following will demonstrate some of the ways that minimizing the consumption of potable water can be done. As well as some concrete examples that the Farm could implement.

[[File:Infographic- Water Management- add to website.jpeg‎|600px|centre]]

====Material or Mass Management====

Both site planning and sustainable materials are important to consider when determining the material management plan for any new development. All stages of the building process needs to be incorporated to ensure maximum sustainability can be achieved. Each stage will have specific considerations that might be beneficial for the Farm to look into for the new Farm Centre and Residential College.

[[File:Material or Mass Management.jpeg|x2000px|centre]]
<ref name="Sarte"/> <ref name="Stamatina"/>

====Land Management====

Since the UBC Farm's land is one of their most valuable resources for the Farm's learning programs, sources of income and many other purposes. Minimzing the effect of the new development on the land should be considered. Here are some aspects to considered for land management:

[[File:UBC Farm picture.jpg|frame|x200px|UBC Farm|centre]]

Nature Conservation and Biodiversity Management

To maximize the conservation of the natural farm land, it would be important to reduce the footprint of the building. This may require the new development to be more than one story, depending. During construction, ensuring the movement of materials and people does not disturb the land surrounding the building is important. To counter act any negative effects that may occur due to construction, it should be planned to replace any green life that may be harmed. Since the UBC Farm has a unique variation of plants and trees around the land, it is important to maintain this unique diversity that can be used for learning.

Green Space

Incorporating green space into the built environment will reduce the impact of the building on the surrounding land. This will allow for opportunities to include trees and plants which may of been harmed during construction. As well, adding more green space will help capture the rain and runoff from adding impervious surfaces on an area. Adding green life will allow the water to be absorbed into the ground reducing the impact runoff or pooling of water could have on the land. Incorporating green space into the building could also, provide some learning opportunities for the students, staff and community who use the Farm, while also improving the sustainability of the building.

====Building a Sustainable Inside Environment====

Through the application of the management areas, a healthy and sustainable inside environment can be made. Here are some examples of how these concepts can be incorporated into the new Farm development.

[[File:Inside Environment.JPG‎|400px|right|]] <ref name="Sarte"/> <ref name="Stamatina"/>
=====Air Quality and Human Health=====
One of the main ways to maintain the quality of air is ensure the building has proper ventilation. To reduce the energy used for ventilation, natural or passive ventilation systems can be used. Putting more ducts, doors and operable windows in allows for more opportunities for air flow, especially with the more occupants of the buildings. This would be a good idea to incorporate into the Farm Centre and residential building because this is probably where the most occupants will be entering and leaving. Night-Purge ventilation which is when the windows stay closed during the day and are opened at night. This could be used to maintain the air quality in the office or work spaces.
Cross-ventilation can be used to move air through the smaller spaces. Allowing a large atrium like room to draw the air from the rest of the building to an exhaust which could be through the roof. If the Farm Centre has a larger atrium like entrance would allow the opportunity to include cross-ventilation in the design of the Farm Centre.
A combination of passive and mechanical and passive ventilation may also be considered if passive ventilation is not adequate. The important thing is to stay away from solely mechanical ventilation system which requires a large portion of the building energy.

=====Lighting=====
Maximizing the use of solar lighting is an important part of designing a healthy sustainable environment inside a building. Having high vertical windows, roof lights and daylight guiding systems will allow the light to penetrate deeper in the building which would reduce the need to artificial light. Incorporating a living wall would provide glare control as well as heat gain especially on the western facade. This would allow to reduce the energy needed to heat the building and help create an comfortable environment when using the daylight.
There will be the need for some artificial light at night especially in the resident rooms and work areas. Using efficient light bulbs and adding in dimming and motion sensors can reduce the use of unnecessary energy.

=====Acoustics=====
Acoustics are important to consider in the classrooms, work areas and within the Farm Centre Lobby. Using sound absorbing materials, oscillating panels closing the cavities and resonators are all options which could be used to improve the acoustics within the building.

==Conclusion==

Although climate change can sometimes feel like an insurmountable problem, there are many ways, both large and small, that we can all make a difference. It is our hope that this page has provided some illumination with regard to the built environment and civil engineering projects on methods that can impart real change in our communities. First and foremost, a shift in how design problems are viewed is required. Using the '''ecosystem approach''', engineers can begin to look at design projects with respect to how they interact with the ecosystem they are a part of. Various models may be used to fully understand and explore the systems within and around these ecosystems. Frameworks for design are a useful tool to guide this process, and it is essential to measure and track progress as it is made. Using this approach, sustainable design considerations will be implemented as much as is possible.

Now that a greater understanding of the guiding principles has been achieved, how can we apply these practices in our workplaces, schools, or any other situation? There are a few barriers to sustainable development that must be considered.

1. The Rebound Effect

When sustainable technology has been implemented, people tend to forget their sustainable habits as the problem has been "solved". For example, after the installation of energy saving LED lights, people may not be as diligent as before about keeping lights off whenever possible.

2. Supply Chain Characteristics

Development tends to be divided into distinct phases: planning, designing, construction, operation, maintenance, and deconstruction, with different parties being responsible for each phase. The problem that arises from this system is that it becomes very easy for each party to blame a different phase for failing to address sustainability.

3. Perceptions of Cost and Benefits

There is a persisting public perception that sustainability is expensive. Stakeholders often over-estimate the cost and under-estimate the benefits of sustainable practices.

4. Risk Adverse Attitudes

Due to a combination of liability issues and a lack of funding for research and development, innovation in the development industry is very rare. It is extremely difficult for cutting-edge technology to compete with tried and tested techniques that have proven to be safe and effective (no matter how out of date and inefficient they may be).

One of the ways to overcome these barriers is the integrative design process. This process involves all of the stakeholders from a project coming together to work on every phase of the project life cycle. It also involves consulting with multiple experts from various fields on every aspect of the design. The integrative design process increases trust between stakeholders and ensures that the entire team is working together towards the same goals. It also eliminates the supply chain characteristic barrier previously discussed. A number of technologies are available to aid teams that are attempting to transition to the integrative design process, including Business Intelligence software, social software, and the Analytic Hierarchy Process.

A shift in typical approaches to leadership is also required for sustainability. The following strategies can aid leaders in developing leaders in sustainable development:

1. Creating space for observation which helps learners’ self-awareness
2. Promote reflective practices and reflective learning activities
3. Exploring ecological and diverse perspectives
4. Understanding leadership from a living processes model (which highlights ecological
principals, design and interconnectedness)
5. Strengthening a learners’ sense of community and connectedness
6. Creating environments of collaboration instead of competition
7. Building trust
8. Adaptive leadership, which is about change than enables capacity to thrive

It is our hope that the Farm will be able to integrate some of these practices into their future developments. We hope that we have provided sufficient tools and resources to accomplish this. Additionally, we hope that this page has helped to fill the public knowledge gap on sustainable design and technologies.

==References==
<references/>

[[Category: CIVL498]]

Open Case Studies/FRST522/Malaysia

2017-05-14T19:47:01Z

JenniferMansour: /* Assessments and Recommendations */

'''Illegal logging in Sabah, Malaysia''' by Jiadong (Donna) Ye
== Context ==
Malaysia had approximately 20.46 million ha (about 62% of the land) of forest cover in 2010. However, its forest cover fell to 18.5 million ha (about 56.4% of the land) after only one year. Undocumented logging has been recognised as the dominant driver of deforestation in Malaysia.<ref name = "FLASabah"> Forest Legality Alliance. (2016). Malaysia: Forest industry in Sabah. Retrieved October 31, 2016 from: http://www.forestlegality.org/risk-tool/country/malaysia</ref>

[[File:Forest logging in Malaysia.jpeg|thumbnail|Forest logging in Malaysia]]

The government of Malaysia started forest management in the 1900s. According to the Federal Constitution of Malaysia, each state has its own power of administration and management of the forests. Although the states have their own rules for forest management, the National Forestry Act of 1984 and the National Forestry Policy of 1978 are the two dominant laws in Malaysia. Particularly to the State of Sabah, forest management and use are mainly governed by the State Forest Policy of 1954 and the Forest Enactment Policy of 1968.<ref name = "FLAMalaysia">Forest Legality Alliance. (2016). Malaysia. Retrieved October 31, 2016 from: http://www.forestlegality.org/risk-tool/country/malaysia</ref> Although natural resources governance varies in each state, deforestation due to expanding industrial forestry and agricultural plantation is severe in the entire country<ref>Hoare, A. (January 21, 2015). Corruption and poor governance impede progress in the fight against illegal logging in Cameroon and Malaysia. Chatham House. Retrieved October 30, 2016 from https://www.chathamhouse.org/news/2015-01-21-corruption-and-poor-governance-impede-progress-fight-against-illegal-logging</ref>.

===History of land ownership and logging in Sabah===
[[File:Sabah in Malaysia.svg|thumbnail|right|Map of Sabah (the area in red)]]
Sabah is located in the north of the large island of Borneo. It used to be governed by the English Brooke family, the so-called White Rajahs [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sultanate_of_Sulu Sulu Sultanate], and was later controlled by the British North Borneo Company in 1881. After a long period of British colonization, the area joined the Malaysia federation in 1963 as the State of Sabah. In the mid-1990s, a political party intervened and stripped Indigenous peoples' ownership of their land. Nowadays, it is the state government which owns the forests. In theory, Indigenous land rights should be protected under the Sabah Land Ordinance 1930 and the Sarawak Land Code. In practice those laws have been ignored, impeding the customary rights, and focusing on developing logging and other activities.<ref name="MRGI"/>

The State of Sabah had about 10% of Malaysia's primary forest, but most of the forests in Malyasian Borneo have been damaged by logging<ref name="MM">Mongabay. (February 4, 2006) Malaysia. Retrieved November 8th, 2016 from http://rainforests.mongabay.com/20malaysia.htm</ref>, and the remaining forest stands are usually found degraded by oil palm plantations<ref>Butler, R. (July 22, 2012). Sustainable logging in the rainforest. Mongabay. Retrieved November 8, 2016 from http://rainforests.mongabay.com/1009.htm</ref>. In Sabah, both the forest cover and forest quality have declined since the period of logging, tabacco and rubber plantations introduced by colonials between 1890 and 1930. More than one third of the natural forest was destroyed over a century, especially in the 1970s and early 1980s.<ref name="McMorrow">McMorrow, J., & Talip, M. A. (2001). Decline of forest area in Sabah, Malaysia: relationship to state policies, land code and land capability. Global Environmental Change, 11(3), 217-230. Retrieved from http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0959378000000595</ref> Intensive logging in Borneo started after World War II. At the beginning, only the trees that are most highly-valued and can be easily accessed were cut. Later the logging pattern changed because of the high revenue that could be derived from some of the world's most valuable hardwood timber in the rainforest. In the 1970s, a large global demand for timber stimulated the logging in Sabah and in the entire Borneo forests.<ref name="Butler">Butler, R.A. (July 17, 2012).

Industrial logging leaves a poor legacy in Borneo’s rainforests. Mongabay. Retrieved November 8th, 2016 from https://news.mongabay.com/2012/07/industrial-logging-leaves-a-poor-legacy-in-borneos-rainforests/</ref> Logging has been affecting around 80% of forests in Sabah<ref name = "HoareResponse"/>. Sabah has one of the highest rates of timber extraction in the tropical area, which can be as high as 120 m3 ha-1<ref name="McMorrow"/>. In the past 30 years, over extraction of timber and massive conversion from forestland to other land uses have severely degraded the forest resources in Sabah<ref name = "Toh"/>. Although Sabah has better regulations on forest conservation and reforestation compared to other states in Borneo, there still are concerns about weak enforcement of the rules and the potential of land conversion for oil palm by the government<ref name="Butler"/>.

==The Problem of Illegal Logging its Implications: A Forestry Perspective==
In Malaysia, illegal logging is defined as "any activities that include offenses relating to logging without permit, logging outside a licensed area and construction of infrastructure including unauthorized building of forest roads"<ref>Gani, I. Q. L. M., Wahab, R., & Rasat, M. S. M. (2013). An overview of illegal logging situation in Peninsular Malaysia. Journal of Tropical Resources and Sustainable Sciences, 1(2), 24-30. Retrieved from http://www.jtrss.org/JTRSS/volume1/UN-10/1-2-24-30.pdf</ref>. About 35% of the forest production in Malaysia is illegal<ref>http://wiki.ubc.ca/Documentation:Open_Case_Studies/Forestry/Template#cite_note-14</ref>.

'''Illegal logging has serious impacts on different aspects of the environment and the society:'''
=== Environmental ===
Along with invasive species and clearing for oil palm plantations, illegal logging is one of the three biggest threats to forests in Malaysia<ref name ="FLAMalaysia"/>. As a consequence of illegal logging, some highly valued species are locally extinct in their natural habitats. For example, Ramin ''(Gonystylus spp.)'' is popularly used as a decorative timber, and fetches a high price. Unfortunately, deforestation and degraded habitat caused by illegal harvesting for the international market are driving a great decline of the Ramin population in Malaysia. All parts and derivatives of Ramin are now on the CITES list.<ref name ="FLAMalaysia"/> Cleared land, increased number of roads and logging trails and poaching are all threatening the endangered species in Malaysia.

Logging can have broad impacts on the environment and the whole forest ecosystem. Logging destroyed 80% of Malaysian forests in Borneo. From 1990 to 2010, Malaysia experienced a fast deforestation rate, and lost 1,920,000 ha of forest cover. Deforestation and forest degradation at this scale can result in a large amount of carbon emission.<ref>Yeo. (July 18, 2013). 80% of Malaysian Borneo’s rainforests destroyed by logging. Climate Home. Retrieved November 8th, 2016 from http://www.climatechangenews.com/2013/07/18/80-of-malaysian-borneos-rainforests-destroyed-by-logging/</ref> It also threatens biodiversity in the tropical areas. As logging trails create access, more extraction and land conversion can then follow in intact forests. Increased woody debris due to logging makes the micro-climate drier, which causes the forests to become more vulnerable to extensive fires. Loss of timber also leads to further de-gazettement in Sabah.<ref name="McMorrow"/> Fragmented forests will lose essential ecosystem services that humans and wildlife rely on for living. Malaysia provides habitats for 15,500 species of higher plants, 746 birds, 300 mammals, 379 reptiles, 198 amphibians, and 368 species of fish<ref name="MM"/>. Deforestation and forest degradation resulting from logging and land conversions can have devastating impacts on biodiversity due to decreased resources and suitable habitats.

=== Economic ===
In 2011, the forest sector provided approximately 210,000 jobs and accounted for $5.7 billion (2%) of GDP of Malaysia<ref name = "HoareResponse"/>. The timber industry has been a foundation of the economic development in Sabah<ref>Forest Legality Alliance. (January 1, 2014). Forest industry in Sabah. Retrieved on October 30, 2016 from http://www.forestlegality.org/sites/default/files/country_documents/Forest%20Industry%20in%20Sabah_Malaysia_1.pdf.</ref>. Production from both natural forests and plantations contribute significantly to economic growth in Sabah<ref name = "HoareResponse"/>.

The strategy in action maximizes the short-term economic rent, but puts forest quality and yield at risk for long-term considerations<ref name="McMorrow"/>. The conventional forest management system is criticised due to its negative impacts on the environment<ref name="Ghazali"/> and unsustainable yield<ref name="McMorrow"/>. However, sustainable forest management has not been implemented in Sabah, except in a small forest called Deramakot<ref name="McMorrow"/>. The higher cost of sustainable forest harvest is one of the barriers of moving away from traditional management. Compared to the old management regime, the cost of sustainable management and harvesting can increase by 41% per m3 of timber and 38.5% per ha.<ref name="Ghazali"/>

Malaysia and its forest products are highly engaged in international trade. Malaysia exports nearly 5 million m3 of tropical logs every year<ref name="Ghazali">Ghazali, D.B.H. (n.d.) Malaysia and the VPA. International Timber Trade Organization. Retrieved October 30, 2016 from https://www.google.ca/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=4&cad=rja&uact=8&ved=0ahUKEwi9z8fjlYTQAhUU42MKHX6kB3sQFgguMAM&url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.itto.int%2Fdirect%2Ftopics%2Ftopics_pdf_download%2Ftopics_id%3D2376%26no%3D0&usg=AFQjCNFq60vaG--8Su5on12BkLKz3Qnykg&sig2=jGR1ltstp_tAJ9AZzeqwsg</ref>. It is ranked as the 8th largest sawnwood exporter, and the 10th largest wooden furniture exporter in the world<ref name="Ghazali"/>. Exported products from Malaysia mainly flow to Asian countries, the US and Australia<ref name = "FLAMalaysia"/>. Japan is the major importer of plywood from Malaysia, followed by India, Singapore, South Korea, Thailand and China for plywood, logs, sawnwood and paper. The US and the EU also import a notable amount of wooden products from Malaysia.<ref name = "HoareResponse"/>

The State of Sabah is not only a timber producing region, but also a significant importer of illegal logged timber. The official data show that imports in Sabah were 3.5 higher than the exports, and about 90-97% was imported illegally which is up to 33 times greater in volumes than the official records. Illegal loggers sell their timber to the mills in Sabah by paying bribes for permits, royalties to village heads, and bribes to police and military for transport. However, the amount they spent as bribes was higher than the potential revenues from logging.<ref name="Nellemann">Nellemann, C. (2012). Green carbon, black trade: illegal logging, tax fraud and laundering in the world's tropical forests. United Nations Environment Programme, GRID-Arendal. Retrieved from http://www.unep.org/pdf/RRAlogging_english_scr.pdf</ref> Illegal logging and corruption break the normal market rules. It places economic pressure on the loggers and the producers, while the government agencies and other regulating bodies take advantage of benefits generated by illegal logging industry. Illegal imports also worsen logging and deforestation in other log producing regions such as Indonesian Borneo<ref name="Nellemann"/>.

=== Political ===
In Sabah, land tenure is held by the state government<ref name = "Toh">Toh, S. M., & Grace, K. T. (2006). Case study: Sabah forest ownership. FAO. Understanding forest tenure in South and Southeast Asia. Forest policy and institutions working paper, 14, 254-279. Retrieved from ftp://ftp.fao.org/docrep/fao/009/j8167e/j8167e10.pdf</ref>, and forest management and conservation activities are primarily guided by four regulations<ref name = "FLAMalaysia"/>:
* [http://www.lawnet.sabah.gov.my/lawnet/SabahLaws/StateLaws/ForestEnactment1968.pdf Forest Enactment 1968]
* [http://www.sabahlaw.com/Wildliferegulation.htm Wildlife Conservation Enactment 1997]
* [http://www.wipo.int/edocs/lexdocs/laws/en/my/my055en.pdf Biodiversity Enactment 2000]
* [http://ww2.sabah.gov.my/jpas/programs/ecd-cab/technical/EIALog021001.pdf Environmental Impact Assessment Guidelines for Logging and Forest Clearance Activities 2002]

Current laws and acts regulate forest production licensing and land use, while there are still some gray areas of overseeing and responsibilities that need to be addressed. In the Forest Enactment of Sabah 1968, the decisions on changing state land to forest reserves made by the Forestry Department can be legally challenged. However the law does not authorize challenging any failure of government to apply the forest laws. Another act that specifically tackles illegal logging is the Anti-Corruption Act of 1997 (followed by [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Malaysian_Anti-Corruption_Commission_Act_2009 Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission Act 2009]). The Act punishes corruption and bribery by fines and imprisonment which also applies to high-ranking officials. However, the current political system still allows corruption to happen. In Sabah, the authorized Conservators are capable of issuing licences for activities such as removing forests products from forest reserves. The chief minister can alter the conditions of a licence. However, there is no legislative supervision over the work done by the federal government's forest agencies. Lack of independent forest monitoring system also poses problems in such areas as inspecting timber export requirements and imports from Indonesia which are supposed to be prohibited.<ref name="HoareResponse"/>

International political interventions are actively dedicated to mitigating climate change and sustainable management of forests in Sabah. Although it is acknowledged that deforestation is a result of illegal logging, whether programs like REDD+ can solve illegal logging are still under evaluation. Sabah is still under negotiation for a Voluntary Partnership Agreement (VPA) under the EU Forest Law Enforcement, Governance and Trade process (FLEGT). Sabah is establishing timber legality assurance systems that outline the legality criteria and processes for verifying legality, and identifying the scale of forestry information that should be open to the public.<ref name = "HoareResponse"/>

It is stated that there are three categories of property rights (i.e. State property rights, private property rights, and communal property rights). However, there is no solid record showing the area of land under each category.<ref name = "Toh"/> Although [http://www.lawnet.sabah.gov.my/lawnet/SabahLaws/StateLaws/ForestEnactment1968.pdf the 1984 Forest Enactment] recognises ''de facto'' Native Customary Land Rights of ethnic groups<ref name="McMorrow"/>, allocation and management of rights to harvest timber are unclear. The allocation of forestry licences does not seem to require any competitive process nor consultation with local communities<ref name = "HoareResponse"/>.

=== Social ===
In Sabah and other states in Borneo, forests are highly valued as an essential ecosystem that provide local people with physical, cultural and mental health services. Forests can benefit people by protecting communities from extreme climatic events, supplying fresh water and air, and producing plants to be used as traditional medicine. Researches also find that deforestation may have led to the loss of forest-related culture and spirits for a long time.<ref>Abram, N. K., Meijaard, E., Ancrenaz, M., Runting, R. K., Wells, J. A., Gaveau, D., ... & Mengersen, K. (2014). Spatially explicit perceptions of ecosystem services and land cover change in forested regions of Borneo. Ecosystem Services, 7, 116-127. Retrieved from http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2212041613000909</ref>

There are about 25,000 people living in the forest reserves or on the fringes in Sabah<ref name="Toh"/>. Unfortunately, the native customary land ownership has been jeopardized because the forests are categorized as forest reserves where logging permits are given without acknowledging Indigenous communities<ref name="MRGI">Minority Rights Group International. (n.d.). Malaysia - Indigenous peoples and ethnic minorities in Sabah. Retrieved November 8th, 2016 from http://minorityrights.org/minorities/indigenous-peoples-and-ethnic-minorities-in-sabah/</ref>. Illegal logging in Sabah and other states in Borneo is regarded as an essential way for local people to make a living. Illegal logging almost becomes the only income source and a very alluring business for locals<ref>WWF Global. (2016). Threats to Borneo forests. Retrieved October 30, 2016 from http://wwf.panda.org/what_we_do/where_we_work/borneo_forests/borneo_deforestation/</ref>. For Indigenous groups such as the Penan in Sarawak, their livelihoods and cultures are tightly related to the forests. Thus, the impacts of commercial logging and forest loss are destructive to Indigenous peoples in Borneo<ref>Yeo. (July 18, 2013). 80% of Malaysian Borneo’s rainforests destroyed by logging. Climate Home. Retrieved November 8th, 2016 from http://www.climatechangenews.com/2013/07/18/80-of-malaysian-borneos-rainforests-destroyed-by-logging/</ref>.

Because of the ambiguous tenure system, Indigenous peoples and local communities can hardly declare and justify their property rights. Most communities do not fully understand their rights stated in the Land Ordinance. A number of communities are still not officially granted their traditional lands.<ref name = "Toh"/> Additionally, cases of land use in [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tawau Tawau] implies that the land which should be turned back to Indigenous peoples are assigned by the government agencies for other land uses such as sold to companies for plantations<ref name="MRGI"/>.

Public attention to illegal logging and exposure of the issue on social media can indirectly reflect the effectiveness of current policies and programs. The quantity of publications about illegal logging in Sabah has been showing a decreasing trend since 2007<ref name = "HoareResponse"/>. Less publication may be caused by decreasing interests from researchers and media, reduced transparency of information available in the public domain for researchers, or simply slow progress in efficiently tackling illegal logging.

==The Problem of Illegal Logging its Implications: Layering Perspectives==
The information above outlines the problems associated with illegal logging in Malaysia and its implications from the perspective of a forestry student. In this section we welcome contributions from other perspectives. Those interested in contributing to this case study may use the following questions as a guide:
#How do scholars and professionals outside of forestry conceptualize the practice of illegal logging in Malaysia?
#What are other possible ways of framing this problem?
#What other implications become apparent when illegal logging is viewed through the lens of other disciplines and professions?
#What special expertise, resources, or theoretical orientations might others bring to help us better understand the issue of illegal logging in Malaysia?

==Assessments and Recommendations: A Forestry Perspective==
===Shifting away from oil palm cultivation===
[[File:Oil palm and rainforest fragment Borneo.JPG|thumbnail|right|Oil palm and rainforest fragment in Borneo]]
Oil palm is a major cash crop and one of the main drivers of forest conversion. The government's goal of development and economic obligations pose a big threat through official facilitation of a large expansion of oil palm plantations. In Sabah, oil palm plantationz are under expansion in order to meet the government's target of 5.6 million ha by 2020<ref name = "HoareResponse"/>. Clearing forests to plant cash crops like oil palm seems the only way to meet the government's economic obligations when the returns from conventional forest production are not adequate<ref name="Butler"/>. Instead of destroying forests for making profits, the government should strive to find economic alternatives while conserving forests at the same time. The state government should also modify its views on economic development to be more compatible with sustainability for both the environment and livelihoods.

===Regulating supply and demand===
Inadequate legal timber supply is one of the drivers of illegal logging. One suggested solution is restricting the licencing of mills with poor productivity. There should also be technical, financial and consultative supports for the timber industry to help advance the supplies of better quality and quantity of timber. In addition, regulations and international trade agreements should be negotiated to control the demand for illegally logged timber. The negotiations between the EU timber market and Peninsular Malaysia through the FLEGT VPA is an example of effectively reducing illegal logging in Peninsular Malaysia. Sabah and other states in Malaysia should also consider entering the negotiation<ref name="Ghazali"/>, or initiating a similar process with its main export destination countries. Once the demand for illegally harvested timer decreases, the problem of illegal forest activities in producing states can be alleviated.

===Establishing an independent monitoring system===
Currently, it is an organisation authorised by the Malaysian government which takes the responsibility for monitoring forestry activities<ref name = "HoareResponse">Hoare, A. (2015). Illegal Logging and Related Trade: The Response in Malaysia. Chatham House. Retrieved from https://www.chathamhouse.org/sites/files/chathamhouse/field/field_document/20150121IllegalLoggingMalaysiaHoare.pdf</ref>. The government should establish an independent forest monitoring system as a basis to support forest conservation and sustainable production in the long term. History shows that forestry can become "the money pot for politicians" if the state government is controlled by a party that acts against the federal rules<ref name="Butler"/>. An independent monitoring system can help tackle corruption, especially with regard to the process of timber allocation and agricultural activities<ref name = "HoareResponse"/>. The government should also create a transparent system that is receptive to public review and innovation in order to sustainably manage forests in the long term.

===Legally defining Indigenous tenure and rights===
A great challenge facing local communities is the lack of legal recognition of their customary rights<ref name="Toh"/>. In Sabah, the absence of jurisdiction to identify land tenure (e.g. customary land or private land) has become a source of conflicts among local communities, between communities and licence holders or the government<ref name = "Ghazali"/>. The policies and laws should be amended to develop the land tenure system with clear definitions of different types of property rights and responsibilities, precise records on the land areas under each type, as well as systems to improve the supervision over the tenure.

==Assessments and Recommendations: Layering Perspectives==
What recommendations might someone from another discipline or profession make to combat the issue of illegal logging in Malaysia? Examples might include:
*Law
*Geography
*Environmental Science
*Social Justice
*Economics
*History
*Anthropology
*Philosophy

==External Links==
[http://www.forest.sabah.gov.my/ Sabah Forestry Department]

[http://www.fao.org/docrep/016/i2801e/i2801e.pdf FAO Voluntary Guidelines on the Responsible Governance of Tenure]

[https://www.chathamhouse.org/ The Royal Institute of International Affairs (Chatham House)]

[http://www.recoftc.org/ The Center for People and Forests (RECOFTC)]

== References ==
<references/>

[[Category:FRST522]]

Open Case Studies/FRST522/Malaysia

2017-05-14T19:45:24Z

JenniferMansour: /* The Problem of Illegal Logging and the Implications */

'''Illegal logging in Sabah, Malaysia''' by Jiadong (Donna) Ye
== Context ==
Malaysia had approximately 20.46 million ha (about 62% of the land) of forest cover in 2010. However, its forest cover fell to 18.5 million ha (about 56.4% of the land) after only one year. Undocumented logging has been recognised as the dominant driver of deforestation in Malaysia.<ref name = "FLASabah"> Forest Legality Alliance. (2016). Malaysia: Forest industry in Sabah. Retrieved October 31, 2016 from: http://www.forestlegality.org/risk-tool/country/malaysia</ref>

[[File:Forest logging in Malaysia.jpeg|thumbnail|Forest logging in Malaysia]]

The government of Malaysia started forest management in the 1900s. According to the Federal Constitution of Malaysia, each state has its own power of administration and management of the forests. Although the states have their own rules for forest management, the National Forestry Act of 1984 and the National Forestry Policy of 1978 are the two dominant laws in Malaysia. Particularly to the State of Sabah, forest management and use are mainly governed by the State Forest Policy of 1954 and the Forest Enactment Policy of 1968.<ref name = "FLAMalaysia">Forest Legality Alliance. (2016). Malaysia. Retrieved October 31, 2016 from: http://www.forestlegality.org/risk-tool/country/malaysia</ref> Although natural resources governance varies in each state, deforestation due to expanding industrial forestry and agricultural plantation is severe in the entire country<ref>Hoare, A. (January 21, 2015). Corruption and poor governance impede progress in the fight against illegal logging in Cameroon and Malaysia. Chatham House. Retrieved October 30, 2016 from https://www.chathamhouse.org/news/2015-01-21-corruption-and-poor-governance-impede-progress-fight-against-illegal-logging</ref>.

===History of land ownership and logging in Sabah===
[[File:Sabah in Malaysia.svg|thumbnail|right|Map of Sabah (the area in red)]]
Sabah is located in the north of the large island of Borneo. It used to be governed by the English Brooke family, the so-called White Rajahs [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sultanate_of_Sulu Sulu Sultanate], and was later controlled by the British North Borneo Company in 1881. After a long period of British colonization, the area joined the Malaysia federation in 1963 as the State of Sabah. In the mid-1990s, a political party intervened and stripped Indigenous peoples' ownership of their land. Nowadays, it is the state government which owns the forests. In theory, Indigenous land rights should be protected under the Sabah Land Ordinance 1930 and the Sarawak Land Code. In practice those laws have been ignored, impeding the customary rights, and focusing on developing logging and other activities.<ref name="MRGI"/>

The State of Sabah had about 10% of Malaysia's primary forest, but most of the forests in Malyasian Borneo have been damaged by logging<ref name="MM">Mongabay. (February 4, 2006) Malaysia. Retrieved November 8th, 2016 from http://rainforests.mongabay.com/20malaysia.htm</ref>, and the remaining forest stands are usually found degraded by oil palm plantations<ref>Butler, R. (July 22, 2012). Sustainable logging in the rainforest. Mongabay. Retrieved November 8, 2016 from http://rainforests.mongabay.com/1009.htm</ref>. In Sabah, both the forest cover and forest quality have declined since the period of logging, tabacco and rubber plantations introduced by colonials between 1890 and 1930. More than one third of the natural forest was destroyed over a century, especially in the 1970s and early 1980s.<ref name="McMorrow">McMorrow, J., & Talip, M. A. (2001). Decline of forest area in Sabah, Malaysia: relationship to state policies, land code and land capability. Global Environmental Change, 11(3), 217-230. Retrieved from http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0959378000000595</ref> Intensive logging in Borneo started after World War II. At the beginning, only the trees that are most highly-valued and can be easily accessed were cut. Later the logging pattern changed because of the high revenue that could be derived from some of the world's most valuable hardwood timber in the rainforest. In the 1970s, a large global demand for timber stimulated the logging in Sabah and in the entire Borneo forests.<ref name="Butler">Butler, R.A. (July 17, 2012).

Industrial logging leaves a poor legacy in Borneo’s rainforests. Mongabay. Retrieved November 8th, 2016 from https://news.mongabay.com/2012/07/industrial-logging-leaves-a-poor-legacy-in-borneos-rainforests/</ref> Logging has been affecting around 80% of forests in Sabah<ref name = "HoareResponse"/>. Sabah has one of the highest rates of timber extraction in the tropical area, which can be as high as 120 m3 ha-1<ref name="McMorrow"/>. In the past 30 years, over extraction of timber and massive conversion from forestland to other land uses have severely degraded the forest resources in Sabah<ref name = "Toh"/>. Although Sabah has better regulations on forest conservation and reforestation compared to other states in Borneo, there still are concerns about weak enforcement of the rules and the potential of land conversion for oil palm by the government<ref name="Butler"/>.

==The Problem of Illegal Logging its Implications: A Forestry Perspective==
In Malaysia, illegal logging is defined as "any activities that include offenses relating to logging without permit, logging outside a licensed area and construction of infrastructure including unauthorized building of forest roads"<ref>Gani, I. Q. L. M., Wahab, R., & Rasat, M. S. M. (2013). An overview of illegal logging situation in Peninsular Malaysia. Journal of Tropical Resources and Sustainable Sciences, 1(2), 24-30. Retrieved from http://www.jtrss.org/JTRSS/volume1/UN-10/1-2-24-30.pdf</ref>. About 35% of the forest production in Malaysia is illegal<ref>http://wiki.ubc.ca/Documentation:Open_Case_Studies/Forestry/Template#cite_note-14</ref>.

'''Illegal logging has serious impacts on different aspects of the environment and the society:'''
=== Environmental ===
Along with invasive species and clearing for oil palm plantations, illegal logging is one of the three biggest threats to forests in Malaysia<ref name ="FLAMalaysia"/>. As a consequence of illegal logging, some highly valued species are locally extinct in their natural habitats. For example, Ramin ''(Gonystylus spp.)'' is popularly used as a decorative timber, and fetches a high price. Unfortunately, deforestation and degraded habitat caused by illegal harvesting for the international market are driving a great decline of the Ramin population in Malaysia. All parts and derivatives of Ramin are now on the CITES list.<ref name ="FLAMalaysia"/> Cleared land, increased number of roads and logging trails and poaching are all threatening the endangered species in Malaysia.

Logging can have broad impacts on the environment and the whole forest ecosystem. Logging destroyed 80% of Malaysian forests in Borneo. From 1990 to 2010, Malaysia experienced a fast deforestation rate, and lost 1,920,000 ha of forest cover. Deforestation and forest degradation at this scale can result in a large amount of carbon emission.<ref>Yeo. (July 18, 2013). 80% of Malaysian Borneo’s rainforests destroyed by logging. Climate Home. Retrieved November 8th, 2016 from http://www.climatechangenews.com/2013/07/18/80-of-malaysian-borneos-rainforests-destroyed-by-logging/</ref> It also threatens biodiversity in the tropical areas. As logging trails create access, more extraction and land conversion can then follow in intact forests. Increased woody debris due to logging makes the micro-climate drier, which causes the forests to become more vulnerable to extensive fires. Loss of timber also leads to further de-gazettement in Sabah.<ref name="McMorrow"/> Fragmented forests will lose essential ecosystem services that humans and wildlife rely on for living. Malaysia provides habitats for 15,500 species of higher plants, 746 birds, 300 mammals, 379 reptiles, 198 amphibians, and 368 species of fish<ref name="MM"/>. Deforestation and forest degradation resulting from logging and land conversions can have devastating impacts on biodiversity due to decreased resources and suitable habitats.

=== Economic ===
In 2011, the forest sector provided approximately 210,000 jobs and accounted for $5.7 billion (2%) of GDP of Malaysia<ref name = "HoareResponse"/>. The timber industry has been a foundation of the economic development in Sabah<ref>Forest Legality Alliance. (January 1, 2014). Forest industry in Sabah. Retrieved on October 30, 2016 from http://www.forestlegality.org/sites/default/files/country_documents/Forest%20Industry%20in%20Sabah_Malaysia_1.pdf.</ref>. Production from both natural forests and plantations contribute significantly to economic growth in Sabah<ref name = "HoareResponse"/>.

The strategy in action maximizes the short-term economic rent, but puts forest quality and yield at risk for long-term considerations<ref name="McMorrow"/>. The conventional forest management system is criticised due to its negative impacts on the environment<ref name="Ghazali"/> and unsustainable yield<ref name="McMorrow"/>. However, sustainable forest management has not been implemented in Sabah, except in a small forest called Deramakot<ref name="McMorrow"/>. The higher cost of sustainable forest harvest is one of the barriers of moving away from traditional management. Compared to the old management regime, the cost of sustainable management and harvesting can increase by 41% per m3 of timber and 38.5% per ha.<ref name="Ghazali"/>

Malaysia and its forest products are highly engaged in international trade. Malaysia exports nearly 5 million m3 of tropical logs every year<ref name="Ghazali">Ghazali, D.B.H. (n.d.) Malaysia and the VPA. International Timber Trade Organization. Retrieved October 30, 2016 from https://www.google.ca/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=4&cad=rja&uact=8&ved=0ahUKEwi9z8fjlYTQAhUU42MKHX6kB3sQFgguMAM&url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.itto.int%2Fdirect%2Ftopics%2Ftopics_pdf_download%2Ftopics_id%3D2376%26no%3D0&usg=AFQjCNFq60vaG--8Su5on12BkLKz3Qnykg&sig2=jGR1ltstp_tAJ9AZzeqwsg</ref>. It is ranked as the 8th largest sawnwood exporter, and the 10th largest wooden furniture exporter in the world<ref name="Ghazali"/>. Exported products from Malaysia mainly flow to Asian countries, the US and Australia<ref name = "FLAMalaysia"/>. Japan is the major importer of plywood from Malaysia, followed by India, Singapore, South Korea, Thailand and China for plywood, logs, sawnwood and paper. The US and the EU also import a notable amount of wooden products from Malaysia.<ref name = "HoareResponse"/>

The State of Sabah is not only a timber producing region, but also a significant importer of illegal logged timber. The official data show that imports in Sabah were 3.5 higher than the exports, and about 90-97% was imported illegally which is up to 33 times greater in volumes than the official records. Illegal loggers sell their timber to the mills in Sabah by paying bribes for permits, royalties to village heads, and bribes to police and military for transport. However, the amount they spent as bribes was higher than the potential revenues from logging.<ref name="Nellemann">Nellemann, C. (2012). Green carbon, black trade: illegal logging, tax fraud and laundering in the world's tropical forests. United Nations Environment Programme, GRID-Arendal. Retrieved from http://www.unep.org/pdf/RRAlogging_english_scr.pdf</ref> Illegal logging and corruption break the normal market rules. It places economic pressure on the loggers and the producers, while the government agencies and other regulating bodies take advantage of benefits generated by illegal logging industry. Illegal imports also worsen logging and deforestation in other log producing regions such as Indonesian Borneo<ref name="Nellemann"/>.

=== Political ===
In Sabah, land tenure is held by the state government<ref name = "Toh">Toh, S. M., & Grace, K. T. (2006). Case study: Sabah forest ownership. FAO. Understanding forest tenure in South and Southeast Asia. Forest policy and institutions working paper, 14, 254-279. Retrieved from ftp://ftp.fao.org/docrep/fao/009/j8167e/j8167e10.pdf</ref>, and forest management and conservation activities are primarily guided by four regulations<ref name = "FLAMalaysia"/>:
* [http://www.lawnet.sabah.gov.my/lawnet/SabahLaws/StateLaws/ForestEnactment1968.pdf Forest Enactment 1968]
* [http://www.sabahlaw.com/Wildliferegulation.htm Wildlife Conservation Enactment 1997]
* [http://www.wipo.int/edocs/lexdocs/laws/en/my/my055en.pdf Biodiversity Enactment 2000]
* [http://ww2.sabah.gov.my/jpas/programs/ecd-cab/technical/EIALog021001.pdf Environmental Impact Assessment Guidelines for Logging and Forest Clearance Activities 2002]

Current laws and acts regulate forest production licensing and land use, while there are still some gray areas of overseeing and responsibilities that need to be addressed. In the Forest Enactment of Sabah 1968, the decisions on changing state land to forest reserves made by the Forestry Department can be legally challenged. However the law does not authorize challenging any failure of government to apply the forest laws. Another act that specifically tackles illegal logging is the Anti-Corruption Act of 1997 (followed by [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Malaysian_Anti-Corruption_Commission_Act_2009 Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission Act 2009]). The Act punishes corruption and bribery by fines and imprisonment which also applies to high-ranking officials. However, the current political system still allows corruption to happen. In Sabah, the authorized Conservators are capable of issuing licences for activities such as removing forests products from forest reserves. The chief minister can alter the conditions of a licence. However, there is no legislative supervision over the work done by the federal government's forest agencies. Lack of independent forest monitoring system also poses problems in such areas as inspecting timber export requirements and imports from Indonesia which are supposed to be prohibited.<ref name="HoareResponse"/>

International political interventions are actively dedicated to mitigating climate change and sustainable management of forests in Sabah. Although it is acknowledged that deforestation is a result of illegal logging, whether programs like REDD+ can solve illegal logging are still under evaluation. Sabah is still under negotiation for a Voluntary Partnership Agreement (VPA) under the EU Forest Law Enforcement, Governance and Trade process (FLEGT). Sabah is establishing timber legality assurance systems that outline the legality criteria and processes for verifying legality, and identifying the scale of forestry information that should be open to the public.<ref name = "HoareResponse"/>

It is stated that there are three categories of property rights (i.e. State property rights, private property rights, and communal property rights). However, there is no solid record showing the area of land under each category.<ref name = "Toh"/> Although [http://www.lawnet.sabah.gov.my/lawnet/SabahLaws/StateLaws/ForestEnactment1968.pdf the 1984 Forest Enactment] recognises ''de facto'' Native Customary Land Rights of ethnic groups<ref name="McMorrow"/>, allocation and management of rights to harvest timber are unclear. The allocation of forestry licences does not seem to require any competitive process nor consultation with local communities<ref name = "HoareResponse"/>.

=== Social ===
In Sabah and other states in Borneo, forests are highly valued as an essential ecosystem that provide local people with physical, cultural and mental health services. Forests can benefit people by protecting communities from extreme climatic events, supplying fresh water and air, and producing plants to be used as traditional medicine. Researches also find that deforestation may have led to the loss of forest-related culture and spirits for a long time.<ref>Abram, N. K., Meijaard, E., Ancrenaz, M., Runting, R. K., Wells, J. A., Gaveau, D., ... & Mengersen, K. (2014). Spatially explicit perceptions of ecosystem services and land cover change in forested regions of Borneo. Ecosystem Services, 7, 116-127. Retrieved from http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2212041613000909</ref>

There are about 25,000 people living in the forest reserves or on the fringes in Sabah<ref name="Toh"/>. Unfortunately, the native customary land ownership has been jeopardized because the forests are categorized as forest reserves where logging permits are given without acknowledging Indigenous communities<ref name="MRGI">Minority Rights Group International. (n.d.). Malaysia - Indigenous peoples and ethnic minorities in Sabah. Retrieved November 8th, 2016 from http://minorityrights.org/minorities/indigenous-peoples-and-ethnic-minorities-in-sabah/</ref>. Illegal logging in Sabah and other states in Borneo is regarded as an essential way for local people to make a living. Illegal logging almost becomes the only income source and a very alluring business for locals<ref>WWF Global. (2016). Threats to Borneo forests. Retrieved October 30, 2016 from http://wwf.panda.org/what_we_do/where_we_work/borneo_forests/borneo_deforestation/</ref>. For Indigenous groups such as the Penan in Sarawak, their livelihoods and cultures are tightly related to the forests. Thus, the impacts of commercial logging and forest loss are destructive to Indigenous peoples in Borneo<ref>Yeo. (July 18, 2013). 80% of Malaysian Borneo’s rainforests destroyed by logging. Climate Home. Retrieved November 8th, 2016 from http://www.climatechangenews.com/2013/07/18/80-of-malaysian-borneos-rainforests-destroyed-by-logging/</ref>.

Because of the ambiguous tenure system, Indigenous peoples and local communities can hardly declare and justify their property rights. Most communities do not fully understand their rights stated in the Land Ordinance. A number of communities are still not officially granted their traditional lands.<ref name = "Toh"/> Additionally, cases of land use in [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tawau Tawau] implies that the land which should be turned back to Indigenous peoples are assigned by the government agencies for other land uses such as sold to companies for plantations<ref name="MRGI"/>.

Public attention to illegal logging and exposure of the issue on social media can indirectly reflect the effectiveness of current policies and programs. The quantity of publications about illegal logging in Sabah has been showing a decreasing trend since 2007<ref name = "HoareResponse"/>. Less publication may be caused by decreasing interests from researchers and media, reduced transparency of information available in the public domain for researchers, or simply slow progress in efficiently tackling illegal logging.

==The Problem of Illegal Logging its Implications: Layering Perspectives==
The information above outlines the problems associated with illegal logging in Malaysia and its implications from the perspective of a forestry student. In this section we welcome contributions from other perspectives. Those interested in contributing to this case study may use the following questions as a guide:
#How do scholars and professionals outside of forestry conceptualize the practice of illegal logging in Malaysia?
#What are other possible ways of framing this problem?
#What other implications become apparent when illegal logging is viewed through the lens of other disciplines and professions?
#What special expertise, resources, or theoretical orientations might others bring to help us better understand the issue of illegal logging in Malaysia?

==Assessments and Recommendations==
===Shifting away from oil palm cultivation===
[[File:Oil palm and rainforest fragment Borneo.JPG|thumbnail|right|Oil palm and rainforest fragment in Borneo]]
Oil palm is a major cash crop and one of the main drivers of forest conversion. The government's goal of development and economic obligations pose a big threat through official facilitation of a large expansion of oil palm plantations. In Sabah, oil palm plantationz are under expansion in order to meet the government's target of 5.6 million ha by 2020<ref name = "HoareResponse"/>. Clearing forests to plant cash crops like oil palm seems the only way to meet the government's economic obligations when the returns from conventional forest production are not adequate<ref name="Butler"/>. Instead of destroying forests for making profits, the government should strive to find economic alternatives while conserving forests at the same time. The state government should also modify its views on economic development to be more compatible with sustainability for both the environment and livelihoods.

===Regulating supply and demand===
Inadequate legal timber supply is one of the drivers of illegal logging. One suggested solution is restricting the licencing of mills with poor productivity. There should also be technical, financial and consultative supports for the timber industry to help advance the supplies of better quality and quantity of timber. In addition, regulations and international trade agreements should be negotiated to control the demand for illegally logged timber. The negotiations between the EU timber market and Peninsular Malaysia through the FLEGT VPA is an example of effectively reducing illegal logging in Peninsular Malaysia. Sabah and other states in Malaysia should also consider entering the negotiation<ref name="Ghazali"/>, or initiating a similar process with its main export destination countries. Once the demand for illegally harvested timer decreases, the problem of illegal forest activities in producing states can be alleviated.

===Establishing an independent monitoring system===
Currently, it is an organisation authorised by the Malaysian government which takes the responsibility for monitoring forestry activities<ref name = "HoareResponse">Hoare, A. (2015). Illegal Logging and Related Trade: The Response in Malaysia. Chatham House. Retrieved from https://www.chathamhouse.org/sites/files/chathamhouse/field/field_document/20150121IllegalLoggingMalaysiaHoare.pdf</ref>. The government should establish an independent forest monitoring system as a basis to support forest conservation and sustainable production in the long term. History shows that forestry can become "the money pot for politicians" if the state government is controlled by a party that acts against the federal rules<ref name="Butler"/>. An independent monitoring system can help tackle corruption, especially with regard to the process of timber allocation and agricultural activities<ref name = "HoareResponse"/>. The government should also create a transparent system that is receptive to public review and innovation in order to sustainably manage forests in the long term.

===Legally defining Indigenous tenure and rights===
A great challenge facing local communities is the lack of legal recognition of their customary rights<ref name="Toh"/>. In Sabah, the absence of jurisdiction to identify land tenure (e.g. customary land or private land) has become a source of conflicts among local communities, between communities and licence holders or the government<ref name = "Ghazali"/>. The policies and laws should be amended to develop the land tenure system with clear definitions of different types of property rights and responsibilities, precise records on the land areas under each type, as well as systems to improve the supervision over the tenure.

==External Links==
[http://www.forest.sabah.gov.my/ Sabah Forestry Department]

[http://www.fao.org/docrep/016/i2801e/i2801e.pdf FAO Voluntary Guidelines on the Responsible Governance of Tenure]

[https://www.chathamhouse.org/ The Royal Institute of International Affairs (Chatham House)]

[http://www.recoftc.org/ The Center for People and Forests (RECOFTC)]

== References ==
<references/>

[[Category:FRST522]]

Open Case Studies/FRST522/Mozambique

2017-05-14T19:39:22Z

JenniferMansour: /* Recommendations */

== Illegal Logging: Detrimental to Mozambique's economy, environment and society ==

[[File:Mz-map.png|thumb|[https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Mz-map.png Map of Mozambique], public domain on Wikimedia Commons]]

The Republic of Mozambique is a country in the southeast of Africa bordered by the Indian ocean to the east, Tanzania to the North, Malawi and Zambia to the Northwest, Zimbabwe to the West and Swaziland and South Africa to the Southwest. Although one of the world’s poorest countries, Mozambique has tremendous potential for eco-tourism with its beautiful beaches, safari life and Lake Malawi diving opportunities.<ref name="Monga Bay 2006">Monga Bay. 2006. Tropical Rainforests: Mozambique. http://rainforests.mongabay.com/20mozambique.htm</ref> Mozambique endured sixteen years of brutal civil war and now finds itself at a crossroads between conservation and development. This case study will examine the various ways that development and conservation can co-exist in Mozambique, showing that, when done properly, both are possible.<ref name="Monga Bay 2006"/>

About 50% of Mozambique's land area is forested, however none of the country’s primary forest remains.<ref name="FAO 2015">FAO. 2015. Global Forest Resources Assessment.</ref> Mozambique's forests are state-owned, and about half of the area is allocated for production.<ref name="FAO 2015"/> The annual rate of deforestation for the period of 2010-2015 was 0.5%.<ref name ="FAO 2015"/>
There is widespread illegal logging in the country. In 2013, it was estimated that nearly half of the country’s timber export to China was illegal.<ref name="EIA 2013">Environmental Investigation Agency. 2013. Mozambique loses a fortune to illegal timber exports. https://eia-international.org/mozambique-loses-a-fortune-to-illegal-timber-exports</ref> The cross-border smuggling of illegal timber to Tanzania is also a problem.<ref name="Chatham House 2017">Chatham House. 2017. Mozambique: Illegal Logging. http://www.illegal-logging.info/regions/mozambique</ref> In 2012 the two countries signed a memorandum of understanding aimed at improving management of forest and wildlife resources through improved cooperation with law enforcement to reduce the trade of illegal timber.<ref name="Chatham House 2017"/>

== Framing the Problem ==
=== Framing the Problem: A Forestry Perspective ===
[[File:Mountain_in_Mozambique.jpg|thumb|[https://pixabay.com/en/mozambique-mountains-sky-clouds-105171/ Mountain in Mozambique], licensed [https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ CC0]]]
Despite the low rate of deforestation reported above, Mozambique is currently experiencing a high rate of illegal logging. The increased rate of illegal logging is being accelerated by the demand for hardwoods in China.<ref name="EIA 2014">Environmental Investigation Agency. 2014. China's illegal timber imports ransack Mozambique's forests. https://eia-international.org/chinas-illegal-timber-imports-ransack-mozambiques-forests</ref> Insatiable Chinese demand for timber is driving an unsustainable illegal logging and timber smuggling crisis which threatens to undermine Mozambique’s forest resources.<ref name="EIA 2014"/> Environmental Investigation Agency (EIA) revealed that a staggering 93 per cent of logging in Mozambique during 2013 was illegal.<ref name="EIA 2014"/> Research, undercover investigation and analysis conducted by EIA 2013-2014 demonstrated that that the key driver of forest crime in Mozambique was the ongoing demand for hardwoods in China.<ref name="EIA 2014"/>

Many Mozambicans are implicated in illegal logging for Chinese companies; by lending capital for equipment such as chainsaws, Chinese companies locked loggers into dependency, leaving them no choice but to continue logging to pay off their debts.<ref name="Dijkstra 2015">Dijkstra, Andrea. 2015. Mozambique will be stripped of its forests 'in just a few years,' Mail & Guardian. 20 March. http://mg.co.za/article/2015-03-19-moz-will-be-stripped-of-its-forests-in-just-a-few-years</ref> By buying from individual Mozambicans, the Chinese avoid the high costs of obtaining a logging licence and obligation to replant the trees.<ref name="Dijkstra 2015"/>

Corruption has also contributed to the increased rate of illegal logging. One Chinese business person reported that, “whenever they [got] pulled over by police, they [gave] them some money so they [could] continue with their journey.”<ref name="Dijkstra 2015"/> Many logging companies also move timber at night when there are no inspectors on the road.<ref name="Mackenzie 2006">Catherine Mackenzie. 2006. Forest Governance in Zambézia, Mozambique: Chinese Takeaway! Final Report for Fongza. https://www.open.ac.uk/technology/mozambique/sites/www.open.ac.uk.technology.mozambique/files/pics/d72272.pdf</ref> It is reported that there is extensive corruption, especially in the provincial forest services, police and customs.<ref name="Mackenzie 2006"/> For instance, many of the small Mozambican operators are forced to pay bribes as high as US $400 to forestry officials, simply to obtain a licence.<ref name="Mackenzie 2006"/> They harvest more than they are legally allowed to do, and pay bribes to the police at check points.<ref name="Mackenzie 2006"/> As a result of this widespread corruption, several Mozambican politicians and officials are quickly becoming rich while the inhabitants of the forest remain desperately poor.<ref name="Dijkstra 2015"/> According to the Mozambican law, local communities should receive 20% of taxes charged on timber harvesting but this money does not flow back to them at all.<ref name="Dijkstra 2015"/>

This veritable epidemic of crime and environmental mismanagement has deprived the world’s second least developed country of US $146 million in lost tax revenue since 2007. Without major reforms, Mozambique’s forest and forest economy are staring down the barrel of very a bleak future.<ref name="EIA 2014"/>

=== Framing the Problem: Layering Perspectives ===

The description above describes illegal logging in Mozambique from the perspective of a forestry student. In this section we welcome contributions from other perspectives. Those interested in contributing to this case study may use the following questions as a guide:

# How do scholars and professionals outside of forestry conceptualize the practice of illegal logging in Mozambique?
# What are other possible ways of framing this problem?
# What special expertise, resources, or theoretical orientations might others bring to help us understand this phenomenon better?

== Implications ==
=== Implications: A Forestry Perpective ===
Corruption, at many levels, is a significant factor in the mismanagement of Mozambique's forests; the benefits received by governmental staff, as well as public and private elites, contributes to inconsistent and sub-standard enforcement of regulations. The excessive harvesting and exporting that results, enables foreign buyers to maximize their profits on Mozambican timber.<ref name="Mackenzie 2006"/> Thus, government failure to enforce their own laws leads to many economic, social, and cultural problems.<ref name="Mackenzie 2006"/>
==== Economic Impact ====
There are several economic problems associated with the issue of illegal logging including, loss of revenue and opportunities, loss of opportunities for employment, skills acquisition, and industrial development, loss of opportunities for rural communities to manage and benefit from their own resources, loss of tax and other government revenues as a consequence of the export of raw rather than processed materials, and unrecorded illegal harvest and export. Proper management of the logging industry in Mozambique could mean that these profits could have been captured and used to help alleviate poverty in the country.<ref name="Mackenzie 2006"/>
==== Social Impact ====
The exploitation of hardwoods has many significantly and negatively affects local communities. Loggers entering the communities cause social disruption, division and inequities by bribing local leaders in order to get their consent<ref name="Mackenzie 2006"/>, undermining local governance systems as well as the rule of law. This corruption militates against future development efforts in the community.<ref name="Mackenzie 2006"/> Lastly, most of the Mozambicans live in rural-based communities, practicing a subsistence form of agriculture;<ref name="Mackenzie 2006"/> deforestation fundamentally affects local ecosystems as well as native community ties to the land by disrupting this relationship.<ref name="Mackenzie 2006"/>
==== Cultural Impact ====
Communities are both formal and informal stakeholders in the forest sector.<ref name="Petition">Online Petition. 2013. Bring an end to the illegal Mozambique timber trade. https://forcechange.com/58243/bring-an-end-to-the-illegal-mozambique-timber-trade/</ref> Formally they provide labour to concession holders and simple licence operators. But jobs are few (in relation to the number of community members), seasonal and often pay below the minimum wage.<ref name="Petition"/> Women rarely receive employment and are typically disadvantaged by loss of their spouses' labour in agriculture and lack of control over the wages earned.<ref name="Petition"/> Moreover, Mozambicans have deep historical, cultural and social ties to the land. With the current rate of deforestation, however, many Mozambicans may see their livelihood and ancestral claims vanish within a few generations.<ref name="Petition"/>

=== Implications: Layering Perspectives ===

The description above describes the implications from illegal logging in Mozambique from the perspective of a forestry student. In this section we welcome contributions from other perspectives. Those interested in contributing to this case study may use the following questions as a guide:
# How could someone from a different discipline or profession add to the implications above?
# What other implications become apparent when illegal logging is viewed through the lens of other disciplines and professions?
# What special expertise, resources, or theoretical orientations might others bring to help us better understand the implications associated with illegal logging in Mozambique?

== Current Initiatives to Combat Illegal Logging ==
Due to the high rate of illegal logging in Mozambique, the government has entered into a regional agreement to combat illegal logging with Tanzania, Madagascar, Uganda and Kenya.<ref name="Monga Bay 2015">Monga Bay. 2015. 5 African countries agree to combat illegal timber trade. 10 September. https://news.mongabay.com/2015/09/5-african-countries-agree-to-combat-illegal-timber-trade/</ref> The declaration was signed on 10 September 2015 at the XIV World Forestry Congress in Durban, South Africa. It takes aim at the burgeoning trade of illegal timber in the region.<ref name="Monga Bay 2015"/> Madagascar and Central African countries are generally the source of illicit timber, while Uganda, Kenya and Tanzania are major transit points through which it is sent to overseas markets.<ref name="Monga Bay 2015"/> Mozambique is both a source and transit country. The declaration asked member states to develop monitoring and reporting systems for their respective timber industries as well as implement bans on log exports.<ref name="Monga Bay 2015"/>

== Recommendations ==
=== Recommendations: A Forestry Perspective ===
# Mozambique should immediately impose an embargo on log exports to China and investigate the Environmental Investigation Agency's account of internal corruption among Mozambique’s high-ranking officials.<ref name="Petition"/>
# Chief consumer countries including China, India, European and the Middle East should be pressured to consider the issue of illegal timber exports to their countries as a priority agenda item.<ref name="Monga Bay 2015"/>
# Government should introduce community-based forest management practices that directly involve communities in the management of forests. This is due to the fact that Mozambicans have deep historic, cultural and social ties to the land and with the current rate of deforestation, many Mozambicans may see their livelihood and ancestral claims vanish within a few generations.<ref name="Petition"/>

=== Recommendations: Layering Perspectives ===
What recommendations might someone from another discipline or profession make to combat the issue of illegal logging in Mozambique?
Examples might include:
* Law
* Geography
* Environmental Science
* Social Justice
* Economics
* History
* Anthropology
* Philosophy

== References ==

<References/>

[[Category:FRST522]]

Open Case Studies/FRST522/Mozambique

2017-05-14T19:38:57Z

JenniferMansour: /* Implications */

== Illegal Logging: Detrimental to Mozambique's economy, environment and society ==

[[File:Mz-map.png|thumb|[https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Mz-map.png Map of Mozambique], public domain on Wikimedia Commons]]

The Republic of Mozambique is a country in the southeast of Africa bordered by the Indian ocean to the east, Tanzania to the North, Malawi and Zambia to the Northwest, Zimbabwe to the West and Swaziland and South Africa to the Southwest. Although one of the world’s poorest countries, Mozambique has tremendous potential for eco-tourism with its beautiful beaches, safari life and Lake Malawi diving opportunities.<ref name="Monga Bay 2006">Monga Bay. 2006. Tropical Rainforests: Mozambique. http://rainforests.mongabay.com/20mozambique.htm</ref> Mozambique endured sixteen years of brutal civil war and now finds itself at a crossroads between conservation and development. This case study will examine the various ways that development and conservation can co-exist in Mozambique, showing that, when done properly, both are possible.<ref name="Monga Bay 2006"/>

About 50% of Mozambique's land area is forested, however none of the country’s primary forest remains.<ref name="FAO 2015">FAO. 2015. Global Forest Resources Assessment.</ref> Mozambique's forests are state-owned, and about half of the area is allocated for production.<ref name="FAO 2015"/> The annual rate of deforestation for the period of 2010-2015 was 0.5%.<ref name ="FAO 2015"/>
There is widespread illegal logging in the country. In 2013, it was estimated that nearly half of the country’s timber export to China was illegal.<ref name="EIA 2013">Environmental Investigation Agency. 2013. Mozambique loses a fortune to illegal timber exports. https://eia-international.org/mozambique-loses-a-fortune-to-illegal-timber-exports</ref> The cross-border smuggling of illegal timber to Tanzania is also a problem.<ref name="Chatham House 2017">Chatham House. 2017. Mozambique: Illegal Logging. http://www.illegal-logging.info/regions/mozambique</ref> In 2012 the two countries signed a memorandum of understanding aimed at improving management of forest and wildlife resources through improved cooperation with law enforcement to reduce the trade of illegal timber.<ref name="Chatham House 2017"/>

== Framing the Problem ==
=== Framing the Problem: A Forestry Perspective ===
[[File:Mountain_in_Mozambique.jpg|thumb|[https://pixabay.com/en/mozambique-mountains-sky-clouds-105171/ Mountain in Mozambique], licensed [https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ CC0]]]
Despite the low rate of deforestation reported above, Mozambique is currently experiencing a high rate of illegal logging. The increased rate of illegal logging is being accelerated by the demand for hardwoods in China.<ref name="EIA 2014">Environmental Investigation Agency. 2014. China's illegal timber imports ransack Mozambique's forests. https://eia-international.org/chinas-illegal-timber-imports-ransack-mozambiques-forests</ref> Insatiable Chinese demand for timber is driving an unsustainable illegal logging and timber smuggling crisis which threatens to undermine Mozambique’s forest resources.<ref name="EIA 2014"/> Environmental Investigation Agency (EIA) revealed that a staggering 93 per cent of logging in Mozambique during 2013 was illegal.<ref name="EIA 2014"/> Research, undercover investigation and analysis conducted by EIA 2013-2014 demonstrated that that the key driver of forest crime in Mozambique was the ongoing demand for hardwoods in China.<ref name="EIA 2014"/>

Many Mozambicans are implicated in illegal logging for Chinese companies; by lending capital for equipment such as chainsaws, Chinese companies locked loggers into dependency, leaving them no choice but to continue logging to pay off their debts.<ref name="Dijkstra 2015">Dijkstra, Andrea. 2015. Mozambique will be stripped of its forests 'in just a few years,' Mail & Guardian. 20 March. http://mg.co.za/article/2015-03-19-moz-will-be-stripped-of-its-forests-in-just-a-few-years</ref> By buying from individual Mozambicans, the Chinese avoid the high costs of obtaining a logging licence and obligation to replant the trees.<ref name="Dijkstra 2015"/>

Corruption has also contributed to the increased rate of illegal logging. One Chinese business person reported that, “whenever they [got] pulled over by police, they [gave] them some money so they [could] continue with their journey.”<ref name="Dijkstra 2015"/> Many logging companies also move timber at night when there are no inspectors on the road.<ref name="Mackenzie 2006">Catherine Mackenzie. 2006. Forest Governance in Zambézia, Mozambique: Chinese Takeaway! Final Report for Fongza. https://www.open.ac.uk/technology/mozambique/sites/www.open.ac.uk.technology.mozambique/files/pics/d72272.pdf</ref> It is reported that there is extensive corruption, especially in the provincial forest services, police and customs.<ref name="Mackenzie 2006"/> For instance, many of the small Mozambican operators are forced to pay bribes as high as US $400 to forestry officials, simply to obtain a licence.<ref name="Mackenzie 2006"/> They harvest more than they are legally allowed to do, and pay bribes to the police at check points.<ref name="Mackenzie 2006"/> As a result of this widespread corruption, several Mozambican politicians and officials are quickly becoming rich while the inhabitants of the forest remain desperately poor.<ref name="Dijkstra 2015"/> According to the Mozambican law, local communities should receive 20% of taxes charged on timber harvesting but this money does not flow back to them at all.<ref name="Dijkstra 2015"/>

This veritable epidemic of crime and environmental mismanagement has deprived the world’s second least developed country of US $146 million in lost tax revenue since 2007. Without major reforms, Mozambique’s forest and forest economy are staring down the barrel of very a bleak future.<ref name="EIA 2014"/>

=== Framing the Problem: Layering Perspectives ===

The description above describes illegal logging in Mozambique from the perspective of a forestry student. In this section we welcome contributions from other perspectives. Those interested in contributing to this case study may use the following questions as a guide:

# How do scholars and professionals outside of forestry conceptualize the practice of illegal logging in Mozambique?
# What are other possible ways of framing this problem?
# What special expertise, resources, or theoretical orientations might others bring to help us understand this phenomenon better?

== Implications ==
=== Implications: A Forestry Perpective ===
Corruption, at many levels, is a significant factor in the mismanagement of Mozambique's forests; the benefits received by governmental staff, as well as public and private elites, contributes to inconsistent and sub-standard enforcement of regulations. The excessive harvesting and exporting that results, enables foreign buyers to maximize their profits on Mozambican timber.<ref name="Mackenzie 2006"/> Thus, government failure to enforce their own laws leads to many economic, social, and cultural problems.<ref name="Mackenzie 2006"/>
==== Economic Impact ====
There are several economic problems associated with the issue of illegal logging including, loss of revenue and opportunities, loss of opportunities for employment, skills acquisition, and industrial development, loss of opportunities for rural communities to manage and benefit from their own resources, loss of tax and other government revenues as a consequence of the export of raw rather than processed materials, and unrecorded illegal harvest and export. Proper management of the logging industry in Mozambique could mean that these profits could have been captured and used to help alleviate poverty in the country.<ref name="Mackenzie 2006"/>
==== Social Impact ====
The exploitation of hardwoods has many significantly and negatively affects local communities. Loggers entering the communities cause social disruption, division and inequities by bribing local leaders in order to get their consent<ref name="Mackenzie 2006"/>, undermining local governance systems as well as the rule of law. This corruption militates against future development efforts in the community.<ref name="Mackenzie 2006"/> Lastly, most of the Mozambicans live in rural-based communities, practicing a subsistence form of agriculture;<ref name="Mackenzie 2006"/> deforestation fundamentally affects local ecosystems as well as native community ties to the land by disrupting this relationship.<ref name="Mackenzie 2006"/>
==== Cultural Impact ====
Communities are both formal and informal stakeholders in the forest sector.<ref name="Petition">Online Petition. 2013. Bring an end to the illegal Mozambique timber trade. https://forcechange.com/58243/bring-an-end-to-the-illegal-mozambique-timber-trade/</ref> Formally they provide labour to concession holders and simple licence operators. But jobs are few (in relation to the number of community members), seasonal and often pay below the minimum wage.<ref name="Petition"/> Women rarely receive employment and are typically disadvantaged by loss of their spouses' labour in agriculture and lack of control over the wages earned.<ref name="Petition"/> Moreover, Mozambicans have deep historical, cultural and social ties to the land. With the current rate of deforestation, however, many Mozambicans may see their livelihood and ancestral claims vanish within a few generations.<ref name="Petition"/>

=== Implications: Layering Perspectives ===

The description above describes the implications from illegal logging in Mozambique from the perspective of a forestry student. In this section we welcome contributions from other perspectives. Those interested in contributing to this case study may use the following questions as a guide:
# How could someone from a different discipline or profession add to the implications above?
# What other implications become apparent when illegal logging is viewed through the lens of other disciplines and professions?
# What special expertise, resources, or theoretical orientations might others bring to help us better understand the implications associated with illegal logging in Mozambique?

== Current Initiatives to Combat Illegal Logging ==
Due to the high rate of illegal logging in Mozambique, the government has entered into a regional agreement to combat illegal logging with Tanzania, Madagascar, Uganda and Kenya.<ref name="Monga Bay 2015">Monga Bay. 2015. 5 African countries agree to combat illegal timber trade. 10 September. https://news.mongabay.com/2015/09/5-african-countries-agree-to-combat-illegal-timber-trade/</ref> The declaration was signed on 10 September 2015 at the XIV World Forestry Congress in Durban, South Africa. It takes aim at the burgeoning trade of illegal timber in the region.<ref name="Monga Bay 2015"/> Madagascar and Central African countries are generally the source of illicit timber, while Uganda, Kenya and Tanzania are major transit points through which it is sent to overseas markets.<ref name="Monga Bay 2015"/> Mozambique is both a source and transit country. The declaration asked member states to develop monitoring and reporting systems for their respective timber industries as well as implement bans on log exports.<ref name="Monga Bay 2015"/>

== Recommendations ==
=== 4.1 Recommendations: A Forestry Perspective ===
# Mozambique should immediately impose an embargo on log exports to China and investigate the Environmental Investigation Agency's account of internal corruption among Mozambique’s high-ranking officials.<ref name="Petition"/>
# Chief consumer countries including China, India, European and the Middle East should be pressured to consider the issue of illegal timber exports to their countries as a priority agenda item.<ref name="Monga Bay 2015"/>
# Government should introduce community-based forest management practices that directly involve communities in the management of forests. This is due to the fact that Mozambicans have deep historic, cultural and social ties to the land and with the current rate of deforestation, many Mozambicans may see their livelihood and ancestral claims vanish within a few generations.<ref name="Petition"/>

=== 4.2 Recommendations: Layering Perspectives ===
What recommendations might someone from another discipline or profession make to combat the issue of illegal logging in Mozambique?
Examples might include:
* Law
* Geography
* Environmental Science
* Social Justice
* Economics
* History
* Anthropology
* Philosophy

== References ==

<References/>

[[Category:FRST522]]

Open Case Studies/FRST522/Mozambique

2017-05-14T19:38:19Z

JenniferMansour: /* 1.1 Framing the Problem: A Forestry Perspective */

== Illegal Logging: Detrimental to Mozambique's economy, environment and society ==

[[File:Mz-map.png|thumb|[https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Mz-map.png Map of Mozambique], public domain on Wikimedia Commons]]

The Republic of Mozambique is a country in the southeast of Africa bordered by the Indian ocean to the east, Tanzania to the North, Malawi and Zambia to the Northwest, Zimbabwe to the West and Swaziland and South Africa to the Southwest. Although one of the world’s poorest countries, Mozambique has tremendous potential for eco-tourism with its beautiful beaches, safari life and Lake Malawi diving opportunities.<ref name="Monga Bay 2006">Monga Bay. 2006. Tropical Rainforests: Mozambique. http://rainforests.mongabay.com/20mozambique.htm</ref> Mozambique endured sixteen years of brutal civil war and now finds itself at a crossroads between conservation and development. This case study will examine the various ways that development and conservation can co-exist in Mozambique, showing that, when done properly, both are possible.<ref name="Monga Bay 2006"/>

About 50% of Mozambique's land area is forested, however none of the country’s primary forest remains.<ref name="FAO 2015">FAO. 2015. Global Forest Resources Assessment.</ref> Mozambique's forests are state-owned, and about half of the area is allocated for production.<ref name="FAO 2015"/> The annual rate of deforestation for the period of 2010-2015 was 0.5%.<ref name ="FAO 2015"/>
There is widespread illegal logging in the country. In 2013, it was estimated that nearly half of the country’s timber export to China was illegal.<ref name="EIA 2013">Environmental Investigation Agency. 2013. Mozambique loses a fortune to illegal timber exports. https://eia-international.org/mozambique-loses-a-fortune-to-illegal-timber-exports</ref> The cross-border smuggling of illegal timber to Tanzania is also a problem.<ref name="Chatham House 2017">Chatham House. 2017. Mozambique: Illegal Logging. http://www.illegal-logging.info/regions/mozambique</ref> In 2012 the two countries signed a memorandum of understanding aimed at improving management of forest and wildlife resources through improved cooperation with law enforcement to reduce the trade of illegal timber.<ref name="Chatham House 2017"/>

== Framing the Problem ==
=== Framing the Problem: A Forestry Perspective ===
[[File:Mountain_in_Mozambique.jpg|thumb|[https://pixabay.com/en/mozambique-mountains-sky-clouds-105171/ Mountain in Mozambique], licensed [https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ CC0]]]
Despite the low rate of deforestation reported above, Mozambique is currently experiencing a high rate of illegal logging. The increased rate of illegal logging is being accelerated by the demand for hardwoods in China.<ref name="EIA 2014">Environmental Investigation Agency. 2014. China's illegal timber imports ransack Mozambique's forests. https://eia-international.org/chinas-illegal-timber-imports-ransack-mozambiques-forests</ref> Insatiable Chinese demand for timber is driving an unsustainable illegal logging and timber smuggling crisis which threatens to undermine Mozambique’s forest resources.<ref name="EIA 2014"/> Environmental Investigation Agency (EIA) revealed that a staggering 93 per cent of logging in Mozambique during 2013 was illegal.<ref name="EIA 2014"/> Research, undercover investigation and analysis conducted by EIA 2013-2014 demonstrated that that the key driver of forest crime in Mozambique was the ongoing demand for hardwoods in China.<ref name="EIA 2014"/>

Many Mozambicans are implicated in illegal logging for Chinese companies; by lending capital for equipment such as chainsaws, Chinese companies locked loggers into dependency, leaving them no choice but to continue logging to pay off their debts.<ref name="Dijkstra 2015">Dijkstra, Andrea. 2015. Mozambique will be stripped of its forests 'in just a few years,' Mail & Guardian. 20 March. http://mg.co.za/article/2015-03-19-moz-will-be-stripped-of-its-forests-in-just-a-few-years</ref> By buying from individual Mozambicans, the Chinese avoid the high costs of obtaining a logging licence and obligation to replant the trees.<ref name="Dijkstra 2015"/>

Corruption has also contributed to the increased rate of illegal logging. One Chinese business person reported that, “whenever they [got] pulled over by police, they [gave] them some money so they [could] continue with their journey.”<ref name="Dijkstra 2015"/> Many logging companies also move timber at night when there are no inspectors on the road.<ref name="Mackenzie 2006">Catherine Mackenzie. 2006. Forest Governance in Zambézia, Mozambique: Chinese Takeaway! Final Report for Fongza. https://www.open.ac.uk/technology/mozambique/sites/www.open.ac.uk.technology.mozambique/files/pics/d72272.pdf</ref> It is reported that there is extensive corruption, especially in the provincial forest services, police and customs.<ref name="Mackenzie 2006"/> For instance, many of the small Mozambican operators are forced to pay bribes as high as US $400 to forestry officials, simply to obtain a licence.<ref name="Mackenzie 2006"/> They harvest more than they are legally allowed to do, and pay bribes to the police at check points.<ref name="Mackenzie 2006"/> As a result of this widespread corruption, several Mozambican politicians and officials are quickly becoming rich while the inhabitants of the forest remain desperately poor.<ref name="Dijkstra 2015"/> According to the Mozambican law, local communities should receive 20% of taxes charged on timber harvesting but this money does not flow back to them at all.<ref name="Dijkstra 2015"/>

This veritable epidemic of crime and environmental mismanagement has deprived the world’s second least developed country of US $146 million in lost tax revenue since 2007. Without major reforms, Mozambique’s forest and forest economy are staring down the barrel of very a bleak future.<ref name="EIA 2014"/>

=== Framing the Problem: Layering Perspectives ===

The description above describes illegal logging in Mozambique from the perspective of a forestry student. In this section we welcome contributions from other perspectives. Those interested in contributing to this case study may use the following questions as a guide:

# How do scholars and professionals outside of forestry conceptualize the practice of illegal logging in Mozambique?
# What are other possible ways of framing this problem?
# What special expertise, resources, or theoretical orientations might others bring to help us understand this phenomenon better?

== Implications ==
=== 2.1 Implications: A Forestry Perpective ===
Corruption, at many levels, is a significant factor in the mismanagement of Mozambique's forests; the benefits received by governmental staff, as well as public and private elites, contributes to inconsistent and sub-standard enforcement of regulations. The excessive harvesting and exporting that results, enables foreign buyers to maximize their profits on Mozambican timber.<ref name="Mackenzie 2006"/> Thus, government failure to enforce their own laws leads to many economic, social, and cultural problems.<ref name="Mackenzie 2006"/>
==== 2.1.1 Economic Impact ====
There are several economic problems associated with the issue of illegal logging including, loss of revenue and opportunities, loss of opportunities for employment, skills acquisition, and industrial development, loss of opportunities for rural communities to manage and benefit from their own resources, loss of tax and other government revenues as a consequence of the export of raw rather than processed materials, and unrecorded illegal harvest and export. Proper management of the logging industry in Mozambique could mean that these profits could have been captured and used to help alleviate poverty in the country.<ref name="Mackenzie 2006"/>
==== 2.1.2 Social Impact ====
The exploitation of hardwoods has many significantly and negatively affects local communities. Loggers entering the communities cause social disruption, division and inequities by bribing local leaders in order to get their consent<ref name="Mackenzie 2006"/>, undermining local governance systems as well as the rule of law. This corruption militates against future development efforts in the community.<ref name="Mackenzie 2006"/> Lastly, most of the Mozambicans live in rural-based communities, practicing a subsistence form of agriculture;<ref name="Mackenzie 2006"/> deforestation fundamentally affects local ecosystems as well as native community ties to the land by disrupting this relationship.<ref name="Mackenzie 2006"/>
==== 2.1.3 Cultural Impact ====
Communities are both formal and informal stakeholders in the forest sector.<ref name="Petition">Online Petition. 2013. Bring an end to the illegal Mozambique timber trade. https://forcechange.com/58243/bring-an-end-to-the-illegal-mozambique-timber-trade/</ref> Formally they provide labour to concession holders and simple licence operators. But jobs are few (in relation to the number of community members), seasonal and often pay below the minimum wage.<ref name="Petition"/> Women rarely receive employment and are typically disadvantaged by loss of their spouses' labour in agriculture and lack of control over the wages earned.<ref name="Petition"/> Moreover, Mozambicans have deep historical, cultural and social ties to the land. With the current rate of deforestation, however, many Mozambicans may see their livelihood and ancestral claims vanish within a few generations.<ref name="Petition"/>

=== 2.2 Implications: Layering Perspectives ===

The description above describes the implications from illegal logging in Mozambique from the perspective of a forestry student. In this section we welcome contributions from other perspectives. Those interested in contributing to this case study may use the following questions as a guide:
# How could someone from a different discipline or profession add to the implications above?
# What other implications become apparent when illegal logging is viewed through the lens of other disciplines and professions?
# What special expertise, resources, or theoretical orientations might others bring to help us better understand the implications associated with illegal logging in Mozambique?

== Current Initiatives to Combat Illegal Logging ==
Due to the high rate of illegal logging in Mozambique, the government has entered into a regional agreement to combat illegal logging with Tanzania, Madagascar, Uganda and Kenya.<ref name="Monga Bay 2015">Monga Bay. 2015. 5 African countries agree to combat illegal timber trade. 10 September. https://news.mongabay.com/2015/09/5-african-countries-agree-to-combat-illegal-timber-trade/</ref> The declaration was signed on 10 September 2015 at the XIV World Forestry Congress in Durban, South Africa. It takes aim at the burgeoning trade of illegal timber in the region.<ref name="Monga Bay 2015"/> Madagascar and Central African countries are generally the source of illicit timber, while Uganda, Kenya and Tanzania are major transit points through which it is sent to overseas markets.<ref name="Monga Bay 2015"/> Mozambique is both a source and transit country. The declaration asked member states to develop monitoring and reporting systems for their respective timber industries as well as implement bans on log exports.<ref name="Monga Bay 2015"/>

== Recommendations ==
=== 4.1 Recommendations: A Forestry Perspective ===
# Mozambique should immediately impose an embargo on log exports to China and investigate the Environmental Investigation Agency's account of internal corruption among Mozambique’s high-ranking officials.<ref name="Petition"/>
# Chief consumer countries including China, India, European and the Middle East should be pressured to consider the issue of illegal timber exports to their countries as a priority agenda item.<ref name="Monga Bay 2015"/>
# Government should introduce community-based forest management practices that directly involve communities in the management of forests. This is due to the fact that Mozambicans have deep historic, cultural and social ties to the land and with the current rate of deforestation, many Mozambicans may see their livelihood and ancestral claims vanish within a few generations.<ref name="Petition"/>

=== 4.2 Recommendations: Layering Perspectives ===
What recommendations might someone from another discipline or profession make to combat the issue of illegal logging in Mozambique?
Examples might include:
* Law
* Geography
* Environmental Science
* Social Justice
* Economics
* History
* Anthropology
* Philosophy

== References ==

<References/>

[[Category:FRST522]]

Open Case Studies/FRST522/Mozambique

2017-05-14T19:38:01Z

JenniferMansour: /* 1.2 Framing the Problem: Layering Perspectives */

== Illegal Logging: Detrimental to Mozambique's economy, environment and society ==

[[File:Mz-map.png|thumb|[https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Mz-map.png Map of Mozambique], public domain on Wikimedia Commons]]

The Republic of Mozambique is a country in the southeast of Africa bordered by the Indian ocean to the east, Tanzania to the North, Malawi and Zambia to the Northwest, Zimbabwe to the West and Swaziland and South Africa to the Southwest. Although one of the world’s poorest countries, Mozambique has tremendous potential for eco-tourism with its beautiful beaches, safari life and Lake Malawi diving opportunities.<ref name="Monga Bay 2006">Monga Bay. 2006. Tropical Rainforests: Mozambique. http://rainforests.mongabay.com/20mozambique.htm</ref> Mozambique endured sixteen years of brutal civil war and now finds itself at a crossroads between conservation and development. This case study will examine the various ways that development and conservation can co-exist in Mozambique, showing that, when done properly, both are possible.<ref name="Monga Bay 2006"/>

About 50% of Mozambique's land area is forested, however none of the country’s primary forest remains.<ref name="FAO 2015">FAO. 2015. Global Forest Resources Assessment.</ref> Mozambique's forests are state-owned, and about half of the area is allocated for production.<ref name="FAO 2015"/> The annual rate of deforestation for the period of 2010-2015 was 0.5%.<ref name ="FAO 2015"/>
There is widespread illegal logging in the country. In 2013, it was estimated that nearly half of the country’s timber export to China was illegal.<ref name="EIA 2013">Environmental Investigation Agency. 2013. Mozambique loses a fortune to illegal timber exports. https://eia-international.org/mozambique-loses-a-fortune-to-illegal-timber-exports</ref> The cross-border smuggling of illegal timber to Tanzania is also a problem.<ref name="Chatham House 2017">Chatham House. 2017. Mozambique: Illegal Logging. http://www.illegal-logging.info/regions/mozambique</ref> In 2012 the two countries signed a memorandum of understanding aimed at improving management of forest and wildlife resources through improved cooperation with law enforcement to reduce the trade of illegal timber.<ref name="Chatham House 2017"/>

== Framing the Problem ==
=== 1.1 Framing the Problem: A Forestry Perspective ===
[[File:Mountain_in_Mozambique.jpg|thumb|[https://pixabay.com/en/mozambique-mountains-sky-clouds-105171/ Mountain in Mozambique], licensed [https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ CC0]]]
Despite the low rate of deforestation reported above, Mozambique is currently experiencing a high rate of illegal logging. The increased rate of illegal logging is being accelerated by the demand for hardwoods in China.<ref name="EIA 2014">Environmental Investigation Agency. 2014. China's illegal timber imports ransack Mozambique's forests. https://eia-international.org/chinas-illegal-timber-imports-ransack-mozambiques-forests</ref> Insatiable Chinese demand for timber is driving an unsustainable illegal logging and timber smuggling crisis which threatens to undermine Mozambique’s forest resources.<ref name="EIA 2014"/> Environmental Investigation Agency (EIA) revealed that a staggering 93 per cent of logging in Mozambique during 2013 was illegal.<ref name="EIA 2014"/> Research, undercover investigation and analysis conducted by EIA 2013-2014 demonstrated that that the key driver of forest crime in Mozambique was the ongoing demand for hardwoods in China.<ref name="EIA 2014"/>

Many Mozambicans are implicated in illegal logging for Chinese companies; by lending capital for equipment such as chainsaws, Chinese companies locked loggers into dependency, leaving them no choice but to continue logging to pay off their debts.<ref name="Dijkstra 2015">Dijkstra, Andrea. 2015. Mozambique will be stripped of its forests 'in just a few years,' Mail & Guardian. 20 March. http://mg.co.za/article/2015-03-19-moz-will-be-stripped-of-its-forests-in-just-a-few-years</ref> By buying from individual Mozambicans, the Chinese avoid the high costs of obtaining a logging licence and obligation to replant the trees.<ref name="Dijkstra 2015"/>

Corruption has also contributed to the increased rate of illegal logging. One Chinese business person reported that, “whenever they [got] pulled over by police, they [gave] them some money so they [could] continue with their journey.”<ref name="Dijkstra 2015"/> Many logging companies also move timber at night when there are no inspectors on the road.<ref name="Mackenzie 2006">Catherine Mackenzie. 2006. Forest Governance in Zambézia, Mozambique: Chinese Takeaway! Final Report for Fongza. https://www.open.ac.uk/technology/mozambique/sites/www.open.ac.uk.technology.mozambique/files/pics/d72272.pdf</ref> It is reported that there is extensive corruption, especially in the provincial forest services, police and customs.<ref name="Mackenzie 2006"/> For instance, many of the small Mozambican operators are forced to pay bribes as high as US $400 to forestry officials, simply to obtain a licence.<ref name="Mackenzie 2006"/> They harvest more than they are legally allowed to do, and pay bribes to the police at check points.<ref name="Mackenzie 2006"/> As a result of this widespread corruption, several Mozambican politicians and officials are quickly becoming rich while the inhabitants of the forest remain desperately poor.<ref name="Dijkstra 2015"/> According to the Mozambican law, local communities should receive 20% of taxes charged on timber harvesting but this money does not flow back to them at all.<ref name="Dijkstra 2015"/>

This veritable epidemic of crime and environmental mismanagement has deprived the world’s second least developed country of US $146 million in lost tax revenue since 2007. Without major reforms, Mozambique’s forest and forest economy are staring down the barrel of very a bleak future.<ref name="EIA 2014"/>

=== Framing the Problem: Layering Perspectives ===

The description above describes illegal logging in Mozambique from the perspective of a forestry student. In this section we welcome contributions from other perspectives. Those interested in contributing to this case study may use the following questions as a guide:

# How do scholars and professionals outside of forestry conceptualize the practice of illegal logging in Mozambique?
# What are other possible ways of framing this problem?
# What special expertise, resources, or theoretical orientations might others bring to help us understand this phenomenon better?

== Implications ==
=== 2.1 Implications: A Forestry Perpective ===
Corruption, at many levels, is a significant factor in the mismanagement of Mozambique's forests; the benefits received by governmental staff, as well as public and private elites, contributes to inconsistent and sub-standard enforcement of regulations. The excessive harvesting and exporting that results, enables foreign buyers to maximize their profits on Mozambican timber.<ref name="Mackenzie 2006"/> Thus, government failure to enforce their own laws leads to many economic, social, and cultural problems.<ref name="Mackenzie 2006"/>
==== 2.1.1 Economic Impact ====
There are several economic problems associated with the issue of illegal logging including, loss of revenue and opportunities, loss of opportunities for employment, skills acquisition, and industrial development, loss of opportunities for rural communities to manage and benefit from their own resources, loss of tax and other government revenues as a consequence of the export of raw rather than processed materials, and unrecorded illegal harvest and export. Proper management of the logging industry in Mozambique could mean that these profits could have been captured and used to help alleviate poverty in the country.<ref name="Mackenzie 2006"/>
==== 2.1.2 Social Impact ====
The exploitation of hardwoods has many significantly and negatively affects local communities. Loggers entering the communities cause social disruption, division and inequities by bribing local leaders in order to get their consent<ref name="Mackenzie 2006"/>, undermining local governance systems as well as the rule of law. This corruption militates against future development efforts in the community.<ref name="Mackenzie 2006"/> Lastly, most of the Mozambicans live in rural-based communities, practicing a subsistence form of agriculture;<ref name="Mackenzie 2006"/> deforestation fundamentally affects local ecosystems as well as native community ties to the land by disrupting this relationship.<ref name="Mackenzie 2006"/>
==== 2.1.3 Cultural Impact ====
Communities are both formal and informal stakeholders in the forest sector.<ref name="Petition">Online Petition. 2013. Bring an end to the illegal Mozambique timber trade. https://forcechange.com/58243/bring-an-end-to-the-illegal-mozambique-timber-trade/</ref> Formally they provide labour to concession holders and simple licence operators. But jobs are few (in relation to the number of community members), seasonal and often pay below the minimum wage.<ref name="Petition"/> Women rarely receive employment and are typically disadvantaged by loss of their spouses' labour in agriculture and lack of control over the wages earned.<ref name="Petition"/> Moreover, Mozambicans have deep historical, cultural and social ties to the land. With the current rate of deforestation, however, many Mozambicans may see their livelihood and ancestral claims vanish within a few generations.<ref name="Petition"/>

=== 2.2 Implications: Layering Perspectives ===

The description above describes the implications from illegal logging in Mozambique from the perspective of a forestry student. In this section we welcome contributions from other perspectives. Those interested in contributing to this case study may use the following questions as a guide:
# How could someone from a different discipline or profession add to the implications above?
# What other implications become apparent when illegal logging is viewed through the lens of other disciplines and professions?
# What special expertise, resources, or theoretical orientations might others bring to help us better understand the implications associated with illegal logging in Mozambique?

== Current Initiatives to Combat Illegal Logging ==
Due to the high rate of illegal logging in Mozambique, the government has entered into a regional agreement to combat illegal logging with Tanzania, Madagascar, Uganda and Kenya.<ref name="Monga Bay 2015">Monga Bay. 2015. 5 African countries agree to combat illegal timber trade. 10 September. https://news.mongabay.com/2015/09/5-african-countries-agree-to-combat-illegal-timber-trade/</ref> The declaration was signed on 10 September 2015 at the XIV World Forestry Congress in Durban, South Africa. It takes aim at the burgeoning trade of illegal timber in the region.<ref name="Monga Bay 2015"/> Madagascar and Central African countries are generally the source of illicit timber, while Uganda, Kenya and Tanzania are major transit points through which it is sent to overseas markets.<ref name="Monga Bay 2015"/> Mozambique is both a source and transit country. The declaration asked member states to develop monitoring and reporting systems for their respective timber industries as well as implement bans on log exports.<ref name="Monga Bay 2015"/>

== Recommendations ==
=== 4.1 Recommendations: A Forestry Perspective ===
# Mozambique should immediately impose an embargo on log exports to China and investigate the Environmental Investigation Agency's account of internal corruption among Mozambique’s high-ranking officials.<ref name="Petition"/>
# Chief consumer countries including China, India, European and the Middle East should be pressured to consider the issue of illegal timber exports to their countries as a priority agenda item.<ref name="Monga Bay 2015"/>
# Government should introduce community-based forest management practices that directly involve communities in the management of forests. This is due to the fact that Mozambicans have deep historic, cultural and social ties to the land and with the current rate of deforestation, many Mozambicans may see their livelihood and ancestral claims vanish within a few generations.<ref name="Petition"/>

=== 4.2 Recommendations: Layering Perspectives ===
What recommendations might someone from another discipline or profession make to combat the issue of illegal logging in Mozambique?
Examples might include:
* Law
* Geography
* Environmental Science
* Social Justice
* Economics
* History
* Anthropology
* Philosophy

== References ==

<References/>

[[Category:FRST522]]

Open Case Studies/FRST522/Cambodia

2017-05-14T19:37:16Z

JenniferMansour: /* Conclusion */

<big>'''Illegal logging in Cambodia'''</big>

Is the Cambodian government making efforts to combat illegal logging?

{{#widget:YouTube|id=CuoOS4NZBCA|height=315|width=420}}

== Introduction to the Economic Land Concessions and tenure rights over forest land==
Cambodia has a land area of 181,035 kilometers, of which 56.5% is classified as forest land, 32.1% agricultural land and 11.4% for other land use purposes.<ref>World Bank. (n.d.).http://data.worldbank.org/country/cambodia. </ref>. During the Khmer Rouge era, from 1975-1979, private land ownership was abolished. The Land Law 2001 introduced state public land and state private land that is mostly converted to Economic Land Concessions (ELC). It is estimated that 25% of the rural poor are landless, with an annual increase of 2%. 40% of the rural poor are also land-poor as the possession of less than 0.5 ha per household cannot produce enough food for subsistence. <ref>Oldenburg C, Neef A. Reversing land grabs or aggravating tenure insecurity? Competing perspectives on economic land concessions and land titling in Cambodia [J]. Law and Development Review, 2014, 7(1): 49-77.</ref>

The system of granting concessions was introduced under the French colonial system. The first concessions were initiated in 1874. The system of land concessions continued after Independence, ceased during the Khmer Rouge administration and was reintroduced after the Land Law 1992 was passed. Legally MAFF is the only authority for granting ELCs. In practice, the other authorities are also granted rights to issue concessions. During 1993-2002, about 6.5 million ha, 70% of the forest cover were held under concession<ref name="XG"/>. In the wake of negative impacts from the concessions, this system was abolished in 2002. With an insignificant portion of timber supply from the Production Forests and Plantations and very little data found on timber logging from mining and hydropower projects, the EU-FLEGT Facility (2014) concluded that Economic Concession Lands had become the dominant supplier of timber in Cambodia. <ref>Understanding timber flows and control in Cambodia in the context of FLEGT (2014). Retrieved from http://www.euflegt.efi.int/documents/10180/211477/Understanding+timber+flows+and +control+in+Cambodia+in+the+context+of+FLEGTc/03c0c17a-5dd0-43d6-9ccc-b4f661ba7463</ref>
In Cambodia, the Permanent Forest Estates (PFE) consist of Permanent Forest Reserves and Private Forests. The PFEs are further classified into Production forests, protection forests and conversion forestland for other development purposes. According to the Forestry Law, all natural production forest types are state property managed by the Forestry Administration, Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fishery. The State should recognize and ensure the traditional user rights of the local communities living within or near the Permanent Forest Reserves, for the purpose of traditional customs, beliefs, religions and livelihoods. The traditional user rights for forest products and by-products do not require the permit. The MAFF has the authority to allocate any part of the PFR to a community living inside or near a forest area in the form of a Community Forest. <ref>the Cambodia Forestry law (2002)https://data.opendevelopmentmekong.net/dataset/cambodia-law-on-forestry-2002/resource/1de9634f-ed3b-4eb1-8eb1-93da42e40412. </ref>.

== A snapshot of illegal logging ==
From the early 1970s to the mid-1990s, the forest cover in Cambodia decreased sharply from 75% to less than 35% <ref name="Home"/>, mainly due to the illegal, but officially sanctioned logging, by the Royal Cambodian Army Forces and Khmer Rouge. <ref name= "Jason"/>. To be specific, legal logging accounts for 33% of logging activity and illegal logging accounts for 2/3 of the logging.<ref name="Home"/>. In 1997, 2,024,000-3,155,000 m3, or 70% of the total harvest were recorded as illegally logged. In terms of profitability, illegally logged wood earns USD120 per m3, 2.4 times more than that in the legal concession lands. .<ref name="XG"/>. Cambodia first brought the term "conflict timber" to international attention. Conflict timber refers to the financing of conflict through the harvest and sale of timber or conflict emerging as a result of competition over timber or other forest resources. The remnant groups of the Khmer Rouge sold large stands of forest to purchase arms to continue political struggle.<ref name="Home"/>.

It is generally agreed that the Cambodian State is an authoritarian one-party state and Hun Sen and his networks are in full control. The predatory state apparatus is founded on coercive patronage networks between business elites, the prime minister, the CPP and government officials to benefit a minority of elites.<ref name= "Dad"/>. Powerful individual actors such as the military, police, high-policy makers and politicians are thus highly complicit in illegal logging and timber trade.

[[File:Cambodia-map-blank.PNG|thumb|The map of Cambodia]]
[[File:Logging in Cambodia.gif|thumb|Illegally logged timber transportation]]

== Framing the Problem: A Forestry Perspective ==
Reboredo studied and reported on different causes of illegal logging such as poverty, weak governance and the absence of sustainable forest management, though these causes are not universally applicable to all the cases where illegal logging is found. <ref name= "Jason">Reboredo F. Socio-economic, environmental, and governance impacts of illegal logging [J]. Environment Systems and Decisions, 2013, 33(2): 295-304. http://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10669-013-9444-7.</ref>.The illegal logging in Cambodia is a mixture of all the above-mentioned reasons and others.

=== Political background===
Beginning with low-level cross-border raids and soon escalating into full-fledged war in December 1978, Vietnam and Cambodia had a warring period that lasted until 1991. Having experienced two decades of warfare and a Western-led economic embargo and a ruling authority-initiated genocide of a fifth of its population, Cambodia in the late 1980s was in a transition period. With reference to forests, forests were transmitted from Khmer Rouge-controlled territory into timber production<ref name="family">Le Billon P. The political ecology of transition in Cambodia 1989–1999: war, peace and forest exploitation [J]. Development and change, 2000, 31(4): 785-805. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/doi/10.1111/1467-7660.00177/epdf.</ref>

=== Illegal logging on (conflicting) concession land systems ===
The actual management of the production forests take place through concession agreements with concessionaires. 63% was allocated as concession lands and some concessions even overlap. In Ratanakiri, for example, the combined allocation of protected areas, forestry and agricultural concessions exceeds 30% of the total land. Even national level allocations cover 102% of the land area in provinces.<ref>Southavilay T, Castrén T. Timber trade and wood flow study–Lao PDR[J]. Regional Environmental Technical Assistance, 1999, 5771.</ref> The land overlaps might be partly attributed to a lack of vertical and horizontal communication among authorities at different levels. Even for the legal concessionaires, they may be readily evicted by overseas competitors. With the absence of or insufficiently executed law on the land, ambiguous land tenure claims as above-mentioned are normative. And in most cases where there are two claimants to land, it is always the more powerful party - the party with the covert or overt support of the State - that wins the battle.<ref name="Home"/> Illegally cut logs found stockpiled in the concession areas could be used with ''ad hoc'' permits or licenses, or sale of confiscated logs through auctions. The Collection permits offer an efficient way of collecting revenue from illegally cut logs. In general, this system has left loopholes for the occurrence of illegal logging. <ref name="XG">.Southavilay T, Castren T. Timber Trade and Wood Flow-Study[J]. Lao PDR. Poverty Reduction and Environmental Management in Remote Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS) Watersheds Project. Manilla: Asian Development Bank, 1998</ref>.

=== Weak governance ===
According to Transparency International's Corruption Perception Index (CPI), Cambodia ranks at 21 out of 100 in 2015, ranking 150th among the 168 countries surveyed. There is scant or no budget openness. <ref>. Transparency International, 2015.http://www.transparency.org/country#KHM.</ref>. As timber logging, transportation and trade require infrastructure, capital and coordinated skills, powerful stakeholders allied to government officials, either in the form of the military and other security forces, are better placed than other constituency groups to leverage resources and are almost always involved in the exploitation of timber for revenues. <ref name="Home"/> In November 1995, 30 mainly foreign logging companies, were granted 6.3 million hectares of forest as concessions, which is three times the area that can support commercial logging. <ref name=" Home"> Thomson J, Kanaan R. Conflict timber: Dimensions of the problem in Asia and Africa [J]. 2004. http://pdf.usaid.gov/pdf_docs/Pnact462.pdf. </ref>. The revenues from these operations almost entirely bypass the national budget and represent an absolute loss to the country.

==Framing the Problem: Layering Perspectives==
The description above describes illegal logging in Cambodia from the perspective of a forestry student. In this section we welcome contributions from other perspectives. Those interested in contributing to this case study may use the following questions as a guide:
#How do scholars and professionals outside of forestry conceptualize the practice of illegal logging in Cambodia?
#What are other possible ways of framing this problem?
#What special expertise, resources, or theoretical orientations might others bring to help us understand this phenomenon better?

== A case study: Cross-border illegal logging ==
The remote borderlands are generally isolated from the central state provinces and are generally regarded as marginalized sites of lawlessness. The Cambodian- Lao borderlands is an isolated locale rich in natural resources but poor in basic infrastructure. With geopolitical insignificance and inaccessibility of national capital flows, it has become a hotspot for illegal cross-border logging of luxury timbers. <ref name= "Dad">1.Singh S. Borderland practices and narratives: Illegal cross-border logging in northeastern Cambodia [J]. Ethnography, 2014, 15(2): 135-159. http://eth.sagepub.com.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/content/15/2/135 .</ref>. This area was marked as a site of conflicts and political turmoil when Cambodia and Vietnam were at war and illegal logging was used to support the war and the purchase of weapons.

Sekong village in Stung Treng Province, about 40km south of Attapeu and Champassak Provinces in Laos, is close to Cambodia’s largest national park - Virachey National Park. Stung Treng Province has 900 villagers and many have been involved in the illegal cross-border logging of luxury rosewood timber such as Siamese rosewood. <ref name= "Dad"/> Compared to traditional income-earning activities such as resin-collection, fishing and hunting, much higher returns (US$300-3,000 per trip) from logging rosewood are paid to villagers by Cambodian timber traders and soldiers. In addition, transporting these illegally logged luxury timbers offers much higher taxes by traditional communities to the Cambodian border checkpoints, and offer opportunities for corruption to the soldiers and officers at the border whose salary is only US$25 per month<ref name= "Dad"/>.

== Implications: A Forestry Perspective ==
=== Environmental ===
Illegal logging leads to serious environmental problems such as biodiversity degradation, carbon stock reduction, reduced water quality and the outbreak of natural disasters among others. Once Illegal logging occurs at a large destructive scale, it leads to forest conversion and an alarming rate of deforestation and forest degradation. As some illegal logging occurs also in the protected areas, rare plants and animals may become threatened too.<ref name="Jason"/>

Deforestation and forest degradation have become the greatest source of forest carbon emissions. Sasaki found that carbon stock in production forest declined from 130.5 MgC ha-1 in 1993 to 115.2 MgC ha-1 in 2002. <ref name="apple">Sasaki N. Carbon emissions due to land-use change and logging in Cambodia: a modeling approach[J]. Journal of forest research, 2006, 11(6): 397-403. http://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10310-006-0228-5.</ref>, contributing to the increasing carbon emissions to the atmosphere.

=== Economic ===
Illegal logging generates a large amount of benefits for the few elites as well as provides secretive livelihood opportunities for involved community members. Compared to the limited economic benefits for national or local stakeholders, more negative economic implications pose great challenges both for the nation and other sectors. As illustrated before, the revenue from illegal logging often bypasses the national exchequer and thus cannot be allocated for education, medical care and other public sectors. Illegally logged timber discourages sustainable management and sustainable logging practices, resulting in unfair competition with other companies that are legally logging. Illegal logging results in negative externalities. What is more, the local communities or even local authorities have not acquired a fair amount of the 'economic rent' <ref name="Jason"/> and Payment for Ecosystem(PES), while they lose accessibility and benefit rights to forest (ABS).

=== Cultural ===
Forests serve cultural and spiritual purposes. Cambodia is a Buddhism-believing country and Buddhists believe trees are like our parents and that protecting trees means to eliminate the suffering of human beings. Some monks in Cambodia conserved the biggest community forest and won the UNDP Equator Prize for creating a best practice for biodiversity conservation and poverty alleviation.<ref>Alliance of Religions and Conservation (2003). Buddhist Faith Statement. Retrieved from http://www.arcworld.org/faiths.asp?pageID=66.</ref>

=== Social ===
Mulcahy & Boissière stated that 80% of the rural poor depend on forests and agricultural land for their subsistence and livelihoods. Forest resources contribute between 30-42% of total household income for the rural people<ref>Mulcahy, G., & Boissière, M. (2014). No forest, no NTFPs for rural communities in Cambodia (Vol. 67). CIFOR. </ref>. Illegal logging is destructive for the forest and harmful for the communities for whom the forest provides a livelihood, especially for women. Cambodia has been implementing REDD+ projects which are aimed to reduce deforestation and forest degradation. However, studies show that communities living in areas covered by REDD+ projects are being deprived of the accessibility to forests, that livestock husbandry interferes with their traditional way of life and livelihood opportunities. As such, conflicts between wood industry concerns and local communities are prevalent. As shown in the video (see above), the World Food Program estimated that approximately 3 million communities are living within 30 km of logging concessions and are severely affected by the illegal logging <ref> Illegal Logging in Cambodia. Retrieved fromhttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CuoOS4NZBCA.</ref>. If they lose both the land for rice production and the resin trees inherited from their parents, they may find it impossible to feed themselves. In the future their children and grandchildren will similarly suffer.

==Implications: Layering Perspectives==
The description above describes the implications from illegal logging in Cambodia from the perspective of a forestry student. In this section we welcome contributions from other perspectives. Those interested in contributing to this case study may use the following questions as a guide:
#How could someone from a different discipline or profession add to the implications above?
#What other implications become apparent when illegal logging is viewed through the lens of other disciplines and professions?
#What special expertise, resources, or theoretical orientations might others bring to help us better understand the implications associated with illegal logging in Cambodia?

== Combating illegal logging ==
The state forest authority should aim for efficiency, cost effectiveness, transparency and equability and have an auditing system. The government should carefully guide the preparation for establishing a chain of custody certification system and timber legality assurance system to ensure that future wood processing is based on legally harvested timber, and that processed timber from Cambodia can be sustainably exported. The government should work out a system to ensure the timber processing industry is in balance with its source of supply. .<ref name="CZ">The Cambodia Forestry Outlook Study. 2010.http://www.fao.org/docrep/014/am627e/am627e00.pdf</ref>. Three neighboring countries -- Thailand, Laos and Vietnam -- are currently engaged in negotiation processes of the Voluntary Partnership Agreement under EU-FLEGT<ref>EUFLEGT. Voluntary Partnership Agreement. http://www.euflegt.efi.int/vpa-asia</ref>. The Cambodian government could also consider to engage in a similar international commitment.

The top agenda for the forest authority is to reform its land system, underline law compliance, and implement the Community Forestry Project, imparting communities with Access and Benefit Sharing Rights (ABS) and to solve the conflicts between the local community, forest management authority and concession holders. The timber industries and enterprises should have credible Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) commitments and obtain a Social License to Operate (SLO) and strengthen the concept of product of origins. Many international non-governmental organizations like the Environment Investigation Agency, Global Witness, Greenpeace and TRAFFIC should be supported so that they can continue to act as watchdogs over the illegal logging, processing, transportation and trade and provide capacity building programs for law enforcement agencies.

== Recommendations: A Forestry Perspective ==
Illegal logging in Cambodia is a complex issue shaped by different political, economic and social factors at the national and international levels. Due to scant or insufficiently recorded data from the national authorities, illegally logged timber may be underestimated at certain periods. Illegal timber harvesting has become a major threat to deforestation and forest degradation in Cambodia. Though illegal logging has brought significant economic benefits to the political, military and business elites and even to local communities, the negative environmental, political, social and cultural implications cannot be neglected. Solving this issue needs long-term joint efforts from the national and international communities and requires positive changes to the current legal and operational systems.

At the national level, strengthening forest law enforcement, improving forest governance and improving the land use system are the top priorities. At the international level, those countries and industries who wish to ‘offset’ their logging damage through carbon market and REDD projects should reconsider this issue to avoid ‘leakage’. Instead, they should contribute to establish a well-monitored chain of custody or supply chain of legally-logged timber. As Cambodia is still one of the least developed countries whose economic development depends highly on natural resources, corruption in Cambodia cannot be halted within a short period of time and international timber demand is still robustly high. There is still a long way to go to alleviate or halt the current trajectory of illegal logging.

==Recommendations: Layering Perspectives==
What recommendations might someone from another discipline or profession make to combat the issue of illegal logging in Cambodia? Examples might include:
*Law
*Geography
*Environmental Science
*Social Justice
*Economics
*History
*Anthropology
*Philosophy

== References ==
<references/>

[[Category:FRST522]]

Open Case Studies/FRST522/Cambodia

2017-05-14T19:35:57Z

JenniferMansour: /* Implications */

<big>'''Illegal logging in Cambodia'''</big>

Is the Cambodian government making efforts to combat illegal logging?

{{#widget:YouTube|id=CuoOS4NZBCA|height=315|width=420}}

== Introduction to the Economic Land Concessions and tenure rights over forest land==
Cambodia has a land area of 181,035 kilometers, of which 56.5% is classified as forest land, 32.1% agricultural land and 11.4% for other land use purposes.<ref>World Bank. (n.d.).http://data.worldbank.org/country/cambodia. </ref>. During the Khmer Rouge era, from 1975-1979, private land ownership was abolished. The Land Law 2001 introduced state public land and state private land that is mostly converted to Economic Land Concessions (ELC). It is estimated that 25% of the rural poor are landless, with an annual increase of 2%. 40% of the rural poor are also land-poor as the possession of less than 0.5 ha per household cannot produce enough food for subsistence. <ref>Oldenburg C, Neef A. Reversing land grabs or aggravating tenure insecurity? Competing perspectives on economic land concessions and land titling in Cambodia [J]. Law and Development Review, 2014, 7(1): 49-77.</ref>

The system of granting concessions was introduced under the French colonial system. The first concessions were initiated in 1874. The system of land concessions continued after Independence, ceased during the Khmer Rouge administration and was reintroduced after the Land Law 1992 was passed. Legally MAFF is the only authority for granting ELCs. In practice, the other authorities are also granted rights to issue concessions. During 1993-2002, about 6.5 million ha, 70% of the forest cover were held under concession<ref name="XG"/>. In the wake of negative impacts from the concessions, this system was abolished in 2002. With an insignificant portion of timber supply from the Production Forests and Plantations and very little data found on timber logging from mining and hydropower projects, the EU-FLEGT Facility (2014) concluded that Economic Concession Lands had become the dominant supplier of timber in Cambodia. <ref>Understanding timber flows and control in Cambodia in the context of FLEGT (2014). Retrieved from http://www.euflegt.efi.int/documents/10180/211477/Understanding+timber+flows+and +control+in+Cambodia+in+the+context+of+FLEGTc/03c0c17a-5dd0-43d6-9ccc-b4f661ba7463</ref>
In Cambodia, the Permanent Forest Estates (PFE) consist of Permanent Forest Reserves and Private Forests. The PFEs are further classified into Production forests, protection forests and conversion forestland for other development purposes. According to the Forestry Law, all natural production forest types are state property managed by the Forestry Administration, Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fishery. The State should recognize and ensure the traditional user rights of the local communities living within or near the Permanent Forest Reserves, for the purpose of traditional customs, beliefs, religions and livelihoods. The traditional user rights for forest products and by-products do not require the permit. The MAFF has the authority to allocate any part of the PFR to a community living inside or near a forest area in the form of a Community Forest. <ref>the Cambodia Forestry law (2002)https://data.opendevelopmentmekong.net/dataset/cambodia-law-on-forestry-2002/resource/1de9634f-ed3b-4eb1-8eb1-93da42e40412. </ref>.

== A snapshot of illegal logging ==
From the early 1970s to the mid-1990s, the forest cover in Cambodia decreased sharply from 75% to less than 35% <ref name="Home"/>, mainly due to the illegal, but officially sanctioned logging, by the Royal Cambodian Army Forces and Khmer Rouge. <ref name= "Jason"/>. To be specific, legal logging accounts for 33% of logging activity and illegal logging accounts for 2/3 of the logging.<ref name="Home"/>. In 1997, 2,024,000-3,155,000 m3, or 70% of the total harvest were recorded as illegally logged. In terms of profitability, illegally logged wood earns USD120 per m3, 2.4 times more than that in the legal concession lands. .<ref name="XG"/>. Cambodia first brought the term "conflict timber" to international attention. Conflict timber refers to the financing of conflict through the harvest and sale of timber or conflict emerging as a result of competition over timber or other forest resources. The remnant groups of the Khmer Rouge sold large stands of forest to purchase arms to continue political struggle.<ref name="Home"/>.

It is generally agreed that the Cambodian State is an authoritarian one-party state and Hun Sen and his networks are in full control. The predatory state apparatus is founded on coercive patronage networks between business elites, the prime minister, the CPP and government officials to benefit a minority of elites.<ref name= "Dad"/>. Powerful individual actors such as the military, police, high-policy makers and politicians are thus highly complicit in illegal logging and timber trade.

[[File:Cambodia-map-blank.PNG|thumb|The map of Cambodia]]
[[File:Logging in Cambodia.gif|thumb|Illegally logged timber transportation]]

== Framing the Problem: A Forestry Perspective ==
Reboredo studied and reported on different causes of illegal logging such as poverty, weak governance and the absence of sustainable forest management, though these causes are not universally applicable to all the cases where illegal logging is found. <ref name= "Jason">Reboredo F. Socio-economic, environmental, and governance impacts of illegal logging [J]. Environment Systems and Decisions, 2013, 33(2): 295-304. http://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10669-013-9444-7.</ref>.The illegal logging in Cambodia is a mixture of all the above-mentioned reasons and others.

=== Political background===
Beginning with low-level cross-border raids and soon escalating into full-fledged war in December 1978, Vietnam and Cambodia had a warring period that lasted until 1991. Having experienced two decades of warfare and a Western-led economic embargo and a ruling authority-initiated genocide of a fifth of its population, Cambodia in the late 1980s was in a transition period. With reference to forests, forests were transmitted from Khmer Rouge-controlled territory into timber production<ref name="family">Le Billon P. The political ecology of transition in Cambodia 1989–1999: war, peace and forest exploitation [J]. Development and change, 2000, 31(4): 785-805. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/doi/10.1111/1467-7660.00177/epdf.</ref>

=== Illegal logging on (conflicting) concession land systems ===
The actual management of the production forests take place through concession agreements with concessionaires. 63% was allocated as concession lands and some concessions even overlap. In Ratanakiri, for example, the combined allocation of protected areas, forestry and agricultural concessions exceeds 30% of the total land. Even national level allocations cover 102% of the land area in provinces.<ref>Southavilay T, Castrén T. Timber trade and wood flow study–Lao PDR[J]. Regional Environmental Technical Assistance, 1999, 5771.</ref> The land overlaps might be partly attributed to a lack of vertical and horizontal communication among authorities at different levels. Even for the legal concessionaires, they may be readily evicted by overseas competitors. With the absence of or insufficiently executed law on the land, ambiguous land tenure claims as above-mentioned are normative. And in most cases where there are two claimants to land, it is always the more powerful party - the party with the covert or overt support of the State - that wins the battle.<ref name="Home"/> Illegally cut logs found stockpiled in the concession areas could be used with ''ad hoc'' permits or licenses, or sale of confiscated logs through auctions. The Collection permits offer an efficient way of collecting revenue from illegally cut logs. In general, this system has left loopholes for the occurrence of illegal logging. <ref name="XG">.Southavilay T, Castren T. Timber Trade and Wood Flow-Study[J]. Lao PDR. Poverty Reduction and Environmental Management in Remote Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS) Watersheds Project. Manilla: Asian Development Bank, 1998</ref>.

=== Weak governance ===
According to Transparency International's Corruption Perception Index (CPI), Cambodia ranks at 21 out of 100 in 2015, ranking 150th among the 168 countries surveyed. There is scant or no budget openness. <ref>. Transparency International, 2015.http://www.transparency.org/country#KHM.</ref>. As timber logging, transportation and trade require infrastructure, capital and coordinated skills, powerful stakeholders allied to government officials, either in the form of the military and other security forces, are better placed than other constituency groups to leverage resources and are almost always involved in the exploitation of timber for revenues. <ref name="Home"/> In November 1995, 30 mainly foreign logging companies, were granted 6.3 million hectares of forest as concessions, which is three times the area that can support commercial logging. <ref name=" Home"> Thomson J, Kanaan R. Conflict timber: Dimensions of the problem in Asia and Africa [J]. 2004. http://pdf.usaid.gov/pdf_docs/Pnact462.pdf. </ref>. The revenues from these operations almost entirely bypass the national budget and represent an absolute loss to the country.

==Framing the Problem: Layering Perspectives==
The description above describes illegal logging in Cambodia from the perspective of a forestry student. In this section we welcome contributions from other perspectives. Those interested in contributing to this case study may use the following questions as a guide:
#How do scholars and professionals outside of forestry conceptualize the practice of illegal logging in Cambodia?
#What are other possible ways of framing this problem?
#What special expertise, resources, or theoretical orientations might others bring to help us understand this phenomenon better?

== A case study: Cross-border illegal logging ==
The remote borderlands are generally isolated from the central state provinces and are generally regarded as marginalized sites of lawlessness. The Cambodian- Lao borderlands is an isolated locale rich in natural resources but poor in basic infrastructure. With geopolitical insignificance and inaccessibility of national capital flows, it has become a hotspot for illegal cross-border logging of luxury timbers. <ref name= "Dad">1.Singh S. Borderland practices and narratives: Illegal cross-border logging in northeastern Cambodia [J]. Ethnography, 2014, 15(2): 135-159. http://eth.sagepub.com.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/content/15/2/135 .</ref>. This area was marked as a site of conflicts and political turmoil when Cambodia and Vietnam were at war and illegal logging was used to support the war and the purchase of weapons.

Sekong village in Stung Treng Province, about 40km south of Attapeu and Champassak Provinces in Laos, is close to Cambodia’s largest national park - Virachey National Park. Stung Treng Province has 900 villagers and many have been involved in the illegal cross-border logging of luxury rosewood timber such as Siamese rosewood. <ref name= "Dad"/> Compared to traditional income-earning activities such as resin-collection, fishing and hunting, much higher returns (US$300-3,000 per trip) from logging rosewood are paid to villagers by Cambodian timber traders and soldiers. In addition, transporting these illegally logged luxury timbers offers much higher taxes by traditional communities to the Cambodian border checkpoints, and offer opportunities for corruption to the soldiers and officers at the border whose salary is only US$25 per month<ref name= "Dad"/>.

== Implications: A Forestry Perspective ==
=== Environmental ===
Illegal logging leads to serious environmental problems such as biodiversity degradation, carbon stock reduction, reduced water quality and the outbreak of natural disasters among others. Once Illegal logging occurs at a large destructive scale, it leads to forest conversion and an alarming rate of deforestation and forest degradation. As some illegal logging occurs also in the protected areas, rare plants and animals may become threatened too.<ref name="Jason"/>

Deforestation and forest degradation have become the greatest source of forest carbon emissions. Sasaki found that carbon stock in production forest declined from 130.5 MgC ha-1 in 1993 to 115.2 MgC ha-1 in 2002. <ref name="apple">Sasaki N. Carbon emissions due to land-use change and logging in Cambodia: a modeling approach[J]. Journal of forest research, 2006, 11(6): 397-403. http://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10310-006-0228-5.</ref>, contributing to the increasing carbon emissions to the atmosphere.

=== Economic ===
Illegal logging generates a large amount of benefits for the few elites as well as provides secretive livelihood opportunities for involved community members. Compared to the limited economic benefits for national or local stakeholders, more negative economic implications pose great challenges both for the nation and other sectors. As illustrated before, the revenue from illegal logging often bypasses the national exchequer and thus cannot be allocated for education, medical care and other public sectors. Illegally logged timber discourages sustainable management and sustainable logging practices, resulting in unfair competition with other companies that are legally logging. Illegal logging results in negative externalities. What is more, the local communities or even local authorities have not acquired a fair amount of the 'economic rent' <ref name="Jason"/> and Payment for Ecosystem(PES), while they lose accessibility and benefit rights to forest (ABS).

=== Cultural ===
Forests serve cultural and spiritual purposes. Cambodia is a Buddhism-believing country and Buddhists believe trees are like our parents and that protecting trees means to eliminate the suffering of human beings. Some monks in Cambodia conserved the biggest community forest and won the UNDP Equator Prize for creating a best practice for biodiversity conservation and poverty alleviation.<ref>Alliance of Religions and Conservation (2003). Buddhist Faith Statement. Retrieved from http://www.arcworld.org/faiths.asp?pageID=66.</ref>

=== Social ===
Mulcahy & Boissière stated that 80% of the rural poor depend on forests and agricultural land for their subsistence and livelihoods. Forest resources contribute between 30-42% of total household income for the rural people<ref>Mulcahy, G., & Boissière, M. (2014). No forest, no NTFPs for rural communities in Cambodia (Vol. 67). CIFOR. </ref>. Illegal logging is destructive for the forest and harmful for the communities for whom the forest provides a livelihood, especially for women. Cambodia has been implementing REDD+ projects which are aimed to reduce deforestation and forest degradation. However, studies show that communities living in areas covered by REDD+ projects are being deprived of the accessibility to forests, that livestock husbandry interferes with their traditional way of life and livelihood opportunities. As such, conflicts between wood industry concerns and local communities are prevalent. As shown in the video (see above), the World Food Program estimated that approximately 3 million communities are living within 30 km of logging concessions and are severely affected by the illegal logging <ref> Illegal Logging in Cambodia. Retrieved fromhttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CuoOS4NZBCA.</ref>. If they lose both the land for rice production and the resin trees inherited from their parents, they may find it impossible to feed themselves. In the future their children and grandchildren will similarly suffer.

==Implications: Layering Perspectives==
The description above describes the implications from illegal logging in Cambodia from the perspective of a forestry student. In this section we welcome contributions from other perspectives. Those interested in contributing to this case study may use the following questions as a guide:
#How could someone from a different discipline or profession add to the implications above?
#What other implications become apparent when illegal logging is viewed through the lens of other disciplines and professions?
#What special expertise, resources, or theoretical orientations might others bring to help us better understand the implications associated with illegal logging in Cambodia?

== Combating illegal logging ==
The state forest authority should aim for efficiency, cost effectiveness, transparency and equability and have an auditing system. The government should carefully guide the preparation for establishing a chain of custody certification system and timber legality assurance system to ensure that future wood processing is based on legally harvested timber, and that processed timber from Cambodia can be sustainably exported. The government should work out a system to ensure the timber processing industry is in balance with its source of supply. .<ref name="CZ">The Cambodia Forestry Outlook Study. 2010.http://www.fao.org/docrep/014/am627e/am627e00.pdf</ref>. Three neighboring countries -- Thailand, Laos and Vietnam -- are currently engaged in negotiation processes of the Voluntary Partnership Agreement under EU-FLEGT<ref>EUFLEGT. Voluntary Partnership Agreement. http://www.euflegt.efi.int/vpa-asia</ref>. The Cambodian government could also consider to engage in a similar international commitment.

The top agenda for the forest authority is to reform its land system, underline law compliance, and implement the Community Forestry Project, imparting communities with Access and Benefit Sharing Rights (ABS) and to solve the conflicts between the local community, forest management authority and concession holders. The timber industries and enterprises should have credible Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) commitments and obtain a Social License to Operate (SLO) and strengthen the concept of product of origins. Many international non-governmental organizations like the Environment Investigation Agency, Global Witness, Greenpeace and TRAFFIC should be supported so that they can continue to act as watchdogs over the illegal logging, processing, transportation and trade and provide capacity building programs for law enforcement agencies.

== Conclusion==
Illegal logging in Cambodia is a complex issue shaped by different political, economic and social factors at the national and international levels. Due to scant or insufficiently recorded data from the national authorities, illegally logged timber may be underestimated at certain periods. Illegal timber harvesting has become a major threat to deforestation and forest degradation in Cambodia. Though illegal logging has brought significant economic benefits to the political, military and business elites and even to local communities, the negative environmental, political, social and cultural implications cannot be neglected. Solving this issue needs long-term joint efforts from the national and international communities and requires positive changes to the current legal and operational systems.

At the national level, strengthening forest law enforcement, improving forest governance and improving the land use system are the top priorities. At the international level, those countries and industries who wish to ‘offset’ their logging damage through carbon market and REDD projects should reconsider this issue to avoid ‘leakage’. Instead, they should contribute to establish a well-monitored chain of custody or supply chain of legally-logged timber. As Cambodia is still one of the least developed countries whose economic development depends highly on natural resources, corruption in Cambodia cannot be halted within a short period of time and international timber demand is still robustly high. There is still a long way to go to alleviate or halt the current trajectory of illegal logging.

== References ==
<references/>

[[Category:FRST522]]

Open Case Studies/FRST522/Cambodia

2017-05-14T19:34:39Z

JenniferMansour: /* Framing the problem */

<big>'''Illegal logging in Cambodia'''</big>

Is the Cambodian government making efforts to combat illegal logging?

{{#widget:YouTube|id=CuoOS4NZBCA|height=315|width=420}}

== Introduction to the Economic Land Concessions and tenure rights over forest land==
Cambodia has a land area of 181,035 kilometers, of which 56.5% is classified as forest land, 32.1% agricultural land and 11.4% for other land use purposes.<ref>World Bank. (n.d.).http://data.worldbank.org/country/cambodia. </ref>. During the Khmer Rouge era, from 1975-1979, private land ownership was abolished. The Land Law 2001 introduced state public land and state private land that is mostly converted to Economic Land Concessions (ELC). It is estimated that 25% of the rural poor are landless, with an annual increase of 2%. 40% of the rural poor are also land-poor as the possession of less than 0.5 ha per household cannot produce enough food for subsistence. <ref>Oldenburg C, Neef A. Reversing land grabs or aggravating tenure insecurity? Competing perspectives on economic land concessions and land titling in Cambodia [J]. Law and Development Review, 2014, 7(1): 49-77.</ref>

The system of granting concessions was introduced under the French colonial system. The first concessions were initiated in 1874. The system of land concessions continued after Independence, ceased during the Khmer Rouge administration and was reintroduced after the Land Law 1992 was passed. Legally MAFF is the only authority for granting ELCs. In practice, the other authorities are also granted rights to issue concessions. During 1993-2002, about 6.5 million ha, 70% of the forest cover were held under concession<ref name="XG"/>. In the wake of negative impacts from the concessions, this system was abolished in 2002. With an insignificant portion of timber supply from the Production Forests and Plantations and very little data found on timber logging from mining and hydropower projects, the EU-FLEGT Facility (2014) concluded that Economic Concession Lands had become the dominant supplier of timber in Cambodia. <ref>Understanding timber flows and control in Cambodia in the context of FLEGT (2014). Retrieved from http://www.euflegt.efi.int/documents/10180/211477/Understanding+timber+flows+and +control+in+Cambodia+in+the+context+of+FLEGTc/03c0c17a-5dd0-43d6-9ccc-b4f661ba7463</ref>
In Cambodia, the Permanent Forest Estates (PFE) consist of Permanent Forest Reserves and Private Forests. The PFEs are further classified into Production forests, protection forests and conversion forestland for other development purposes. According to the Forestry Law, all natural production forest types are state property managed by the Forestry Administration, Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fishery. The State should recognize and ensure the traditional user rights of the local communities living within or near the Permanent Forest Reserves, for the purpose of traditional customs, beliefs, religions and livelihoods. The traditional user rights for forest products and by-products do not require the permit. The MAFF has the authority to allocate any part of the PFR to a community living inside or near a forest area in the form of a Community Forest. <ref>the Cambodia Forestry law (2002)https://data.opendevelopmentmekong.net/dataset/cambodia-law-on-forestry-2002/resource/1de9634f-ed3b-4eb1-8eb1-93da42e40412. </ref>.

== A snapshot of illegal logging ==
From the early 1970s to the mid-1990s, the forest cover in Cambodia decreased sharply from 75% to less than 35% <ref name="Home"/>, mainly due to the illegal, but officially sanctioned logging, by the Royal Cambodian Army Forces and Khmer Rouge. <ref name= "Jason"/>. To be specific, legal logging accounts for 33% of logging activity and illegal logging accounts for 2/3 of the logging.<ref name="Home"/>. In 1997, 2,024,000-3,155,000 m3, or 70% of the total harvest were recorded as illegally logged. In terms of profitability, illegally logged wood earns USD120 per m3, 2.4 times more than that in the legal concession lands. .<ref name="XG"/>. Cambodia first brought the term "conflict timber" to international attention. Conflict timber refers to the financing of conflict through the harvest and sale of timber or conflict emerging as a result of competition over timber or other forest resources. The remnant groups of the Khmer Rouge sold large stands of forest to purchase arms to continue political struggle.<ref name="Home"/>.

It is generally agreed that the Cambodian State is an authoritarian one-party state and Hun Sen and his networks are in full control. The predatory state apparatus is founded on coercive patronage networks between business elites, the prime minister, the CPP and government officials to benefit a minority of elites.<ref name= "Dad"/>. Powerful individual actors such as the military, police, high-policy makers and politicians are thus highly complicit in illegal logging and timber trade.

[[File:Cambodia-map-blank.PNG|thumb|The map of Cambodia]]
[[File:Logging in Cambodia.gif|thumb|Illegally logged timber transportation]]

== Framing the Problem: A Forestry Perspective ==
Reboredo studied and reported on different causes of illegal logging such as poverty, weak governance and the absence of sustainable forest management, though these causes are not universally applicable to all the cases where illegal logging is found. <ref name= "Jason">Reboredo F. Socio-economic, environmental, and governance impacts of illegal logging [J]. Environment Systems and Decisions, 2013, 33(2): 295-304. http://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10669-013-9444-7.</ref>.The illegal logging in Cambodia is a mixture of all the above-mentioned reasons and others.

=== Political background===
Beginning with low-level cross-border raids and soon escalating into full-fledged war in December 1978, Vietnam and Cambodia had a warring period that lasted until 1991. Having experienced two decades of warfare and a Western-led economic embargo and a ruling authority-initiated genocide of a fifth of its population, Cambodia in the late 1980s was in a transition period. With reference to forests, forests were transmitted from Khmer Rouge-controlled territory into timber production<ref name="family">Le Billon P. The political ecology of transition in Cambodia 1989–1999: war, peace and forest exploitation [J]. Development and change, 2000, 31(4): 785-805. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/doi/10.1111/1467-7660.00177/epdf.</ref>

=== Illegal logging on (conflicting) concession land systems ===
The actual management of the production forests take place through concession agreements with concessionaires. 63% was allocated as concession lands and some concessions even overlap. In Ratanakiri, for example, the combined allocation of protected areas, forestry and agricultural concessions exceeds 30% of the total land. Even national level allocations cover 102% of the land area in provinces.<ref>Southavilay T, Castrén T. Timber trade and wood flow study–Lao PDR[J]. Regional Environmental Technical Assistance, 1999, 5771.</ref> The land overlaps might be partly attributed to a lack of vertical and horizontal communication among authorities at different levels. Even for the legal concessionaires, they may be readily evicted by overseas competitors. With the absence of or insufficiently executed law on the land, ambiguous land tenure claims as above-mentioned are normative. And in most cases where there are two claimants to land, it is always the more powerful party - the party with the covert or overt support of the State - that wins the battle.<ref name="Home"/> Illegally cut logs found stockpiled in the concession areas could be used with ''ad hoc'' permits or licenses, or sale of confiscated logs through auctions. The Collection permits offer an efficient way of collecting revenue from illegally cut logs. In general, this system has left loopholes for the occurrence of illegal logging. <ref name="XG">.Southavilay T, Castren T. Timber Trade and Wood Flow-Study[J]. Lao PDR. Poverty Reduction and Environmental Management in Remote Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS) Watersheds Project. Manilla: Asian Development Bank, 1998</ref>.

=== Weak governance ===
According to Transparency International's Corruption Perception Index (CPI), Cambodia ranks at 21 out of 100 in 2015, ranking 150th among the 168 countries surveyed. There is scant or no budget openness. <ref>. Transparency International, 2015.http://www.transparency.org/country#KHM.</ref>. As timber logging, transportation and trade require infrastructure, capital and coordinated skills, powerful stakeholders allied to government officials, either in the form of the military and other security forces, are better placed than other constituency groups to leverage resources and are almost always involved in the exploitation of timber for revenues. <ref name="Home"/> In November 1995, 30 mainly foreign logging companies, were granted 6.3 million hectares of forest as concessions, which is three times the area that can support commercial logging. <ref name=" Home"> Thomson J, Kanaan R. Conflict timber: Dimensions of the problem in Asia and Africa [J]. 2004. http://pdf.usaid.gov/pdf_docs/Pnact462.pdf. </ref>. The revenues from these operations almost entirely bypass the national budget and represent an absolute loss to the country.

==Framing the Problem: Layering Perspectives==
The description above describes illegal logging in Cambodia from the perspective of a forestry student. In this section we welcome contributions from other perspectives. Those interested in contributing to this case study may use the following questions as a guide:
#How do scholars and professionals outside of forestry conceptualize the practice of illegal logging in Cambodia?
#What are other possible ways of framing this problem?
#What special expertise, resources, or theoretical orientations might others bring to help us understand this phenomenon better?

== A case study: Cross-border illegal logging ==
The remote borderlands are generally isolated from the central state provinces and are generally regarded as marginalized sites of lawlessness. The Cambodian- Lao borderlands is an isolated locale rich in natural resources but poor in basic infrastructure. With geopolitical insignificance and inaccessibility of national capital flows, it has become a hotspot for illegal cross-border logging of luxury timbers. <ref name= "Dad">1.Singh S. Borderland practices and narratives: Illegal cross-border logging in northeastern Cambodia [J]. Ethnography, 2014, 15(2): 135-159. http://eth.sagepub.com.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/content/15/2/135 .</ref>. This area was marked as a site of conflicts and political turmoil when Cambodia and Vietnam were at war and illegal logging was used to support the war and the purchase of weapons.

Sekong village in Stung Treng Province, about 40km south of Attapeu and Champassak Provinces in Laos, is close to Cambodia’s largest national park - Virachey National Park. Stung Treng Province has 900 villagers and many have been involved in the illegal cross-border logging of luxury rosewood timber such as Siamese rosewood. <ref name= "Dad"/> Compared to traditional income-earning activities such as resin-collection, fishing and hunting, much higher returns (US$300-3,000 per trip) from logging rosewood are paid to villagers by Cambodian timber traders and soldiers. In addition, transporting these illegally logged luxury timbers offers much higher taxes by traditional communities to the Cambodian border checkpoints, and offer opportunities for corruption to the soldiers and officers at the border whose salary is only US$25 per month<ref name= "Dad"/>.

== Implications ==
=== Environmental ===
Illegal logging leads to serious environmental problems such as biodiversity degradation, carbon stock reduction, reduced water quality and the outbreak of natural disasters among others. Once Illegal logging occurs at a large destructive scale, it leads to forest conversion and an alarming rate of deforestation and forest degradation. As some illegal logging occurs also in the protected areas, rare plants and animals may become threatened too.<ref name="Jason"/>

Deforestation and forest degradation have become the greatest source of forest carbon emissions. Sasaki found that carbon stock in production forest declined from 130.5 MgC ha-1 in 1993 to 115.2 MgC ha-1 in 2002. <ref name="apple">Sasaki N. Carbon emissions due to land-use change and logging in Cambodia: a modeling approach[J]. Journal of forest research, 2006, 11(6): 397-403. http://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10310-006-0228-5.</ref>, contributing to the increasing carbon emissions to the atmosphere.

=== Economic ===
Illegal logging generates a large amount of benefits for the few elites as well as provides secretive livelihood opportunities for involved community members. Compared to the limited economic benefits for national or local stakeholders, more negative economic implications pose great challenges both for the nation and other sectors. As illustrated before, the revenue from illegal logging often bypasses the national exchequer and thus cannot be allocated for education, medical care and other public sectors. Illegally logged timber discourages sustainable management and sustainable logging practices, resulting in unfair competition with other companies that are legally logging. Illegal logging results in negative externalities. What is more, the local communities or even local authorities have not acquired a fair amount of the 'economic rent' <ref name="Jason"/> and Payment for Ecosystem(PES), while they lose accessibility and benefit rights to forest (ABS).

=== Cultural ===
Forests serve cultural and spiritual purposes. Cambodia is a Buddhism-believing country and Buddhists believe trees are like our parents and that protecting trees means to eliminate the suffering of human beings. Some monks in Cambodia conserved the biggest community forest and won the UNDP Equator Prize for creating a best practice for biodiversity conservation and poverty alleviation.<ref>Alliance of Religions and Conservation (2003). Buddhist Faith Statement. Retrieved from http://www.arcworld.org/faiths.asp?pageID=66.</ref>

=== Social ===
Mulcahy & Boissière stated that 80% of the rural poor depend on forests and agricultural land for their subsistence and livelihoods. Forest resources contribute between 30-42% of total household income for the rural people<ref>Mulcahy, G., & Boissière, M. (2014). No forest, no NTFPs for rural communities in Cambodia (Vol. 67). CIFOR. </ref>. Illegal logging is destructive for the forest and harmful for the communities for whom the forest provides a livelihood, especially for women. Cambodia has been implementing REDD+ projects which are aimed to reduce deforestation and forest degradation. However, studies show that communities living in areas covered by REDD+ projects are being deprived of the accessibility to forests, that livestock husbandry interferes with their traditional way of life and livelihood opportunities. As such, conflicts between wood industry concerns and local communities are prevalent. As shown in the video (see above), the World Food Program estimated that approximately 3 million communities are living within 30 km of logging concessions and are severely affected by the illegal logging <ref> Illegal Logging in Cambodia. Retrieved fromhttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CuoOS4NZBCA.</ref>. If they lose both the land for rice production and the resin trees inherited from their parents, they may find it impossible to feed themselves. In the future their children and grandchildren will similarly suffer.

== Combating illegal logging ==
The state forest authority should aim for efficiency, cost effectiveness, transparency and equability and have an auditing system. The government should carefully guide the preparation for establishing a chain of custody certification system and timber legality assurance system to ensure that future wood processing is based on legally harvested timber, and that processed timber from Cambodia can be sustainably exported. The government should work out a system to ensure the timber processing industry is in balance with its source of supply. .<ref name="CZ">The Cambodia Forestry Outlook Study. 2010.http://www.fao.org/docrep/014/am627e/am627e00.pdf</ref>. Three neighboring countries -- Thailand, Laos and Vietnam -- are currently engaged in negotiation processes of the Voluntary Partnership Agreement under EU-FLEGT<ref>EUFLEGT. Voluntary Partnership Agreement. http://www.euflegt.efi.int/vpa-asia</ref>. The Cambodian government could also consider to engage in a similar international commitment.

The top agenda for the forest authority is to reform its land system, underline law compliance, and implement the Community Forestry Project, imparting communities with Access and Benefit Sharing Rights (ABS) and to solve the conflicts between the local community, forest management authority and concession holders. The timber industries and enterprises should have credible Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) commitments and obtain a Social License to Operate (SLO) and strengthen the concept of product of origins. Many international non-governmental organizations like the Environment Investigation Agency, Global Witness, Greenpeace and TRAFFIC should be supported so that they can continue to act as watchdogs over the illegal logging, processing, transportation and trade and provide capacity building programs for law enforcement agencies.

== Conclusion==
Illegal logging in Cambodia is a complex issue shaped by different political, economic and social factors at the national and international levels. Due to scant or insufficiently recorded data from the national authorities, illegally logged timber may be underestimated at certain periods. Illegal timber harvesting has become a major threat to deforestation and forest degradation in Cambodia. Though illegal logging has brought significant economic benefits to the political, military and business elites and even to local communities, the negative environmental, political, social and cultural implications cannot be neglected. Solving this issue needs long-term joint efforts from the national and international communities and requires positive changes to the current legal and operational systems.

At the national level, strengthening forest law enforcement, improving forest governance and improving the land use system are the top priorities. At the international level, those countries and industries who wish to ‘offset’ their logging damage through carbon market and REDD projects should reconsider this issue to avoid ‘leakage’. Instead, they should contribute to establish a well-monitored chain of custody or supply chain of legally-logged timber. As Cambodia is still one of the least developed countries whose economic development depends highly on natural resources, corruption in Cambodia cannot be halted within a short period of time and international timber demand is still robustly high. There is still a long way to go to alleviate or halt the current trajectory of illegal logging.

== References ==
<references/>

[[Category:FRST522]]

Open Case Studies/FRST522/Cameroon

2017-05-14T19:17:43Z

JenniferMansour: /* Reflections and Recommendations */

Illegal Logging Case Study: Cameroon

By: Sarah Sra

[[File:LocationCameroon.svg|right]]
== Introduction ==
Cameroon is located at the junction of western and central Africa and is well known for its geological and cultural diversity. However, despite having achieved political and social stability, many Cameroonians still live below the poverty line. The authoritarian President, Paul Biya, has retained power in the country for over three decades. <ref name = "WRI"> World Resources Institute (2016) The Governance of Forests Initiative:Cameroon. Retrieved from www.wri.org/our-work/project/governance-forests-initiative/cameroon. </ref>. The country is also home to approximately 22 million hectares of tropical forests, making it a crucial component of the Congo Basin forest ecosystem and home to many endemic species <ref name = "WRI"/>. Many Cameroonians rely on these forests as they provide an important source of revenue, employment and livelihoods, in addition to providing a number of important ecosystem services and habitat for over 9,000 plant species, 910 bird species and 320 mammal species <ref name = "WRI"/>. Forests and non-timber forest products (NTFP) contribute largely to the economy by providing between 45,000 and 70,000 jobs and account for over 10% of the annual GDP <ref name = "Kozak"> Kozak, Robert, A. & Alemagi, Dieudonne (2010) Illegal logging in Cameroon: Causes and the path forward. ''Forest Policy and Economics''. ''Vol 12'' (8) 554-561 </ref> . Globally, Cameroon has become the sixth largest exporter of tropical timber and receives an annual revenue of 60 million US dollars from this industry <ref name = "Kozak"/> .

The forests are also home to nearly four million people who belong to Bantu ethnic groups, as well as the indigenous Pygmy people who comprise three large ethnic groups in the region: the Baka, the Bakola/Bagyeli and the Bedzan.<ref name = "Robinson"> Robinson, Djeukam (2008). Forestry and Communities in Cameroon.Centre for Environment and Development (CED), Yaoundé, Cameroon. Retrieved from http://www.ceecec.net/case-studies/forestry-and-communities-in-cameroon/ </ref> The traditional lifestyle of these Indigenous groups relies heavily on natural resources, including hunting and gathering which is typically done in territorial and egalitarian nomadic bands. However, they are increasingly adopting a sedentary lifestyle focusing on agriculture under the influence of multiple factors that have recently emerged, including wide spread deforestation, that has lead to a loss of resources that are essential for their biological and cultural well being. <ref name = "Robinson"/>

== History ==
The country has struggled to recover from a great economic crisis that hit hard in the 1980's. This initially had lead to a neglect in implementing regulations in the forestry sector in order to favor industrial growth, which has continued into the present.<ref name = "POC"> Cerutti, Paolo Omar, Tacconi, Luca, Lescuyer, Guillaume, Nasi, Robert (2012). Cameroon's Hidden Harvest: Commercial Chainsaw Logging, Corruption, and Livelihoods. Society and Natural Resources. Vol 26, (5), pages 539-553</ref> There have also been reported cases of intra-community conflicts in Cameroon, with local forest communities allegedly barricading logging trucks and holding forest workers hostage in forest camps.<ref name = "Kozak"/> .A conflict of precedence between village elites and traditional chiefs also exists in the eastern part of the country over authority in managing forest royalties <ref name = "Kozak"/>

An example of protests regarding issues of rights to resources can be seen in the resistance to the commercial harvesting of the Moabi tree by the Bantu people in Southern Cameroon. Since commercial logging began decades ago, members of local communities have continued to protect their trees against logging by leaving notes on the trunk with their names as well as physically threatening loggers with machetes. To avoid these conflicts, loggers have tried to offer compensation for cutting down these trees, but this has led to many reports of conflicts between family members who want to sell their trees, and those who are against it. These conflicts are usually gendered as well, with more men wanting to sell their rights to the trees. Women tend to rely more on the trees for medicine, food and income, while men generally benefit more from selling the tree rather than enjoying its ownership.<ref name = "fem"> Veuthey, Sandra., Gerber, Julien-Francois (2010). Logging conflicts in Southern Cameroon: A feminist ecological economics perspective. Ecological economics. Vol 70, (2) pages 170-177</ref> Uses of the Moabi Tree are discussed below in the "cultural" section under "Implications".

==What Is Illegal Logging?==
Illegal logging occurs when timber is harvested, transported, processed, bought or sold in violation of national or sub national laws.<ref name = "WWF"> World Wildlife Fund (2016). Illegal Logging. Retrieved from http://wwf.panda.org/about_our_earth/deforestation/deforestation_causes/illegal_logging/.</ref> In Cameroon, the law indicates six different types of logging permits that may be issued by the government:<ref name = "FM"> Forests Monitor. Cameroon: Political, social and economic framework. Retrieved from http://www.forestsmonitor.org/en/reports/540539/549935</ref>

# Sales of standing volume - should not cover more than 2,500 hectares and last for a limited period of time (Section 55).
# Exploitation Permits - which are for the extraction of not more than 500 cubic meters of timber (Section 56).
# Individual Felling Authorization - the extraction of not more than 30 cubic meters of wood for non-commercial use (Section 57).
# Concessions - can include one or more Forest Management Units (FMA) and will be reviewed every three years and is for a specified volume of timber (Section 46).
# State Exploitation - via sale of standing volume or exploitation contract (Section 44).
# Wood Recovery Permit

It is estimated that Cameroon has approximately 600 native tree species. Illegal logging has contributed to 50 of these species being listed as critically endangered under the International Union For The Conservation Of Nature (IUCN) Red List, while 27 species are considered endangered and another 106 species are listed as vulnerable.<ref name = "MB"/>

==Framing the Problem of Illegal Logging in Cameroon: A Forestry Perspective==
While Cameroon has established a formal system of forest enterprises that are legally registered, rates of illegal logging in the country remain high. Although it can be difficult to quantify the amount of timber harvested illegally, a 2002 study conducted by the World Wildlife Fund (WWF) suggests that 50-70% of timber is sourced in this manner.<ref name = "WWF"/> The deforestation rate is high at about 1% annually, and many people in the informal sector rely on timber for fuel and subsistence. This informal extraction is also difficult to measure, but estimates suggest that it contributes to more than half of the timber that is harvested illegally. The rest is illegally logged by large companies in the formal sector.<ref name = "FM"/> Some permits are allocated only through a competitive bidding process, forcing companies to put a high price on concessions. To recover their costs, they often extract timber in areas that are five or six times their legally allotted areas, knowing that there is very weak monitoring and enforcement in place, and they also tend to out-compete companies that operate sustainably.<ref name = "FM"/> For instance, evidence suggests that as much as 50% of Cameroon's roundwood is harvested illegally, with the majority of the activity taking place within forests that are operated by concessions. <ref name = "Kozak"/> A report by Global Witness and Cameroon's Ministry of Environment and Forests (MINFOF) showed that in the 2002/2003 fiscal year more than 70,000 square meters were logged, in excess of what was allotted to concessionaires.<ref name = "Kozak"/> There is also a high domestic demand for wood that causes illegal loggers from the informal sector to encroach onto protected areas, as private individuals consume an estimated 200,000 square meters of illegal timber annually.<ref name = "Robinson"/> According to Global Forest Watch, Cameroon has lost 657,000 hectares of forest between 2001 and 2014.<ref name = "China"> Reuters (2016). Cameroon moves to curb forest loss linked to Chinese investment. Retrieved from http://www.reuters.com/article/us-cameroon-investment-china-forests-idUSKCN0ZS0VE</ref>

When discussing matters of illegal logging, the State holds an ambiguous power position for three main reasons:

# In order to attract foreign investment, the government takes little action when companies commit serious offences.<ref name = "Robinson"/>
# The State has a weak capacity to monitor and enforce legislation due to corruption and Structural Adjustment Policies that have reduced the number of civil servants and their salaries to monitor illegal activities.<ref name = "Robinson"/>
# Political elites and foreign operators often conspire to appropriate wealth generated from illegal timber extraction through bribery, corruption and transfer pricing, with adverse effects on the public and forest-dependent communities through a loss of revenue and royalty payments.<ref name = "Robinson"/>

===The Issue of Land Tenure===
According to customary institutions, local people, including both Bantu and Pygmy communities, have ownership rights over the land and all natural resources that are necessary for their daily survival. <ref name = "Robinson"/> However, these ancestral customs have been under threat since the colonial period when Germany announced that the country had many "vacant and ownerless lands" and used this claim as a tool to appropriate all land and resources by converting common pool resources into state and private property. After independence in 1960, the philosophy of colonial law had not been diminished, but was instead reformed by new laws in 1974 focusing on driving development. These laws benefitted the State while leaving little room for customary institutions.<ref name = "Kozak"/> Today, about 70% of the country is considered public land that is owned by the State, and the State acts as the custodian of the remaining 30% of national lands whose real owner is said to be the entire Cameroon nation. However, since the State claims to be the legal guardian of all land, the amount of land under direct state control is reported to be closer to 97% of national territory, with the exception of community forests and a few public forest anomalies.<ref> Samuel Assembe-Mvondo, Carol J. P. Colfer, Maria Brockhaus & Raphael Tsanga (2014) Review of the legal ownership status of national lands in Cameroon: A more nuanced view, Development Studies Research, 1:1, 148-160, DOI: 10.1080/21665095.2014.927739</ref> This has lead to a long history of the State benefiting while local people continue to be disadvantaged. They are often denied claims to ancestral forest lands and have trouble obtaining land at all while the best land is given to large logging enterprises by the state.<ref name = "Kozak"/> A few local communities have use rights in small restricted areas.<ref name = "book"> IUCN (2011). Governance of Ecosystem Services: Lessons learned from Cameroon, China, Costa Rica, and Ecuador. Retrieved from https://books.google.ca/books?id=Mle4TsSyKGoC&pg=PA22&lpg=PA22&dq=public+land+cameroon&source=bl&ots=U7Yk7wZzsi&sig=x4xYC2KziV0xc_Ro7lGkPvbF1VA&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiei9Sdz5rQAhVP4WMKHTqjDJUQ6AEIUjAI#v=onepage&q=public%20land%20cameroon&f=false</ref> However there are still many competing and overlapping claims to land between local communities and the State.

Ultimately, this means that Cameroonians are insecure in regards to land tenure. The government holds the authority to grant "unregistered land" (which is essentially most of the country's land mass) in absolute title, lease or exclusive occupancy licenses to loggers, miners, ranchers, biofuel interests or to itself as "state forests". This is allowed since laws fail to acknowledge customary land-holding as amounting to real property interests, which also means that customary owners are not paid market value for lands which the government appropriates for public purposes.<ref name = "FERN"> Wily, Liz Alden (2010). Whose land is it? The status of customary land tenure in Cameroon. Centre for Environment and Development (FERN). Retrieved from http://www.fern.org/sites/fern.org/files/cameroon_eng_internet.pdf</ref> Additionally, the process for land registration makes it difficult for customary landowners to formally register in the system. The process is often remote, complex and expensive and is limited to lands that have been cleared, cultivated or physically settled.<ref name = "FERN"/> This has been highly problematic as Bantu societies inhabit lands beyond cultivated or visibly occupied areas and contain large portions of forests that are collectively managed, while the Pygmy communities hunter-gatherer lifestyles have relatively little impact on the forest cover and thus make it difficult to establish their presence in a given area.<ref name = "Robinson"/> Therefore, this method of registration is not compatible with the traditional lifestyles of indigenous communities. Since unregistered land is made the ''de facto'' property of the state in the form of National Lands, local communities essentially become squatters on their traditional lands while the government's appropriation of these customary lands protects commercial and industrial production.<ref name = "FERN"/> Millions of hectares of common property are excluded by this registration system which families, groups and villages have traditionally maintained as rangelands, wetlands or forests for sustainable livelihood support. The rights of those with the least amount of wealth and socio-institutional strength, such as the forest dwelling Pygmies, are the most abused in this system of governance.<ref name = "FERN"/>

===Forestry Laws===
Laws regulating forestry were first established in 1973, with many revisions in the decades following. These laws have been focused on regulating this sector, but requiring very little transparency in the process. More recent objectives include a reduction in forest loss with an increased level of public participation to reduce pressures on forests, which have been delivered in over twenty legal decrees and orders since 1995.<ref name = "FERN"/> An important change happened in 1994 when the government of Cameroon adopted a new Forestry Law and, at the time, became a leader in West African forest policy.<ref name = "Sayer"> Ezzine, Driss., Perez, Manuel., Sayer, Jeffrey. A., Lescuyer, Guillaume., Nasi, Robert., Karsenty, Alain (2009). External Influences on and Conditions for Community Logging Management in Cameroon. Vol 37 (2), pages 445-456</ref>. The reform process involved a wide range of stakeholders—from international institutions like the World Bank, to a number of national political and economic actors, with the resulting forest code aiming to satisfy several conflicting interests.<ref name = "Sayer"/> It also recognized that forests have intrinsic value that should not be undermined or compromised for future generations.<ref name = "book"/>

The development of community forests at this time was the result of a World Bank push to decentralize forest management while promoting logging management by local actors. The new 1994 Law also defined two major categories of forest. One is the permanent forest domain (PFD), which includes protected areas and logging concessions that have to be managed in a sustainable way so as to guarantee the long-term maintenance of forests. The second is the non-permanent forest domain (NPFD) which does not require the long-term maintenance of forests and includes ‘‘ventes de coupes” (sales of standing timber on a maximum of 2,500 ha) and community forests.<ref name = "Sayer"/> In Cameroon Community Forests can only be established in the NPFD, however they are still under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Forests. One major achievement of this law was a definition of community forest that enabled local populations to become the official managers with full use rights to forest resources that normally last for a 25-year period, although community forest status does not carry full and permanent property rights to the area allocated. There were also instruments in place for direct revenue sharing with communities and promises of infrastructure. However, it was reported that communities remained largely impoverished and seldom receive any benefits. For example, many local people still reside without electricity while timber companies receive power from private sources.<ref name = "China"/>

These laws surrounding community forests were developed for communities to rely timber production, but this is not explicitly embodied into the law. Therefore, community forests tend to exist only in tropical forest regions, not in the mountainous or savanna regions of the north where, for example, Prunus africana is harvested for medicinal uses, not timber.<ref name = "Sayer"/> It is important to note that these community forests depend on timber production, but there is no provision made for community lands outside of this, meaning that customary land ownership does not exist in the eyes of the law. Land which is not built on or farmed cannot be registered by customary land owners.<ref name = "FERN"/> When the community forest is finalized and logging authorization is delivered, communities have a choice of negotiating a contract with an external operator or managing operations and selling timber in the market.<ref name = "Sayer"/> However, few communities use the second option to manage their forests due largely to distance to markets, lack of market information and high transportation and transaction costs. The community therefore tends to opt for an agreement with an industrial operator and has a low degree of involvement. A lack of commercial logging skills also has a negative influence on the ability of the community to achieve higher levels of vertical integration.<ref name = "Sayer"/> Combined, these factors often exacerbate illegal logging in a country that already has weak monitoring and enforcement mechanisms in place. As of 2008, there were 135 fully operational community forest licenses that covered roughly 2% of forests.<ref name = "Kozak"/>

==Framing the Problem of Illegal Logging in Cameroon: Layering Perspectives==
The information above outlines the problems associated with illegal logging in Cameroon from the perspective of a forestry student. In this section we welcome contributions from other perspectives. Those interested in contributing to this case study may use the following questions as a guide:
#How do scholars and professionals outside of forestry conceptualize the practice of illegal logging in Cameroon?
#What are other possible ways of framing this problem?
#What special expertise, resources, or theoretical orientations might others bring to help us understand this phenomenon better?

== Causes of Illegal Logging ==
==== Corruption ====
Cameroon has consistently been rated by Transparency International as one of the most corrupt countries in the world with a ranking of 138 out of 160 countries surveyed <ref>Transparency International (2015). Corruption by Country:Cameroon. Retrieved from http://www.transparency.org/country#CMR </ref> . With respect to illegal logging, corruption is common and widespread. The government often demands a bribe for the provision of a service such as issuing a logging permit, while at the same time government officials and the private sector also develop methods to keep a greater portion of the revenue and deprive the government of its share <ref name = "Kozak"/> . Ethical standards to which concessionaires must adhere have not been set or practised by the government. Therefore, it has lost its credibility as an effective regulator and faces much criticsim when attempting to hold concessionaires accountable for illegal activities<ref name = "Kozak"/> .

====Poverty====
Although Cameroon is considered to be a lower middle income country, poverty affects almost 40% of the population<ref name = "WB"> The World Bank (2016). Cameroon Data. Retrieved from http://data.worldbank.org/country/cameroon</ref>. Unemployment rates are high, literacy rates are low and most people are subsistence farmers who work long, tedious hours for minimal pay. Little education means that they often lack the ability to complete the administrative requirements to participate in forestry activities in a legal manner, and tend to manufacture lower value commodity wood products like lumber and timber that generate less wealth and employment <ref name = "Kozak"/> .

====Conflicts====
Conflicts between different governmental ministries sometimes provide openings within the system that allow the operation of illegal logging. For instance, the Ministry of Environment and Nature Protection (MINEP) has a mandate to articulate, execute and assess the national policy in relation to the environment <ref name = "Kozak"/> . On the other hand, the forestry sector and its policies are formulated, evaluated and implemented by a different ministry - the Ministry of Forests and Wildlife. (MINFOF) <ref name = "Kozak"/> These inconsistencies can often lead to administrative gaps within the governance system which facilitates illegal activities.

====Licensing Arrangements====
The high costs of obtaining community forestry licenses provides a disincentive for small scale firms and individuals residing in forest communities to develop a management plan, register as an official business and operate legally <ref name = "Kozak"/> .The length of time it takes to process licenses is also a challenge to many applicants, especially those who depend on cash from logging revenues for daily survival and cannot afford to wait long periods of time. For example, members of the Payo community in the eastern part of the country report that their application for a community forest had been sitting in the capital city of Yaounde for a year without approval. <ref name = "Kozak"/> These types of legislative processes often exacerbate instances of illegal logging.

===Example: China in Cameroon===
In recent years there has been an increase in Chinese companies operating in Cameroon's timber sector which has fueled illegal logging and is rapidly depleting forests. Cameroon launched an investment drive in 2010, and China has become the main partner. China has invested more than $400 million USD annually, 80% of which is to be used for infrastructure such as roads, hydro-electric dams and seaports.<ref name = "China"/> This has encouraged the government to issue many licenses to Chinese firms and allow the exploitation of natural resources. This dependency that has been created has made Cameroon vulnerable and reluctant to enforce laws violated by Chinese companies who extract copious amounts of timber to meet their own domestic demand.<ref name = "Robinson"/> This is occurring in several regions throughout the country.

==Implications: A Forestry Perspective==
===Environmental===
In Cameroon, it is common for a few high value timber species to be extracted from the forest for commercial purposes, with six species representing almost 80% of timber production:<ref name = "Robinson"/>

* Ayous (Triplochition scleroxylon)
* Sapelli (Entandrophragma cylindricum)
*Azobe (Lophira alata)
*Frake (Terminalia superba)
*Tali (Erythrophleum ivorense)
*Iroko (Chlorophora excelsa)

Searching for specific tree species means that roads are often constructed into large forested areas to extract a few trees. This opens up new areas for human settlements, the development of agriculture and commercial hunting - all of which increase pressures on forests. While local communities have traditionally depended on bushmeat, a commercial trade in the industry has been relatively recent and has decimated many wildlife populations including rare and endangered species such as lowland gorillas and elephants.<ref name = "Robinson"/> High rates of deforestation also have negative impacts on climate change, while selecting certain species for harvest decreases biodiversity and the overall resiliency of the forest.
In the northern part of the country, deforestation has been associated with increasing rates of soil erosion, desertification and a reduced quality of pastureland.<ref name ="MB"> Mongabay (2006). Tropical Rainforests: Cameroon. Retrieved from http://rainforests.mongabay.com/20cameroon.htm </ref> Although it is well known that foreign companies contribute largely to illegal logging, concessions continue to be issued as residents are promised an increase in infrastructure such as roads and electricity, and social services like education and healthcare that promise to increase their standard of living.

===Political===
Based on the evidence presented above, it appears as though the main dilemma for lawmakers is regulating timber harvesting without deterring foreign investment. This becomes even more difficult when the budgets that are allocated are inadequate for the amount of monitoring and enforcement needed. Since 2010, more than half of all timber that is considered illegal is harvested by the informal sector, mostly for domestic consumption.<ref>Modern Ghana (2015). Illegal logging is still a struggle in Cameroon. Retrieved from https://www.modernghana.com/news/611878/illegal-logging-still-a-struggle-in-cameroon.html</ref> Although few local people have viable alternative options to meet their basic needs for energy, the government continues to label this this type of collection largely as illegal and issues very few timber permits for the informal sector. The government ultimately holds all authority to make and enforce decisions regarding forests.<ref name = "MB"/> A shift in power or inclusion of indigenous communities and local people in the decision making process would help to resolve some of the issues of illegal logging in the informal sector.

===Economic===
It is estimated that the government of Cameroon loses approximately 1.5 million Euros worth of timber each year due to illegal logging, a significant amount for a country that is often unable to provide adequate social services for its residents.<ref name = "Greenpeace2"> Greenpeace International (2003). Illegal logging and the heart of darkness. Retrieved from http://www.greenpeace.org/international/en/news/features/illegal-logging-in-cameroon/</ref> Three Dutch companies, Wijma, Reef and CIBEC, are known for operating illegally and have destroyed numerous villagers' subsistence cash crops with no compensation offered.<ref name = "Greenpeace2"/> This continues to impoverish local people and further prevents them from having the financial resources to apply for community or logging licenses to compete in the local market. The consumers of illegal timber from Cameroon are mostly European nations. However the timber entering the majority of the EU countries is now considered to be high risk.<ref name = "MB"/> Therefore, certain types of timber from Cameroon are scarce in European markets, and are sold at a higher price.<ref name = "Greenpeace2"/>

===Cultural===
The Pygmy communities report experiencing a type of "spiritual prejudice" that is caused by illegal logging activities.<ref name = "Robinson"/> In the Baka cosmology, when God created the world that included humans and nature, listening to the bees was his favorite activity. Therefore, humans had to stay quiet so as not to disturb God. However, one day some Baka began to make noise in the forest and God punished them by turning them into wild animals. Noise that is associated with logging is therefore directly related to their religion and has a severe impact.<ref name = "Robinson"/> For the forest societies of Southern Cameroon, the moabi tree plays a crucial role for medicine, food, culture and economic value and people often resist its logging. Deceased bodies were traditionally placed at the bottom of the tree and left to decompose, rendering the tree a totem that embodied the power of the ancestor. More than 50 medicines can be made using the leaves, roots, sap and bark including treatments against painful menstruation, vaginal infections and postnatal care.<ref name = "fem"/> Fruits are consumed while seeds produce oil for consumption and sale, which is controlled almost exclusively by women from collection to commercialization. <ref name = "Robinson"/>

== Implications: Layering Perspectives ==
The description above describes the implications from illegal logging in Cameroon from the perspective of a forestry student. In this section we welcome contributions from other perspectives. Those interested in contributing to this case study may use the following questions as a guide:
#How could someone from a different discipline or profession add to the implications above?
#What other implications become apparent when illegal logging is viewed through the lens of other disciplines and professions?
#What special expertise, resources, or theoretical orientations might others bring to help us better understand the implications associated with illegal logging in Cameroon?

==Initiatives to Combat Illegal Logging==
Although progress in combating illegal logging remains slow, there are initiatives in place that attempt to mitigate this problem. Cameroon agreed to join the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES) in 1999, which includes protecting and monitoring the trade of two tree species - Pericopsis elata and Prunus africana.<ref>Forest Legality Alliance (2012). Cameroon laws and regulations. Retrieved from http://www.forestlegality.org/risk-tool/country/cameroon-0</ref> Since 2012, there have been reports of improved forest governance with the implementation of sanctions against violators of national laws. For instanace, it was reported that 27 forest exploitation companies had been suspended in 2012 and 7 others in 2014 for operating with incorrect licenses.<ref name = "China"/> Greenpeace Africa has also been pushing the government of Cameroon to hold independent and transparent audits of the Compagnie de Commerce et de Transport (CCT), who has a reputation for engaging in highly illegal and destructive practices, such as logging several kilometers outside of their legal logging titled area. They are pushing for proper sanctions when illegal activities have been confirmed as well as audits that will help to trace timber generated from illegal activities. <ref name = "Greenpeace2"/> Timber from Cameroon is also coming under increased scrutiny in international markets, with Europe being the largest consumer of timber that is suspected to be sourced illegally. In 2010, Cameroon signed a Voluntary Partnership Agreement (VPA) with the European Union (EU) which aims to strengthen forest governance, promote Cameroon's timber products and improve Cameroon's competitiveness in the international market. It also encourages investment in sustainable forest management and strengthens the capacity of forest stakeholders.<ref>EU FLEGT Facility (2014). VPA Countries:Cameroon. Retrieved from http://www.euflegt.efi.int/cameroon</ref> The country has been engaged with REDD+ since 2005, part of which aims to curb deforestation that is often linked with illegal logging.<ref>The REDD Desk (2013). REDD in Cameroon. Retrieved from http://theredddesk.org/countries/cameroon</ref>

==Reflections and Recommendations: A Forestry Perspective==
Illegal logging is a widespread and complicated issue throughout Cameroon. Although the government has attempted to make progress in combating this issue, evidence suggests that such commitments may be made to please international donors while implementing effective solutions on the ground level is still an ongoing challenge. Steps to move forward should include much more transparency in the entire process of forest governance, and accountability for those who operate illegally. Strengthening institutions in terms of staff, funding and organization would also be beneficial, while de-centralizing services would make it easier for remote groups to get support and assistance with issues relating to forest management. Community involvement in the decision making process, especially from Indigenous groups, may help to mitigate some of these issues and start to build trust and cooperation between local groups and the state. Since more than half of all illegal logging is done by the informal sector, it is important to address poverty and meeting the energy needs of local groups which are driving factors behind much of the illegal timber harvesting. Combating poverty would also decrease dependence on foreign investment to provide services that increase the standard of living for Cameroonians. Recognizing land tenure insecurities and customary rights would further help to decrease conflicts and competing claims over land and encourage sustainable management of forest resources. More responsibility should also be shifted onto consumers. The international demand for certain species drives illegal logging, yet many nations continue to import timber that is likely to be derived from illegal sources. Increasing transparency in the supply chain and imposing sanctions may help to pressure the government of Cameroon to effectively monitor the forestry sector.

== Recommendations: Layering Perspectives ==
What recommendations might someone from another discipline or profession make to combat the issue of illegal logging in Cameroon? Examples might include:
*Law
*Geography
*Environmental Science
*Social Justice
*Economics
*History
*Anthropology
*Philosophy

==References==
<references/>

[[Category:FRST522]]

Open Case Studies/FRST522/Cameroon

2017-05-14T19:16:23Z

JenniferMansour: /* Implications */

Illegal Logging Case Study: Cameroon

By: Sarah Sra

[[File:LocationCameroon.svg|right]]
== Introduction ==
Cameroon is located at the junction of western and central Africa and is well known for its geological and cultural diversity. However, despite having achieved political and social stability, many Cameroonians still live below the poverty line. The authoritarian President, Paul Biya, has retained power in the country for over three decades. <ref name = "WRI"> World Resources Institute (2016) The Governance of Forests Initiative:Cameroon. Retrieved from www.wri.org/our-work/project/governance-forests-initiative/cameroon. </ref>. The country is also home to approximately 22 million hectares of tropical forests, making it a crucial component of the Congo Basin forest ecosystem and home to many endemic species <ref name = "WRI"/>. Many Cameroonians rely on these forests as they provide an important source of revenue, employment and livelihoods, in addition to providing a number of important ecosystem services and habitat for over 9,000 plant species, 910 bird species and 320 mammal species <ref name = "WRI"/>. Forests and non-timber forest products (NTFP) contribute largely to the economy by providing between 45,000 and 70,000 jobs and account for over 10% of the annual GDP <ref name = "Kozak"> Kozak, Robert, A. & Alemagi, Dieudonne (2010) Illegal logging in Cameroon: Causes and the path forward. ''Forest Policy and Economics''. ''Vol 12'' (8) 554-561 </ref> . Globally, Cameroon has become the sixth largest exporter of tropical timber and receives an annual revenue of 60 million US dollars from this industry <ref name = "Kozak"/> .

The forests are also home to nearly four million people who belong to Bantu ethnic groups, as well as the indigenous Pygmy people who comprise three large ethnic groups in the region: the Baka, the Bakola/Bagyeli and the Bedzan.<ref name = "Robinson"> Robinson, Djeukam (2008). Forestry and Communities in Cameroon.Centre for Environment and Development (CED), Yaoundé, Cameroon. Retrieved from http://www.ceecec.net/case-studies/forestry-and-communities-in-cameroon/ </ref> The traditional lifestyle of these Indigenous groups relies heavily on natural resources, including hunting and gathering which is typically done in territorial and egalitarian nomadic bands. However, they are increasingly adopting a sedentary lifestyle focusing on agriculture under the influence of multiple factors that have recently emerged, including wide spread deforestation, that has lead to a loss of resources that are essential for their biological and cultural well being. <ref name = "Robinson"/>

== History ==
The country has struggled to recover from a great economic crisis that hit hard in the 1980's. This initially had lead to a neglect in implementing regulations in the forestry sector in order to favor industrial growth, which has continued into the present.<ref name = "POC"> Cerutti, Paolo Omar, Tacconi, Luca, Lescuyer, Guillaume, Nasi, Robert (2012). Cameroon's Hidden Harvest: Commercial Chainsaw Logging, Corruption, and Livelihoods. Society and Natural Resources. Vol 26, (5), pages 539-553</ref> There have also been reported cases of intra-community conflicts in Cameroon, with local forest communities allegedly barricading logging trucks and holding forest workers hostage in forest camps.<ref name = "Kozak"/> .A conflict of precedence between village elites and traditional chiefs also exists in the eastern part of the country over authority in managing forest royalties <ref name = "Kozak"/>

An example of protests regarding issues of rights to resources can be seen in the resistance to the commercial harvesting of the Moabi tree by the Bantu people in Southern Cameroon. Since commercial logging began decades ago, members of local communities have continued to protect their trees against logging by leaving notes on the trunk with their names as well as physically threatening loggers with machetes. To avoid these conflicts, loggers have tried to offer compensation for cutting down these trees, but this has led to many reports of conflicts between family members who want to sell their trees, and those who are against it. These conflicts are usually gendered as well, with more men wanting to sell their rights to the trees. Women tend to rely more on the trees for medicine, food and income, while men generally benefit more from selling the tree rather than enjoying its ownership.<ref name = "fem"> Veuthey, Sandra., Gerber, Julien-Francois (2010). Logging conflicts in Southern Cameroon: A feminist ecological economics perspective. Ecological economics. Vol 70, (2) pages 170-177</ref> Uses of the Moabi Tree are discussed below in the "cultural" section under "Implications".

==What Is Illegal Logging?==
Illegal logging occurs when timber is harvested, transported, processed, bought or sold in violation of national or sub national laws.<ref name = "WWF"> World Wildlife Fund (2016). Illegal Logging. Retrieved from http://wwf.panda.org/about_our_earth/deforestation/deforestation_causes/illegal_logging/.</ref> In Cameroon, the law indicates six different types of logging permits that may be issued by the government:<ref name = "FM"> Forests Monitor. Cameroon: Political, social and economic framework. Retrieved from http://www.forestsmonitor.org/en/reports/540539/549935</ref>

# Sales of standing volume - should not cover more than 2,500 hectares and last for a limited period of time (Section 55).
# Exploitation Permits - which are for the extraction of not more than 500 cubic meters of timber (Section 56).
# Individual Felling Authorization - the extraction of not more than 30 cubic meters of wood for non-commercial use (Section 57).
# Concessions - can include one or more Forest Management Units (FMA) and will be reviewed every three years and is for a specified volume of timber (Section 46).
# State Exploitation - via sale of standing volume or exploitation contract (Section 44).
# Wood Recovery Permit

It is estimated that Cameroon has approximately 600 native tree species. Illegal logging has contributed to 50 of these species being listed as critically endangered under the International Union For The Conservation Of Nature (IUCN) Red List, while 27 species are considered endangered and another 106 species are listed as vulnerable.<ref name = "MB"/>

==Framing the Problem of Illegal Logging in Cameroon: A Forestry Perspective==
While Cameroon has established a formal system of forest enterprises that are legally registered, rates of illegal logging in the country remain high. Although it can be difficult to quantify the amount of timber harvested illegally, a 2002 study conducted by the World Wildlife Fund (WWF) suggests that 50-70% of timber is sourced in this manner.<ref name = "WWF"/> The deforestation rate is high at about 1% annually, and many people in the informal sector rely on timber for fuel and subsistence. This informal extraction is also difficult to measure, but estimates suggest that it contributes to more than half of the timber that is harvested illegally. The rest is illegally logged by large companies in the formal sector.<ref name = "FM"/> Some permits are allocated only through a competitive bidding process, forcing companies to put a high price on concessions. To recover their costs, they often extract timber in areas that are five or six times their legally allotted areas, knowing that there is very weak monitoring and enforcement in place, and they also tend to out-compete companies that operate sustainably.<ref name = "FM"/> For instance, evidence suggests that as much as 50% of Cameroon's roundwood is harvested illegally, with the majority of the activity taking place within forests that are operated by concessions. <ref name = "Kozak"/> A report by Global Witness and Cameroon's Ministry of Environment and Forests (MINFOF) showed that in the 2002/2003 fiscal year more than 70,000 square meters were logged, in excess of what was allotted to concessionaires.<ref name = "Kozak"/> There is also a high domestic demand for wood that causes illegal loggers from the informal sector to encroach onto protected areas, as private individuals consume an estimated 200,000 square meters of illegal timber annually.<ref name = "Robinson"/> According to Global Forest Watch, Cameroon has lost 657,000 hectares of forest between 2001 and 2014.<ref name = "China"> Reuters (2016). Cameroon moves to curb forest loss linked to Chinese investment. Retrieved from http://www.reuters.com/article/us-cameroon-investment-china-forests-idUSKCN0ZS0VE</ref>

When discussing matters of illegal logging, the State holds an ambiguous power position for three main reasons:

# In order to attract foreign investment, the government takes little action when companies commit serious offences.<ref name = "Robinson"/>
# The State has a weak capacity to monitor and enforce legislation due to corruption and Structural Adjustment Policies that have reduced the number of civil servants and their salaries to monitor illegal activities.<ref name = "Robinson"/>
# Political elites and foreign operators often conspire to appropriate wealth generated from illegal timber extraction through bribery, corruption and transfer pricing, with adverse effects on the public and forest-dependent communities through a loss of revenue and royalty payments.<ref name = "Robinson"/>

===The Issue of Land Tenure===
According to customary institutions, local people, including both Bantu and Pygmy communities, have ownership rights over the land and all natural resources that are necessary for their daily survival. <ref name = "Robinson"/> However, these ancestral customs have been under threat since the colonial period when Germany announced that the country had many "vacant and ownerless lands" and used this claim as a tool to appropriate all land and resources by converting common pool resources into state and private property. After independence in 1960, the philosophy of colonial law had not been diminished, but was instead reformed by new laws in 1974 focusing on driving development. These laws benefitted the State while leaving little room for customary institutions.<ref name = "Kozak"/> Today, about 70% of the country is considered public land that is owned by the State, and the State acts as the custodian of the remaining 30% of national lands whose real owner is said to be the entire Cameroon nation. However, since the State claims to be the legal guardian of all land, the amount of land under direct state control is reported to be closer to 97% of national territory, with the exception of community forests and a few public forest anomalies.<ref> Samuel Assembe-Mvondo, Carol J. P. Colfer, Maria Brockhaus & Raphael Tsanga (2014) Review of the legal ownership status of national lands in Cameroon: A more nuanced view, Development Studies Research, 1:1, 148-160, DOI: 10.1080/21665095.2014.927739</ref> This has lead to a long history of the State benefiting while local people continue to be disadvantaged. They are often denied claims to ancestral forest lands and have trouble obtaining land at all while the best land is given to large logging enterprises by the state.<ref name = "Kozak"/> A few local communities have use rights in small restricted areas.<ref name = "book"> IUCN (2011). Governance of Ecosystem Services: Lessons learned from Cameroon, China, Costa Rica, and Ecuador. Retrieved from https://books.google.ca/books?id=Mle4TsSyKGoC&pg=PA22&lpg=PA22&dq=public+land+cameroon&source=bl&ots=U7Yk7wZzsi&sig=x4xYC2KziV0xc_Ro7lGkPvbF1VA&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiei9Sdz5rQAhVP4WMKHTqjDJUQ6AEIUjAI#v=onepage&q=public%20land%20cameroon&f=false</ref> However there are still many competing and overlapping claims to land between local communities and the State.

Ultimately, this means that Cameroonians are insecure in regards to land tenure. The government holds the authority to grant "unregistered land" (which is essentially most of the country's land mass) in absolute title, lease or exclusive occupancy licenses to loggers, miners, ranchers, biofuel interests or to itself as "state forests". This is allowed since laws fail to acknowledge customary land-holding as amounting to real property interests, which also means that customary owners are not paid market value for lands which the government appropriates for public purposes.<ref name = "FERN"> Wily, Liz Alden (2010). Whose land is it? The status of customary land tenure in Cameroon. Centre for Environment and Development (FERN). Retrieved from http://www.fern.org/sites/fern.org/files/cameroon_eng_internet.pdf</ref> Additionally, the process for land registration makes it difficult for customary landowners to formally register in the system. The process is often remote, complex and expensive and is limited to lands that have been cleared, cultivated or physically settled.<ref name = "FERN"/> This has been highly problematic as Bantu societies inhabit lands beyond cultivated or visibly occupied areas and contain large portions of forests that are collectively managed, while the Pygmy communities hunter-gatherer lifestyles have relatively little impact on the forest cover and thus make it difficult to establish their presence in a given area.<ref name = "Robinson"/> Therefore, this method of registration is not compatible with the traditional lifestyles of indigenous communities. Since unregistered land is made the ''de facto'' property of the state in the form of National Lands, local communities essentially become squatters on their traditional lands while the government's appropriation of these customary lands protects commercial and industrial production.<ref name = "FERN"/> Millions of hectares of common property are excluded by this registration system which families, groups and villages have traditionally maintained as rangelands, wetlands or forests for sustainable livelihood support. The rights of those with the least amount of wealth and socio-institutional strength, such as the forest dwelling Pygmies, are the most abused in this system of governance.<ref name = "FERN"/>

===Forestry Laws===
Laws regulating forestry were first established in 1973, with many revisions in the decades following. These laws have been focused on regulating this sector, but requiring very little transparency in the process. More recent objectives include a reduction in forest loss with an increased level of public participation to reduce pressures on forests, which have been delivered in over twenty legal decrees and orders since 1995.<ref name = "FERN"/> An important change happened in 1994 when the government of Cameroon adopted a new Forestry Law and, at the time, became a leader in West African forest policy.<ref name = "Sayer"> Ezzine, Driss., Perez, Manuel., Sayer, Jeffrey. A., Lescuyer, Guillaume., Nasi, Robert., Karsenty, Alain (2009). External Influences on and Conditions for Community Logging Management in Cameroon. Vol 37 (2), pages 445-456</ref>. The reform process involved a wide range of stakeholders—from international institutions like the World Bank, to a number of national political and economic actors, with the resulting forest code aiming to satisfy several conflicting interests.<ref name = "Sayer"/> It also recognized that forests have intrinsic value that should not be undermined or compromised for future generations.<ref name = "book"/>

The development of community forests at this time was the result of a World Bank push to decentralize forest management while promoting logging management by local actors. The new 1994 Law also defined two major categories of forest. One is the permanent forest domain (PFD), which includes protected areas and logging concessions that have to be managed in a sustainable way so as to guarantee the long-term maintenance of forests. The second is the non-permanent forest domain (NPFD) which does not require the long-term maintenance of forests and includes ‘‘ventes de coupes” (sales of standing timber on a maximum of 2,500 ha) and community forests.<ref name = "Sayer"/> In Cameroon Community Forests can only be established in the NPFD, however they are still under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Forests. One major achievement of this law was a definition of community forest that enabled local populations to become the official managers with full use rights to forest resources that normally last for a 25-year period, although community forest status does not carry full and permanent property rights to the area allocated. There were also instruments in place for direct revenue sharing with communities and promises of infrastructure. However, it was reported that communities remained largely impoverished and seldom receive any benefits. For example, many local people still reside without electricity while timber companies receive power from private sources.<ref name = "China"/>

These laws surrounding community forests were developed for communities to rely timber production, but this is not explicitly embodied into the law. Therefore, community forests tend to exist only in tropical forest regions, not in the mountainous or savanna regions of the north where, for example, Prunus africana is harvested for medicinal uses, not timber.<ref name = "Sayer"/> It is important to note that these community forests depend on timber production, but there is no provision made for community lands outside of this, meaning that customary land ownership does not exist in the eyes of the law. Land which is not built on or farmed cannot be registered by customary land owners.<ref name = "FERN"/> When the community forest is finalized and logging authorization is delivered, communities have a choice of negotiating a contract with an external operator or managing operations and selling timber in the market.<ref name = "Sayer"/> However, few communities use the second option to manage their forests due largely to distance to markets, lack of market information and high transportation and transaction costs. The community therefore tends to opt for an agreement with an industrial operator and has a low degree of involvement. A lack of commercial logging skills also has a negative influence on the ability of the community to achieve higher levels of vertical integration.<ref name = "Sayer"/> Combined, these factors often exacerbate illegal logging in a country that already has weak monitoring and enforcement mechanisms in place. As of 2008, there were 135 fully operational community forest licenses that covered roughly 2% of forests.<ref name = "Kozak"/>

==Framing the Problem of Illegal Logging in Cameroon: Layering Perspectives==
The information above outlines the problems associated with illegal logging in Cameroon from the perspective of a forestry student. In this section we welcome contributions from other perspectives. Those interested in contributing to this case study may use the following questions as a guide:
#How do scholars and professionals outside of forestry conceptualize the practice of illegal logging in Cameroon?
#What are other possible ways of framing this problem?
#What special expertise, resources, or theoretical orientations might others bring to help us understand this phenomenon better?

== Causes of Illegal Logging ==
==== Corruption ====
Cameroon has consistently been rated by Transparency International as one of the most corrupt countries in the world with a ranking of 138 out of 160 countries surveyed <ref>Transparency International (2015). Corruption by Country:Cameroon. Retrieved from http://www.transparency.org/country#CMR </ref> . With respect to illegal logging, corruption is common and widespread. The government often demands a bribe for the provision of a service such as issuing a logging permit, while at the same time government officials and the private sector also develop methods to keep a greater portion of the revenue and deprive the government of its share <ref name = "Kozak"/> . Ethical standards to which concessionaires must adhere have not been set or practised by the government. Therefore, it has lost its credibility as an effective regulator and faces much criticsim when attempting to hold concessionaires accountable for illegal activities<ref name = "Kozak"/> .

====Poverty====
Although Cameroon is considered to be a lower middle income country, poverty affects almost 40% of the population<ref name = "WB"> The World Bank (2016). Cameroon Data. Retrieved from http://data.worldbank.org/country/cameroon</ref>. Unemployment rates are high, literacy rates are low and most people are subsistence farmers who work long, tedious hours for minimal pay. Little education means that they often lack the ability to complete the administrative requirements to participate in forestry activities in a legal manner, and tend to manufacture lower value commodity wood products like lumber and timber that generate less wealth and employment <ref name = "Kozak"/> .

====Conflicts====
Conflicts between different governmental ministries sometimes provide openings within the system that allow the operation of illegal logging. For instance, the Ministry of Environment and Nature Protection (MINEP) has a mandate to articulate, execute and assess the national policy in relation to the environment <ref name = "Kozak"/> . On the other hand, the forestry sector and its policies are formulated, evaluated and implemented by a different ministry - the Ministry of Forests and Wildlife. (MINFOF) <ref name = "Kozak"/> These inconsistencies can often lead to administrative gaps within the governance system which facilitates illegal activities.

====Licensing Arrangements====
The high costs of obtaining community forestry licenses provides a disincentive for small scale firms and individuals residing in forest communities to develop a management plan, register as an official business and operate legally <ref name = "Kozak"/> .The length of time it takes to process licenses is also a challenge to many applicants, especially those who depend on cash from logging revenues for daily survival and cannot afford to wait long periods of time. For example, members of the Payo community in the eastern part of the country report that their application for a community forest had been sitting in the capital city of Yaounde for a year without approval. <ref name = "Kozak"/> These types of legislative processes often exacerbate instances of illegal logging.

===Example: China in Cameroon===
In recent years there has been an increase in Chinese companies operating in Cameroon's timber sector which has fueled illegal logging and is rapidly depleting forests. Cameroon launched an investment drive in 2010, and China has become the main partner. China has invested more than $400 million USD annually, 80% of which is to be used for infrastructure such as roads, hydro-electric dams and seaports.<ref name = "China"/> This has encouraged the government to issue many licenses to Chinese firms and allow the exploitation of natural resources. This dependency that has been created has made Cameroon vulnerable and reluctant to enforce laws violated by Chinese companies who extract copious amounts of timber to meet their own domestic demand.<ref name = "Robinson"/> This is occurring in several regions throughout the country.

==Implications: A Forestry Perspective==
===Environmental===
In Cameroon, it is common for a few high value timber species to be extracted from the forest for commercial purposes, with six species representing almost 80% of timber production:<ref name = "Robinson"/>

* Ayous (Triplochition scleroxylon)
* Sapelli (Entandrophragma cylindricum)
*Azobe (Lophira alata)
*Frake (Terminalia superba)
*Tali (Erythrophleum ivorense)
*Iroko (Chlorophora excelsa)

Searching for specific tree species means that roads are often constructed into large forested areas to extract a few trees. This opens up new areas for human settlements, the development of agriculture and commercial hunting - all of which increase pressures on forests. While local communities have traditionally depended on bushmeat, a commercial trade in the industry has been relatively recent and has decimated many wildlife populations including rare and endangered species such as lowland gorillas and elephants.<ref name = "Robinson"/> High rates of deforestation also have negative impacts on climate change, while selecting certain species for harvest decreases biodiversity and the overall resiliency of the forest.
In the northern part of the country, deforestation has been associated with increasing rates of soil erosion, desertification and a reduced quality of pastureland.<ref name ="MB"> Mongabay (2006). Tropical Rainforests: Cameroon. Retrieved from http://rainforests.mongabay.com/20cameroon.htm </ref> Although it is well known that foreign companies contribute largely to illegal logging, concessions continue to be issued as residents are promised an increase in infrastructure such as roads and electricity, and social services like education and healthcare that promise to increase their standard of living.

===Political===
Based on the evidence presented above, it appears as though the main dilemma for lawmakers is regulating timber harvesting without deterring foreign investment. This becomes even more difficult when the budgets that are allocated are inadequate for the amount of monitoring and enforcement needed. Since 2010, more than half of all timber that is considered illegal is harvested by the informal sector, mostly for domestic consumption.<ref>Modern Ghana (2015). Illegal logging is still a struggle in Cameroon. Retrieved from https://www.modernghana.com/news/611878/illegal-logging-still-a-struggle-in-cameroon.html</ref> Although few local people have viable alternative options to meet their basic needs for energy, the government continues to label this this type of collection largely as illegal and issues very few timber permits for the informal sector. The government ultimately holds all authority to make and enforce decisions regarding forests.<ref name = "MB"/> A shift in power or inclusion of indigenous communities and local people in the decision making process would help to resolve some of the issues of illegal logging in the informal sector.

===Economic===
It is estimated that the government of Cameroon loses approximately 1.5 million Euros worth of timber each year due to illegal logging, a significant amount for a country that is often unable to provide adequate social services for its residents.<ref name = "Greenpeace2"> Greenpeace International (2003). Illegal logging and the heart of darkness. Retrieved from http://www.greenpeace.org/international/en/news/features/illegal-logging-in-cameroon/</ref> Three Dutch companies, Wijma, Reef and CIBEC, are known for operating illegally and have destroyed numerous villagers' subsistence cash crops with no compensation offered.<ref name = "Greenpeace2"/> This continues to impoverish local people and further prevents them from having the financial resources to apply for community or logging licenses to compete in the local market. The consumers of illegal timber from Cameroon are mostly European nations. However the timber entering the majority of the EU countries is now considered to be high risk.<ref name = "MB"/> Therefore, certain types of timber from Cameroon are scarce in European markets, and are sold at a higher price.<ref name = "Greenpeace2"/>

===Cultural===
The Pygmy communities report experiencing a type of "spiritual prejudice" that is caused by illegal logging activities.<ref name = "Robinson"/> In the Baka cosmology, when God created the world that included humans and nature, listening to the bees was his favorite activity. Therefore, humans had to stay quiet so as not to disturb God. However, one day some Baka began to make noise in the forest and God punished them by turning them into wild animals. Noise that is associated with logging is therefore directly related to their religion and has a severe impact.<ref name = "Robinson"/> For the forest societies of Southern Cameroon, the moabi tree plays a crucial role for medicine, food, culture and economic value and people often resist its logging. Deceased bodies were traditionally placed at the bottom of the tree and left to decompose, rendering the tree a totem that embodied the power of the ancestor. More than 50 medicines can be made using the leaves, roots, sap and bark including treatments against painful menstruation, vaginal infections and postnatal care.<ref name = "fem"/> Fruits are consumed while seeds produce oil for consumption and sale, which is controlled almost exclusively by women from collection to commercialization. <ref name = "Robinson"/>

== Implications: Layering Perspectives ==
The description above describes the implications from illegal logging in Cameroon from the perspective of a forestry student. In this section we welcome contributions from other perspectives. Those interested in contributing to this case study may use the following questions as a guide:
#How could someone from a different discipline or profession add to the implications above?
#What other implications become apparent when illegal logging is viewed through the lens of other disciplines and professions?
#What special expertise, resources, or theoretical orientations might others bring to help us better understand the implications associated with illegal logging in Cameroon?

==Initiatives to Combat Illegal Logging==
Although progress in combating illegal logging remains slow, there are initiatives in place that attempt to mitigate this problem. Cameroon agreed to join the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES) in 1999, which includes protecting and monitoring the trade of two tree species - Pericopsis elata and Prunus africana.<ref>Forest Legality Alliance (2012). Cameroon laws and regulations. Retrieved from http://www.forestlegality.org/risk-tool/country/cameroon-0</ref> Since 2012, there have been reports of improved forest governance with the implementation of sanctions against violators of national laws. For instanace, it was reported that 27 forest exploitation companies had been suspended in 2012 and 7 others in 2014 for operating with incorrect licenses.<ref name = "China"/> Greenpeace Africa has also been pushing the government of Cameroon to hold independent and transparent audits of the Compagnie de Commerce et de Transport (CCT), who has a reputation for engaging in highly illegal and destructive practices, such as logging several kilometers outside of their legal logging titled area. They are pushing for proper sanctions when illegal activities have been confirmed as well as audits that will help to trace timber generated from illegal activities. <ref name = "Greenpeace2"/> Timber from Cameroon is also coming under increased scrutiny in international markets, with Europe being the largest consumer of timber that is suspected to be sourced illegally. In 2010, Cameroon signed a Voluntary Partnership Agreement (VPA) with the European Union (EU) which aims to strengthen forest governance, promote Cameroon's timber products and improve Cameroon's competitiveness in the international market. It also encourages investment in sustainable forest management and strengthens the capacity of forest stakeholders.<ref>EU FLEGT Facility (2014). VPA Countries:Cameroon. Retrieved from http://www.euflegt.efi.int/cameroon</ref> The country has been engaged with REDD+ since 2005, part of which aims to curb deforestation that is often linked with illegal logging.<ref>The REDD Desk (2013). REDD in Cameroon. Retrieved from http://theredddesk.org/countries/cameroon</ref>

==Reflections and Recommendations==
Illegal logging is a widespread and complicated issue throughout Cameroon. Although the government has attempted to make progress in combating this issue, evidence suggests that such commitments may be made to please international donors while implementing effective solutions on the ground level is still an ongoing challenge. Steps to move forward should include much more transparency in the entire process of forest governance, and accountability for those who operate illegally. Strengthening institutions in terms of staff, funding and organization would also be beneficial, while de-centralizing services would make it easier for remote groups to get support and assistance with issues relating to forest management. Community involvement in the decision making process, especially from Indigenous groups, may help to mitigate some of these issues and start to build trust and cooperation between local groups and the state. Since more than half of all illegal logging is done by the informal sector, it is important to address poverty and meeting the energy needs of local groups which are driving factors behind much of the illegal timber harvesting. Combating poverty would also decrease dependence on foreign investment to provide services that increase the standard of living for Cameroonians. Recognizing land tenure insecurities and customary rights would further help to decrease conflicts and competing claims over land and encourage sustainable management of forest resources. More responsibility should also be shifted onto consumers. The international demand for certain species drives illegal logging, yet many nations continue to import timber that is likely to be derived from illegal sources. Increasing transparency in the supply chain and imposing sanctions may help to pressure the government of Cameroon to effectively monitor the forestry sector.

==References==
<references/>

[[Category:FRST522]]

Open Case Studies/FRST522/Cameroon

2017-05-14T19:14:45Z

JenniferMansour: /* Causes of Illegal Logging */

Illegal Logging Case Study: Cameroon

By: Sarah Sra

[[File:LocationCameroon.svg|right]]
== Introduction ==
Cameroon is located at the junction of western and central Africa and is well known for its geological and cultural diversity. However, despite having achieved political and social stability, many Cameroonians still live below the poverty line. The authoritarian President, Paul Biya, has retained power in the country for over three decades. <ref name = "WRI"> World Resources Institute (2016) The Governance of Forests Initiative:Cameroon. Retrieved from www.wri.org/our-work/project/governance-forests-initiative/cameroon. </ref>. The country is also home to approximately 22 million hectares of tropical forests, making it a crucial component of the Congo Basin forest ecosystem and home to many endemic species <ref name = "WRI"/>. Many Cameroonians rely on these forests as they provide an important source of revenue, employment and livelihoods, in addition to providing a number of important ecosystem services and habitat for over 9,000 plant species, 910 bird species and 320 mammal species <ref name = "WRI"/>. Forests and non-timber forest products (NTFP) contribute largely to the economy by providing between 45,000 and 70,000 jobs and account for over 10% of the annual GDP <ref name = "Kozak"> Kozak, Robert, A. & Alemagi, Dieudonne (2010) Illegal logging in Cameroon: Causes and the path forward. ''Forest Policy and Economics''. ''Vol 12'' (8) 554-561 </ref> . Globally, Cameroon has become the sixth largest exporter of tropical timber and receives an annual revenue of 60 million US dollars from this industry <ref name = "Kozak"/> .

The forests are also home to nearly four million people who belong to Bantu ethnic groups, as well as the indigenous Pygmy people who comprise three large ethnic groups in the region: the Baka, the Bakola/Bagyeli and the Bedzan.<ref name = "Robinson"> Robinson, Djeukam (2008). Forestry and Communities in Cameroon.Centre for Environment and Development (CED), Yaoundé, Cameroon. Retrieved from http://www.ceecec.net/case-studies/forestry-and-communities-in-cameroon/ </ref> The traditional lifestyle of these Indigenous groups relies heavily on natural resources, including hunting and gathering which is typically done in territorial and egalitarian nomadic bands. However, they are increasingly adopting a sedentary lifestyle focusing on agriculture under the influence of multiple factors that have recently emerged, including wide spread deforestation, that has lead to a loss of resources that are essential for their biological and cultural well being. <ref name = "Robinson"/>

== History ==
The country has struggled to recover from a great economic crisis that hit hard in the 1980's. This initially had lead to a neglect in implementing regulations in the forestry sector in order to favor industrial growth, which has continued into the present.<ref name = "POC"> Cerutti, Paolo Omar, Tacconi, Luca, Lescuyer, Guillaume, Nasi, Robert (2012). Cameroon's Hidden Harvest: Commercial Chainsaw Logging, Corruption, and Livelihoods. Society and Natural Resources. Vol 26, (5), pages 539-553</ref> There have also been reported cases of intra-community conflicts in Cameroon, with local forest communities allegedly barricading logging trucks and holding forest workers hostage in forest camps.<ref name = "Kozak"/> .A conflict of precedence between village elites and traditional chiefs also exists in the eastern part of the country over authority in managing forest royalties <ref name = "Kozak"/>

An example of protests regarding issues of rights to resources can be seen in the resistance to the commercial harvesting of the Moabi tree by the Bantu people in Southern Cameroon. Since commercial logging began decades ago, members of local communities have continued to protect their trees against logging by leaving notes on the trunk with their names as well as physically threatening loggers with machetes. To avoid these conflicts, loggers have tried to offer compensation for cutting down these trees, but this has led to many reports of conflicts between family members who want to sell their trees, and those who are against it. These conflicts are usually gendered as well, with more men wanting to sell their rights to the trees. Women tend to rely more on the trees for medicine, food and income, while men generally benefit more from selling the tree rather than enjoying its ownership.<ref name = "fem"> Veuthey, Sandra., Gerber, Julien-Francois (2010). Logging conflicts in Southern Cameroon: A feminist ecological economics perspective. Ecological economics. Vol 70, (2) pages 170-177</ref> Uses of the Moabi Tree are discussed below in the "cultural" section under "Implications".

==What Is Illegal Logging?==
Illegal logging occurs when timber is harvested, transported, processed, bought or sold in violation of national or sub national laws.<ref name = "WWF"> World Wildlife Fund (2016). Illegal Logging. Retrieved from http://wwf.panda.org/about_our_earth/deforestation/deforestation_causes/illegal_logging/.</ref> In Cameroon, the law indicates six different types of logging permits that may be issued by the government:<ref name = "FM"> Forests Monitor. Cameroon: Political, social and economic framework. Retrieved from http://www.forestsmonitor.org/en/reports/540539/549935</ref>

# Sales of standing volume - should not cover more than 2,500 hectares and last for a limited period of time (Section 55).
# Exploitation Permits - which are for the extraction of not more than 500 cubic meters of timber (Section 56).
# Individual Felling Authorization - the extraction of not more than 30 cubic meters of wood for non-commercial use (Section 57).
# Concessions - can include one or more Forest Management Units (FMA) and will be reviewed every three years and is for a specified volume of timber (Section 46).
# State Exploitation - via sale of standing volume or exploitation contract (Section 44).
# Wood Recovery Permit

It is estimated that Cameroon has approximately 600 native tree species. Illegal logging has contributed to 50 of these species being listed as critically endangered under the International Union For The Conservation Of Nature (IUCN) Red List, while 27 species are considered endangered and another 106 species are listed as vulnerable.<ref name = "MB"/>

==Framing the Problem of Illegal Logging in Cameroon: A Forestry Perspective==
While Cameroon has established a formal system of forest enterprises that are legally registered, rates of illegal logging in the country remain high. Although it can be difficult to quantify the amount of timber harvested illegally, a 2002 study conducted by the World Wildlife Fund (WWF) suggests that 50-70% of timber is sourced in this manner.<ref name = "WWF"/> The deforestation rate is high at about 1% annually, and many people in the informal sector rely on timber for fuel and subsistence. This informal extraction is also difficult to measure, but estimates suggest that it contributes to more than half of the timber that is harvested illegally. The rest is illegally logged by large companies in the formal sector.<ref name = "FM"/> Some permits are allocated only through a competitive bidding process, forcing companies to put a high price on concessions. To recover their costs, they often extract timber in areas that are five or six times their legally allotted areas, knowing that there is very weak monitoring and enforcement in place, and they also tend to out-compete companies that operate sustainably.<ref name = "FM"/> For instance, evidence suggests that as much as 50% of Cameroon's roundwood is harvested illegally, with the majority of the activity taking place within forests that are operated by concessions. <ref name = "Kozak"/> A report by Global Witness and Cameroon's Ministry of Environment and Forests (MINFOF) showed that in the 2002/2003 fiscal year more than 70,000 square meters were logged, in excess of what was allotted to concessionaires.<ref name = "Kozak"/> There is also a high domestic demand for wood that causes illegal loggers from the informal sector to encroach onto protected areas, as private individuals consume an estimated 200,000 square meters of illegal timber annually.<ref name = "Robinson"/> According to Global Forest Watch, Cameroon has lost 657,000 hectares of forest between 2001 and 2014.<ref name = "China"> Reuters (2016). Cameroon moves to curb forest loss linked to Chinese investment. Retrieved from http://www.reuters.com/article/us-cameroon-investment-china-forests-idUSKCN0ZS0VE</ref>

When discussing matters of illegal logging, the State holds an ambiguous power position for three main reasons:

# In order to attract foreign investment, the government takes little action when companies commit serious offences.<ref name = "Robinson"/>
# The State has a weak capacity to monitor and enforce legislation due to corruption and Structural Adjustment Policies that have reduced the number of civil servants and their salaries to monitor illegal activities.<ref name = "Robinson"/>
# Political elites and foreign operators often conspire to appropriate wealth generated from illegal timber extraction through bribery, corruption and transfer pricing, with adverse effects on the public and forest-dependent communities through a loss of revenue and royalty payments.<ref name = "Robinson"/>

===The Issue of Land Tenure===
According to customary institutions, local people, including both Bantu and Pygmy communities, have ownership rights over the land and all natural resources that are necessary for their daily survival. <ref name = "Robinson"/> However, these ancestral customs have been under threat since the colonial period when Germany announced that the country had many "vacant and ownerless lands" and used this claim as a tool to appropriate all land and resources by converting common pool resources into state and private property. After independence in 1960, the philosophy of colonial law had not been diminished, but was instead reformed by new laws in 1974 focusing on driving development. These laws benefitted the State while leaving little room for customary institutions.<ref name = "Kozak"/> Today, about 70% of the country is considered public land that is owned by the State, and the State acts as the custodian of the remaining 30% of national lands whose real owner is said to be the entire Cameroon nation. However, since the State claims to be the legal guardian of all land, the amount of land under direct state control is reported to be closer to 97% of national territory, with the exception of community forests and a few public forest anomalies.<ref> Samuel Assembe-Mvondo, Carol J. P. Colfer, Maria Brockhaus & Raphael Tsanga (2014) Review of the legal ownership status of national lands in Cameroon: A more nuanced view, Development Studies Research, 1:1, 148-160, DOI: 10.1080/21665095.2014.927739</ref> This has lead to a long history of the State benefiting while local people continue to be disadvantaged. They are often denied claims to ancestral forest lands and have trouble obtaining land at all while the best land is given to large logging enterprises by the state.<ref name = "Kozak"/> A few local communities have use rights in small restricted areas.<ref name = "book"> IUCN (2011). Governance of Ecosystem Services: Lessons learned from Cameroon, China, Costa Rica, and Ecuador. Retrieved from https://books.google.ca/books?id=Mle4TsSyKGoC&pg=PA22&lpg=PA22&dq=public+land+cameroon&source=bl&ots=U7Yk7wZzsi&sig=x4xYC2KziV0xc_Ro7lGkPvbF1VA&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiei9Sdz5rQAhVP4WMKHTqjDJUQ6AEIUjAI#v=onepage&q=public%20land%20cameroon&f=false</ref> However there are still many competing and overlapping claims to land between local communities and the State.

Ultimately, this means that Cameroonians are insecure in regards to land tenure. The government holds the authority to grant "unregistered land" (which is essentially most of the country's land mass) in absolute title, lease or exclusive occupancy licenses to loggers, miners, ranchers, biofuel interests or to itself as "state forests". This is allowed since laws fail to acknowledge customary land-holding as amounting to real property interests, which also means that customary owners are not paid market value for lands which the government appropriates for public purposes.<ref name = "FERN"> Wily, Liz Alden (2010). Whose land is it? The status of customary land tenure in Cameroon. Centre for Environment and Development (FERN). Retrieved from http://www.fern.org/sites/fern.org/files/cameroon_eng_internet.pdf</ref> Additionally, the process for land registration makes it difficult for customary landowners to formally register in the system. The process is often remote, complex and expensive and is limited to lands that have been cleared, cultivated or physically settled.<ref name = "FERN"/> This has been highly problematic as Bantu societies inhabit lands beyond cultivated or visibly occupied areas and contain large portions of forests that are collectively managed, while the Pygmy communities hunter-gatherer lifestyles have relatively little impact on the forest cover and thus make it difficult to establish their presence in a given area.<ref name = "Robinson"/> Therefore, this method of registration is not compatible with the traditional lifestyles of indigenous communities. Since unregistered land is made the ''de facto'' property of the state in the form of National Lands, local communities essentially become squatters on their traditional lands while the government's appropriation of these customary lands protects commercial and industrial production.<ref name = "FERN"/> Millions of hectares of common property are excluded by this registration system which families, groups and villages have traditionally maintained as rangelands, wetlands or forests for sustainable livelihood support. The rights of those with the least amount of wealth and socio-institutional strength, such as the forest dwelling Pygmies, are the most abused in this system of governance.<ref name = "FERN"/>

===Forestry Laws===
Laws regulating forestry were first established in 1973, with many revisions in the decades following. These laws have been focused on regulating this sector, but requiring very little transparency in the process. More recent objectives include a reduction in forest loss with an increased level of public participation to reduce pressures on forests, which have been delivered in over twenty legal decrees and orders since 1995.<ref name = "FERN"/> An important change happened in 1994 when the government of Cameroon adopted a new Forestry Law and, at the time, became a leader in West African forest policy.<ref name = "Sayer"> Ezzine, Driss., Perez, Manuel., Sayer, Jeffrey. A., Lescuyer, Guillaume., Nasi, Robert., Karsenty, Alain (2009). External Influences on and Conditions for Community Logging Management in Cameroon. Vol 37 (2), pages 445-456</ref>. The reform process involved a wide range of stakeholders—from international institutions like the World Bank, to a number of national political and economic actors, with the resulting forest code aiming to satisfy several conflicting interests.<ref name = "Sayer"/> It also recognized that forests have intrinsic value that should not be undermined or compromised for future generations.<ref name = "book"/>

The development of community forests at this time was the result of a World Bank push to decentralize forest management while promoting logging management by local actors. The new 1994 Law also defined two major categories of forest. One is the permanent forest domain (PFD), which includes protected areas and logging concessions that have to be managed in a sustainable way so as to guarantee the long-term maintenance of forests. The second is the non-permanent forest domain (NPFD) which does not require the long-term maintenance of forests and includes ‘‘ventes de coupes” (sales of standing timber on a maximum of 2,500 ha) and community forests.<ref name = "Sayer"/> In Cameroon Community Forests can only be established in the NPFD, however they are still under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Forests. One major achievement of this law was a definition of community forest that enabled local populations to become the official managers with full use rights to forest resources that normally last for a 25-year period, although community forest status does not carry full and permanent property rights to the area allocated. There were also instruments in place for direct revenue sharing with communities and promises of infrastructure. However, it was reported that communities remained largely impoverished and seldom receive any benefits. For example, many local people still reside without electricity while timber companies receive power from private sources.<ref name = "China"/>

These laws surrounding community forests were developed for communities to rely timber production, but this is not explicitly embodied into the law. Therefore, community forests tend to exist only in tropical forest regions, not in the mountainous or savanna regions of the north where, for example, Prunus africana is harvested for medicinal uses, not timber.<ref name = "Sayer"/> It is important to note that these community forests depend on timber production, but there is no provision made for community lands outside of this, meaning that customary land ownership does not exist in the eyes of the law. Land which is not built on or farmed cannot be registered by customary land owners.<ref name = "FERN"/> When the community forest is finalized and logging authorization is delivered, communities have a choice of negotiating a contract with an external operator or managing operations and selling timber in the market.<ref name = "Sayer"/> However, few communities use the second option to manage their forests due largely to distance to markets, lack of market information and high transportation and transaction costs. The community therefore tends to opt for an agreement with an industrial operator and has a low degree of involvement. A lack of commercial logging skills also has a negative influence on the ability of the community to achieve higher levels of vertical integration.<ref name = "Sayer"/> Combined, these factors often exacerbate illegal logging in a country that already has weak monitoring and enforcement mechanisms in place. As of 2008, there were 135 fully operational community forest licenses that covered roughly 2% of forests.<ref name = "Kozak"/>

==Framing the Problem of Illegal Logging in Cameroon: Layering Perspectives==
The information above outlines the problems associated with illegal logging in Cameroon from the perspective of a forestry student. In this section we welcome contributions from other perspectives. Those interested in contributing to this case study may use the following questions as a guide:
#How do scholars and professionals outside of forestry conceptualize the practice of illegal logging in Cameroon?
#What are other possible ways of framing this problem?
#What special expertise, resources, or theoretical orientations might others bring to help us understand this phenomenon better?

== Causes of Illegal Logging ==
==== Corruption ====
Cameroon has consistently been rated by Transparency International as one of the most corrupt countries in the world with a ranking of 138 out of 160 countries surveyed <ref>Transparency International (2015). Corruption by Country:Cameroon. Retrieved from http://www.transparency.org/country#CMR </ref> . With respect to illegal logging, corruption is common and widespread. The government often demands a bribe for the provision of a service such as issuing a logging permit, while at the same time government officials and the private sector also develop methods to keep a greater portion of the revenue and deprive the government of its share <ref name = "Kozak"/> . Ethical standards to which concessionaires must adhere have not been set or practised by the government. Therefore, it has lost its credibility as an effective regulator and faces much criticsim when attempting to hold concessionaires accountable for illegal activities<ref name = "Kozak"/> .

====Poverty====
Although Cameroon is considered to be a lower middle income country, poverty affects almost 40% of the population<ref name = "WB"> The World Bank (2016). Cameroon Data. Retrieved from http://data.worldbank.org/country/cameroon</ref>. Unemployment rates are high, literacy rates are low and most people are subsistence farmers who work long, tedious hours for minimal pay. Little education means that they often lack the ability to complete the administrative requirements to participate in forestry activities in a legal manner, and tend to manufacture lower value commodity wood products like lumber and timber that generate less wealth and employment <ref name = "Kozak"/> .

====Conflicts====
Conflicts between different governmental ministries sometimes provide openings within the system that allow the operation of illegal logging. For instance, the Ministry of Environment and Nature Protection (MINEP) has a mandate to articulate, execute and assess the national policy in relation to the environment <ref name = "Kozak"/> . On the other hand, the forestry sector and its policies are formulated, evaluated and implemented by a different ministry - the Ministry of Forests and Wildlife. (MINFOF) <ref name = "Kozak"/> These inconsistencies can often lead to administrative gaps within the governance system which facilitates illegal activities.

====Licensing Arrangements====
The high costs of obtaining community forestry licenses provides a disincentive for small scale firms and individuals residing in forest communities to develop a management plan, register as an official business and operate legally <ref name = "Kozak"/> .The length of time it takes to process licenses is also a challenge to many applicants, especially those who depend on cash from logging revenues for daily survival and cannot afford to wait long periods of time. For example, members of the Payo community in the eastern part of the country report that their application for a community forest had been sitting in the capital city of Yaounde for a year without approval. <ref name = "Kozak"/> These types of legislative processes often exacerbate instances of illegal logging.

===Example: China in Cameroon===
In recent years there has been an increase in Chinese companies operating in Cameroon's timber sector which has fueled illegal logging and is rapidly depleting forests. Cameroon launched an investment drive in 2010, and China has become the main partner. China has invested more than $400 million USD annually, 80% of which is to be used for infrastructure such as roads, hydro-electric dams and seaports.<ref name = "China"/> This has encouraged the government to issue many licenses to Chinese firms and allow the exploitation of natural resources. This dependency that has been created has made Cameroon vulnerable and reluctant to enforce laws violated by Chinese companies who extract copious amounts of timber to meet their own domestic demand.<ref name = "Robinson"/> This is occurring in several regions throughout the country.

==Implications==
===Environmental===
In Cameroon, it is common for a few high value timber species to be extracted from the forest for commercial purposes, with six species representing almost 80% of timber production:<ref name = "Robinson"/>

* Ayous (Triplochition scleroxylon)
* Sapelli (Entandrophragma cylindricum)
*Azobe (Lophira alata)
*Frake (Terminalia superba)
*Tali (Erythrophleum ivorense)
*Iroko (Chlorophora excelsa)

Searching for specific tree species means that roads are often constructed into large forested areas to extract a few trees. This opens up new areas for human settlements, the development of agriculture and commercial hunting - all of which increase pressures on forests. While local communities have traditionally depended on bushmeat, a commercial trade in the industry has been relatively recent and has decimated many wildlife populations including rare and endangered species such as lowland gorillas and elephants.<ref name = "Robinson"/> High rates of deforestation also have negative impacts on climate change, while selecting certain species for harvest decreases biodiversity and the overall resiliency of the forest.
In the northern part of the country, deforestation has been associated with increasing rates of soil erosion, desertification and a reduced quality of pastureland.<ref name ="MB"> Mongabay (2006). Tropical Rainforests: Cameroon. Retrieved from http://rainforests.mongabay.com/20cameroon.htm </ref> Although it is well known that foreign companies contribute largely to illegal logging, concessions continue to be issued as residents are promised an increase in infrastructure such as roads and electricity, and social services like education and healthcare that promise to increase their standard of living.

===Political===
Based on the evidence presented above, it appears as though the main dilemma for lawmakers is regulating timber harvesting without deterring foreign investment. This becomes even more difficult when the budgets that are allocated are inadequate for the amount of monitoring and enforcement needed. Since 2010, more than half of all timber that is considered illegal is harvested by the informal sector, mostly for domestic consumption.<ref>Modern Ghana (2015). Illegal logging is still a struggle in Cameroon. Retrieved from https://www.modernghana.com/news/611878/illegal-logging-still-a-struggle-in-cameroon.html</ref> Although few local people have viable alternative options to meet their basic needs for energy, the government continues to label this this type of collection largely as illegal and issues very few timber permits for the informal sector. The government ultimately holds all authority to make and enforce decisions regarding forests.<ref name = "MB"/> A shift in power or inclusion of indigenous communities and local people in the decision making process would help to resolve some of the issues of illegal logging in the informal sector.

===Economic===
It is estimated that the government of Cameroon loses approximately 1.5 million Euros worth of timber each year due to illegal logging, a significant amount for a country that is often unable to provide adequate social services for its residents.<ref name = "Greenpeace2"> Greenpeace International (2003). Illegal logging and the heart of darkness. Retrieved from http://www.greenpeace.org/international/en/news/features/illegal-logging-in-cameroon/</ref> Three Dutch companies, Wijma, Reef and CIBEC, are known for operating illegally and have destroyed numerous villagers' subsistence cash crops with no compensation offered.<ref name = "Greenpeace2"/> This continues to impoverish local people and further prevents them from having the financial resources to apply for community or logging licenses to compete in the local market. The consumers of illegal timber from Cameroon are mostly European nations. However the timber entering the majority of the EU countries is now considered to be high risk.<ref name = "MB"/> Therefore, certain types of timber from Cameroon are scarce in European markets, and are sold at a higher price.<ref name = "Greenpeace2"/>

===Cultural===
The Pygmy communities report experiencing a type of "spiritual prejudice" that is caused by illegal logging activities.<ref name = "Robinson"/> In the Baka cosmology, when God created the world that included humans and nature, listening to the bees was his favorite activity. Therefore, humans had to stay quiet so as not to disturb God. However, one day some Baka began to make noise in the forest and God punished them by turning them into wild animals. Noise that is associated with logging is therefore directly related to their religion and has a severe impact.<ref name = "Robinson"/> For the forest societies of Southern Cameroon, the moabi tree plays a crucial role for medicine, food, culture and economic value and people often resist its logging. Deceased bodies were traditionally placed at the bottom of the tree and left to decompose, rendering the tree a totem that embodied the power of the ancestor. More than 50 medicines can be made using the leaves, roots, sap and bark including treatments against painful menstruation, vaginal infections and postnatal care.<ref name = "fem"/> Fruits are consumed while seeds produce oil for consumption and sale, which is controlled almost exclusively by women from collection to commercialization. <ref name = "Robinson"/>

==Initiatives to Combat Illegal Logging==
Although progress in combating illegal logging remains slow, there are initiatives in place that attempt to mitigate this problem. Cameroon agreed to join the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES) in 1999, which includes protecting and monitoring the trade of two tree species - Pericopsis elata and Prunus africana.<ref>Forest Legality Alliance (2012). Cameroon laws and regulations. Retrieved from http://www.forestlegality.org/risk-tool/country/cameroon-0</ref> Since 2012, there have been reports of improved forest governance with the implementation of sanctions against violators of national laws. For instanace, it was reported that 27 forest exploitation companies had been suspended in 2012 and 7 others in 2014 for operating with incorrect licenses.<ref name = "China"/> Greenpeace Africa has also been pushing the government of Cameroon to hold independent and transparent audits of the Compagnie de Commerce et de Transport (CCT), who has a reputation for engaging in highly illegal and destructive practices, such as logging several kilometers outside of their legal logging titled area. They are pushing for proper sanctions when illegal activities have been confirmed as well as audits that will help to trace timber generated from illegal activities. <ref name = "Greenpeace2"/> Timber from Cameroon is also coming under increased scrutiny in international markets, with Europe being the largest consumer of timber that is suspected to be sourced illegally. In 2010, Cameroon signed a Voluntary Partnership Agreement (VPA) with the European Union (EU) which aims to strengthen forest governance, promote Cameroon's timber products and improve Cameroon's competitiveness in the international market. It also encourages investment in sustainable forest management and strengthens the capacity of forest stakeholders.<ref>EU FLEGT Facility (2014). VPA Countries:Cameroon. Retrieved from http://www.euflegt.efi.int/cameroon</ref> The country has been engaged with REDD+ since 2005, part of which aims to curb deforestation that is often linked with illegal logging.<ref>The REDD Desk (2013). REDD in Cameroon. Retrieved from http://theredddesk.org/countries/cameroon</ref>

==Reflections and Recommendations==
Illegal logging is a widespread and complicated issue throughout Cameroon. Although the government has attempted to make progress in combating this issue, evidence suggests that such commitments may be made to please international donors while implementing effective solutions on the ground level is still an ongoing challenge. Steps to move forward should include much more transparency in the entire process of forest governance, and accountability for those who operate illegally. Strengthening institutions in terms of staff, funding and organization would also be beneficial, while de-centralizing services would make it easier for remote groups to get support and assistance with issues relating to forest management. Community involvement in the decision making process, especially from Indigenous groups, may help to mitigate some of these issues and start to build trust and cooperation between local groups and the state. Since more than half of all illegal logging is done by the informal sector, it is important to address poverty and meeting the energy needs of local groups which are driving factors behind much of the illegal timber harvesting. Combating poverty would also decrease dependence on foreign investment to provide services that increase the standard of living for Cameroonians. Recognizing land tenure insecurities and customary rights would further help to decrease conflicts and competing claims over land and encourage sustainable management of forest resources. More responsibility should also be shifted onto consumers. The international demand for certain species drives illegal logging, yet many nations continue to import timber that is likely to be derived from illegal sources. Increasing transparency in the supply chain and imposing sanctions may help to pressure the government of Cameroon to effectively monitor the forestry sector.

==References==
<references/>

[[Category:FRST522]]

Open Case Studies/FRST522/Cameroon

2017-05-14T19:14:02Z

JenniferMansour: /* History */

Illegal Logging Case Study: Cameroon

By: Sarah Sra

[[File:LocationCameroon.svg|right]]
== Introduction ==
Cameroon is located at the junction of western and central Africa and is well known for its geological and cultural diversity. However, despite having achieved political and social stability, many Cameroonians still live below the poverty line. The authoritarian President, Paul Biya, has retained power in the country for over three decades. <ref name = "WRI"> World Resources Institute (2016) The Governance of Forests Initiative:Cameroon. Retrieved from www.wri.org/our-work/project/governance-forests-initiative/cameroon. </ref>. The country is also home to approximately 22 million hectares of tropical forests, making it a crucial component of the Congo Basin forest ecosystem and home to many endemic species <ref name = "WRI"/>. Many Cameroonians rely on these forests as they provide an important source of revenue, employment and livelihoods, in addition to providing a number of important ecosystem services and habitat for over 9,000 plant species, 910 bird species and 320 mammal species <ref name = "WRI"/>. Forests and non-timber forest products (NTFP) contribute largely to the economy by providing between 45,000 and 70,000 jobs and account for over 10% of the annual GDP <ref name = "Kozak"> Kozak, Robert, A. & Alemagi, Dieudonne (2010) Illegal logging in Cameroon: Causes and the path forward. ''Forest Policy and Economics''. ''Vol 12'' (8) 554-561 </ref> . Globally, Cameroon has become the sixth largest exporter of tropical timber and receives an annual revenue of 60 million US dollars from this industry <ref name = "Kozak"/> .

The forests are also home to nearly four million people who belong to Bantu ethnic groups, as well as the indigenous Pygmy people who comprise three large ethnic groups in the region: the Baka, the Bakola/Bagyeli and the Bedzan.<ref name = "Robinson"> Robinson, Djeukam (2008). Forestry and Communities in Cameroon.Centre for Environment and Development (CED), Yaoundé, Cameroon. Retrieved from http://www.ceecec.net/case-studies/forestry-and-communities-in-cameroon/ </ref> The traditional lifestyle of these Indigenous groups relies heavily on natural resources, including hunting and gathering which is typically done in territorial and egalitarian nomadic bands. However, they are increasingly adopting a sedentary lifestyle focusing on agriculture under the influence of multiple factors that have recently emerged, including wide spread deforestation, that has lead to a loss of resources that are essential for their biological and cultural well being. <ref name = "Robinson"/>

== History ==
The country has struggled to recover from a great economic crisis that hit hard in the 1980's. This initially had lead to a neglect in implementing regulations in the forestry sector in order to favor industrial growth, which has continued into the present.<ref name = "POC"> Cerutti, Paolo Omar, Tacconi, Luca, Lescuyer, Guillaume, Nasi, Robert (2012). Cameroon's Hidden Harvest: Commercial Chainsaw Logging, Corruption, and Livelihoods. Society and Natural Resources. Vol 26, (5), pages 539-553</ref> There have also been reported cases of intra-community conflicts in Cameroon, with local forest communities allegedly barricading logging trucks and holding forest workers hostage in forest camps.<ref name = "Kozak"/> .A conflict of precedence between village elites and traditional chiefs also exists in the eastern part of the country over authority in managing forest royalties <ref name = "Kozak"/>

An example of protests regarding issues of rights to resources can be seen in the resistance to the commercial harvesting of the Moabi tree by the Bantu people in Southern Cameroon. Since commercial logging began decades ago, members of local communities have continued to protect their trees against logging by leaving notes on the trunk with their names as well as physically threatening loggers with machetes. To avoid these conflicts, loggers have tried to offer compensation for cutting down these trees, but this has led to many reports of conflicts between family members who want to sell their trees, and those who are against it. These conflicts are usually gendered as well, with more men wanting to sell their rights to the trees. Women tend to rely more on the trees for medicine, food and income, while men generally benefit more from selling the tree rather than enjoying its ownership.<ref name = "fem"> Veuthey, Sandra., Gerber, Julien-Francois (2010). Logging conflicts in Southern Cameroon: A feminist ecological economics perspective. Ecological economics. Vol 70, (2) pages 170-177</ref> Uses of the Moabi Tree are discussed below in the "cultural" section under "Implications".

==What Is Illegal Logging?==
Illegal logging occurs when timber is harvested, transported, processed, bought or sold in violation of national or sub national laws.<ref name = "WWF"> World Wildlife Fund (2016). Illegal Logging. Retrieved from http://wwf.panda.org/about_our_earth/deforestation/deforestation_causes/illegal_logging/.</ref> In Cameroon, the law indicates six different types of logging permits that may be issued by the government:<ref name = "FM"> Forests Monitor. Cameroon: Political, social and economic framework. Retrieved from http://www.forestsmonitor.org/en/reports/540539/549935</ref>

# Sales of standing volume - should not cover more than 2,500 hectares and last for a limited period of time (Section 55).
# Exploitation Permits - which are for the extraction of not more than 500 cubic meters of timber (Section 56).
# Individual Felling Authorization - the extraction of not more than 30 cubic meters of wood for non-commercial use (Section 57).
# Concessions - can include one or more Forest Management Units (FMA) and will be reviewed every three years and is for a specified volume of timber (Section 46).
# State Exploitation - via sale of standing volume or exploitation contract (Section 44).
# Wood Recovery Permit

It is estimated that Cameroon has approximately 600 native tree species. Illegal logging has contributed to 50 of these species being listed as critically endangered under the International Union For The Conservation Of Nature (IUCN) Red List, while 27 species are considered endangered and another 106 species are listed as vulnerable.<ref name = "MB"/>

==Framing the Problem of Illegal Logging in Cameroon: A Forestry Perspective==
While Cameroon has established a formal system of forest enterprises that are legally registered, rates of illegal logging in the country remain high. Although it can be difficult to quantify the amount of timber harvested illegally, a 2002 study conducted by the World Wildlife Fund (WWF) suggests that 50-70% of timber is sourced in this manner.<ref name = "WWF"/> The deforestation rate is high at about 1% annually, and many people in the informal sector rely on timber for fuel and subsistence. This informal extraction is also difficult to measure, but estimates suggest that it contributes to more than half of the timber that is harvested illegally. The rest is illegally logged by large companies in the formal sector.<ref name = "FM"/> Some permits are allocated only through a competitive bidding process, forcing companies to put a high price on concessions. To recover their costs, they often extract timber in areas that are five or six times their legally allotted areas, knowing that there is very weak monitoring and enforcement in place, and they also tend to out-compete companies that operate sustainably.<ref name = "FM"/> For instance, evidence suggests that as much as 50% of Cameroon's roundwood is harvested illegally, with the majority of the activity taking place within forests that are operated by concessions. <ref name = "Kozak"/> A report by Global Witness and Cameroon's Ministry of Environment and Forests (MINFOF) showed that in the 2002/2003 fiscal year more than 70,000 square meters were logged, in excess of what was allotted to concessionaires.<ref name = "Kozak"/> There is also a high domestic demand for wood that causes illegal loggers from the informal sector to encroach onto protected areas, as private individuals consume an estimated 200,000 square meters of illegal timber annually.<ref name = "Robinson"/> According to Global Forest Watch, Cameroon has lost 657,000 hectares of forest between 2001 and 2014.<ref name = "China"> Reuters (2016). Cameroon moves to curb forest loss linked to Chinese investment. Retrieved from http://www.reuters.com/article/us-cameroon-investment-china-forests-idUSKCN0ZS0VE</ref>

When discussing matters of illegal logging, the State holds an ambiguous power position for three main reasons:

# In order to attract foreign investment, the government takes little action when companies commit serious offences.<ref name = "Robinson"/>
# The State has a weak capacity to monitor and enforce legislation due to corruption and Structural Adjustment Policies that have reduced the number of civil servants and their salaries to monitor illegal activities.<ref name = "Robinson"/>
# Political elites and foreign operators often conspire to appropriate wealth generated from illegal timber extraction through bribery, corruption and transfer pricing, with adverse effects on the public and forest-dependent communities through a loss of revenue and royalty payments.<ref name = "Robinson"/>

===The Issue of Land Tenure===
According to customary institutions, local people, including both Bantu and Pygmy communities, have ownership rights over the land and all natural resources that are necessary for their daily survival. <ref name = "Robinson"/> However, these ancestral customs have been under threat since the colonial period when Germany announced that the country had many "vacant and ownerless lands" and used this claim as a tool to appropriate all land and resources by converting common pool resources into state and private property. After independence in 1960, the philosophy of colonial law had not been diminished, but was instead reformed by new laws in 1974 focusing on driving development. These laws benefitted the State while leaving little room for customary institutions.<ref name = "Kozak"/> Today, about 70% of the country is considered public land that is owned by the State, and the State acts as the custodian of the remaining 30% of national lands whose real owner is said to be the entire Cameroon nation. However, since the State claims to be the legal guardian of all land, the amount of land under direct state control is reported to be closer to 97% of national territory, with the exception of community forests and a few public forest anomalies.<ref> Samuel Assembe-Mvondo, Carol J. P. Colfer, Maria Brockhaus & Raphael Tsanga (2014) Review of the legal ownership status of national lands in Cameroon: A more nuanced view, Development Studies Research, 1:1, 148-160, DOI: 10.1080/21665095.2014.927739</ref> This has lead to a long history of the State benefiting while local people continue to be disadvantaged. They are often denied claims to ancestral forest lands and have trouble obtaining land at all while the best land is given to large logging enterprises by the state.<ref name = "Kozak"/> A few local communities have use rights in small restricted areas.<ref name = "book"> IUCN (2011). Governance of Ecosystem Services: Lessons learned from Cameroon, China, Costa Rica, and Ecuador. Retrieved from https://books.google.ca/books?id=Mle4TsSyKGoC&pg=PA22&lpg=PA22&dq=public+land+cameroon&source=bl&ots=U7Yk7wZzsi&sig=x4xYC2KziV0xc_Ro7lGkPvbF1VA&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiei9Sdz5rQAhVP4WMKHTqjDJUQ6AEIUjAI#v=onepage&q=public%20land%20cameroon&f=false</ref> However there are still many competing and overlapping claims to land between local communities and the State.

Ultimately, this means that Cameroonians are insecure in regards to land tenure. The government holds the authority to grant "unregistered land" (which is essentially most of the country's land mass) in absolute title, lease or exclusive occupancy licenses to loggers, miners, ranchers, biofuel interests or to itself as "state forests". This is allowed since laws fail to acknowledge customary land-holding as amounting to real property interests, which also means that customary owners are not paid market value for lands which the government appropriates for public purposes.<ref name = "FERN"> Wily, Liz Alden (2010). Whose land is it? The status of customary land tenure in Cameroon. Centre for Environment and Development (FERN). Retrieved from http://www.fern.org/sites/fern.org/files/cameroon_eng_internet.pdf</ref> Additionally, the process for land registration makes it difficult for customary landowners to formally register in the system. The process is often remote, complex and expensive and is limited to lands that have been cleared, cultivated or physically settled.<ref name = "FERN"/> This has been highly problematic as Bantu societies inhabit lands beyond cultivated or visibly occupied areas and contain large portions of forests that are collectively managed, while the Pygmy communities hunter-gatherer lifestyles have relatively little impact on the forest cover and thus make it difficult to establish their presence in a given area.<ref name = "Robinson"/> Therefore, this method of registration is not compatible with the traditional lifestyles of indigenous communities. Since unregistered land is made the ''de facto'' property of the state in the form of National Lands, local communities essentially become squatters on their traditional lands while the government's appropriation of these customary lands protects commercial and industrial production.<ref name = "FERN"/> Millions of hectares of common property are excluded by this registration system which families, groups and villages have traditionally maintained as rangelands, wetlands or forests for sustainable livelihood support. The rights of those with the least amount of wealth and socio-institutional strength, such as the forest dwelling Pygmies, are the most abused in this system of governance.<ref name = "FERN"/>

===Forestry Laws===
Laws regulating forestry were first established in 1973, with many revisions in the decades following. These laws have been focused on regulating this sector, but requiring very little transparency in the process. More recent objectives include a reduction in forest loss with an increased level of public participation to reduce pressures on forests, which have been delivered in over twenty legal decrees and orders since 1995.<ref name = "FERN"/> An important change happened in 1994 when the government of Cameroon adopted a new Forestry Law and, at the time, became a leader in West African forest policy.<ref name = "Sayer"> Ezzine, Driss., Perez, Manuel., Sayer, Jeffrey. A., Lescuyer, Guillaume., Nasi, Robert., Karsenty, Alain (2009). External Influences on and Conditions for Community Logging Management in Cameroon. Vol 37 (2), pages 445-456</ref>. The reform process involved a wide range of stakeholders—from international institutions like the World Bank, to a number of national political and economic actors, with the resulting forest code aiming to satisfy several conflicting interests.<ref name = "Sayer"/> It also recognized that forests have intrinsic value that should not be undermined or compromised for future generations.<ref name = "book"/>

The development of community forests at this time was the result of a World Bank push to decentralize forest management while promoting logging management by local actors. The new 1994 Law also defined two major categories of forest. One is the permanent forest domain (PFD), which includes protected areas and logging concessions that have to be managed in a sustainable way so as to guarantee the long-term maintenance of forests. The second is the non-permanent forest domain (NPFD) which does not require the long-term maintenance of forests and includes ‘‘ventes de coupes” (sales of standing timber on a maximum of 2,500 ha) and community forests.<ref name = "Sayer"/> In Cameroon Community Forests can only be established in the NPFD, however they are still under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Forests. One major achievement of this law was a definition of community forest that enabled local populations to become the official managers with full use rights to forest resources that normally last for a 25-year period, although community forest status does not carry full and permanent property rights to the area allocated. There were also instruments in place for direct revenue sharing with communities and promises of infrastructure. However, it was reported that communities remained largely impoverished and seldom receive any benefits. For example, many local people still reside without electricity while timber companies receive power from private sources.<ref name = "China"/>

These laws surrounding community forests were developed for communities to rely timber production, but this is not explicitly embodied into the law. Therefore, community forests tend to exist only in tropical forest regions, not in the mountainous or savanna regions of the north where, for example, Prunus africana is harvested for medicinal uses, not timber.<ref name = "Sayer"/> It is important to note that these community forests depend on timber production, but there is no provision made for community lands outside of this, meaning that customary land ownership does not exist in the eyes of the law. Land which is not built on or farmed cannot be registered by customary land owners.<ref name = "FERN"/> When the community forest is finalized and logging authorization is delivered, communities have a choice of negotiating a contract with an external operator or managing operations and selling timber in the market.<ref name = "Sayer"/> However, few communities use the second option to manage their forests due largely to distance to markets, lack of market information and high transportation and transaction costs. The community therefore tends to opt for an agreement with an industrial operator and has a low degree of involvement. A lack of commercial logging skills also has a negative influence on the ability of the community to achieve higher levels of vertical integration.<ref name = "Sayer"/> Combined, these factors often exacerbate illegal logging in a country that already has weak monitoring and enforcement mechanisms in place. As of 2008, there were 135 fully operational community forest licenses that covered roughly 2% of forests.<ref name = "Kozak"/>

==Framing the Problem of Illegal Logging in Cameroon: Layering Perspectives==
The information above outlines the problems associated with illegal logging in Cameroon from the perspective of a forestry student. In this section we welcome contributions from other perspectives. Those interested in contributing to this case study may use the following questions as a guide:
#How do scholars and professionals outside of forestry conceptualize the practice of illegal logging in Cameroon?
#What are other possible ways of framing this problem?
#What special expertise, resources, or theoretical orientations might others bring to help us understand this phenomenon better?

=== Causes of Illegal Logging ===
==== Corruption ====
Cameroon has consistently been rated by Transparency International as one of the most corrupt countries in the world with a ranking of 138 out of 160 countries surveyed <ref>Transparency International (2015). Corruption by Country:Cameroon. Retrieved from http://www.transparency.org/country#CMR </ref> . With respect to illegal logging, corruption is common and widespread. The government often demands a bribe for the provision of a service such as issuing a logging permit, while at the same time government officials and the private sector also develop methods to keep a greater portion of the revenue and deprive the government of its share <ref name = "Kozak"/> . Ethical standards to which concessionaires must adhere have not been set or practised by the government. Therefore, it has lost its credibility as an effective regulator and faces much criticsim when attempting to hold concessionaires accountable for illegal activities<ref name = "Kozak"/> .

====Poverty====
Although Cameroon is considered to be a lower middle income country, poverty affects almost 40% of the population<ref name = "WB"> The World Bank (2016). Cameroon Data. Retrieved from http://data.worldbank.org/country/cameroon</ref>. Unemployment rates are high, literacy rates are low and most people are subsistence farmers who work long, tedious hours for minimal pay. Little education means that they often lack the ability to complete the administrative requirements to participate in forestry activities in a legal manner, and tend to manufacture lower value commodity wood products like lumber and timber that generate less wealth and employment <ref name = "Kozak"/> .

====Conflicts====
Conflicts between different governmental ministries sometimes provide openings within the system that allow the operation of illegal logging. For instance, the Ministry of Environment and Nature Protection (MINEP) has a mandate to articulate, execute and assess the national policy in relation to the environment <ref name = "Kozak"/> . On the other hand, the forestry sector and its policies are formulated, evaluated and implemented by a different ministry - the Ministry of Forests and Wildlife. (MINFOF) <ref name = "Kozak"/> These inconsistencies can often lead to administrative gaps within the governance system which facilitates illegal activities.

====Licensing Arrangements====
The high costs of obtaining community forestry licenses provides a disincentive for small scale firms and individuals residing in forest communities to develop a management plan, register as an official business and operate legally <ref name = "Kozak"/> .The length of time it takes to process licenses is also a challenge to many applicants, especially those who depend on cash from logging revenues for daily survival and cannot afford to wait long periods of time. For example, members of the Payo community in the eastern part of the country report that their application for a community forest had been sitting in the capital city of Yaounde for a year without approval. <ref name = "Kozak"/> These types of legislative processes often exacerbate instances of illegal logging.

===Example: China in Cameroon===
In recent years there has been an increase in Chinese companies operating in Cameroon's timber sector which has fueled illegal logging and is rapidly depleting forests. Cameroon launched an investment drive in 2010, and China has become the main partner. China has invested more than $400 million USD annually, 80% of which is to be used for infrastructure such as roads, hydro-electric dams and seaports.<ref name = "China"/> This has encouraged the government to issue many licenses to Chinese firms and allow the exploitation of natural resources. This dependency that has been created has made Cameroon vulnerable and reluctant to enforce laws violated by Chinese companies who extract copious amounts of timber to meet their own domestic demand.<ref name = "Robinson"/> This is occurring in several regions throughout the country.

==Implications==
===Environmental===
In Cameroon, it is common for a few high value timber species to be extracted from the forest for commercial purposes, with six species representing almost 80% of timber production:<ref name = "Robinson"/>

* Ayous (Triplochition scleroxylon)
* Sapelli (Entandrophragma cylindricum)
*Azobe (Lophira alata)
*Frake (Terminalia superba)
*Tali (Erythrophleum ivorense)
*Iroko (Chlorophora excelsa)

Searching for specific tree species means that roads are often constructed into large forested areas to extract a few trees. This opens up new areas for human settlements, the development of agriculture and commercial hunting - all of which increase pressures on forests. While local communities have traditionally depended on bushmeat, a commercial trade in the industry has been relatively recent and has decimated many wildlife populations including rare and endangered species such as lowland gorillas and elephants.<ref name = "Robinson"/> High rates of deforestation also have negative impacts on climate change, while selecting certain species for harvest decreases biodiversity and the overall resiliency of the forest.
In the northern part of the country, deforestation has been associated with increasing rates of soil erosion, desertification and a reduced quality of pastureland.<ref name ="MB"> Mongabay (2006). Tropical Rainforests: Cameroon. Retrieved from http://rainforests.mongabay.com/20cameroon.htm </ref> Although it is well known that foreign companies contribute largely to illegal logging, concessions continue to be issued as residents are promised an increase in infrastructure such as roads and electricity, and social services like education and healthcare that promise to increase their standard of living.

===Political===
Based on the evidence presented above, it appears as though the main dilemma for lawmakers is regulating timber harvesting without deterring foreign investment. This becomes even more difficult when the budgets that are allocated are inadequate for the amount of monitoring and enforcement needed. Since 2010, more than half of all timber that is considered illegal is harvested by the informal sector, mostly for domestic consumption.<ref>Modern Ghana (2015). Illegal logging is still a struggle in Cameroon. Retrieved from https://www.modernghana.com/news/611878/illegal-logging-still-a-struggle-in-cameroon.html</ref> Although few local people have viable alternative options to meet their basic needs for energy, the government continues to label this this type of collection largely as illegal and issues very few timber permits for the informal sector. The government ultimately holds all authority to make and enforce decisions regarding forests.<ref name = "MB"/> A shift in power or inclusion of indigenous communities and local people in the decision making process would help to resolve some of the issues of illegal logging in the informal sector.

===Economic===
It is estimated that the government of Cameroon loses approximately 1.5 million Euros worth of timber each year due to illegal logging, a significant amount for a country that is often unable to provide adequate social services for its residents.<ref name = "Greenpeace2"> Greenpeace International (2003). Illegal logging and the heart of darkness. Retrieved from http://www.greenpeace.org/international/en/news/features/illegal-logging-in-cameroon/</ref> Three Dutch companies, Wijma, Reef and CIBEC, are known for operating illegally and have destroyed numerous villagers' subsistence cash crops with no compensation offered.<ref name = "Greenpeace2"/> This continues to impoverish local people and further prevents them from having the financial resources to apply for community or logging licenses to compete in the local market. The consumers of illegal timber from Cameroon are mostly European nations. However the timber entering the majority of the EU countries is now considered to be high risk.<ref name = "MB"/> Therefore, certain types of timber from Cameroon are scarce in European markets, and are sold at a higher price.<ref name = "Greenpeace2"/>

===Cultural===
The Pygmy communities report experiencing a type of "spiritual prejudice" that is caused by illegal logging activities.<ref name = "Robinson"/> In the Baka cosmology, when God created the world that included humans and nature, listening to the bees was his favorite activity. Therefore, humans had to stay quiet so as not to disturb God. However, one day some Baka began to make noise in the forest and God punished them by turning them into wild animals. Noise that is associated with logging is therefore directly related to their religion and has a severe impact.<ref name = "Robinson"/> For the forest societies of Southern Cameroon, the moabi tree plays a crucial role for medicine, food, culture and economic value and people often resist its logging. Deceased bodies were traditionally placed at the bottom of the tree and left to decompose, rendering the tree a totem that embodied the power of the ancestor. More than 50 medicines can be made using the leaves, roots, sap and bark including treatments against painful menstruation, vaginal infections and postnatal care.<ref name = "fem"/> Fruits are consumed while seeds produce oil for consumption and sale, which is controlled almost exclusively by women from collection to commercialization. <ref name = "Robinson"/>

==Initiatives to Combat Illegal Logging==
Although progress in combating illegal logging remains slow, there are initiatives in place that attempt to mitigate this problem. Cameroon agreed to join the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES) in 1999, which includes protecting and monitoring the trade of two tree species - Pericopsis elata and Prunus africana.<ref>Forest Legality Alliance (2012). Cameroon laws and regulations. Retrieved from http://www.forestlegality.org/risk-tool/country/cameroon-0</ref> Since 2012, there have been reports of improved forest governance with the implementation of sanctions against violators of national laws. For instanace, it was reported that 27 forest exploitation companies had been suspended in 2012 and 7 others in 2014 for operating with incorrect licenses.<ref name = "China"/> Greenpeace Africa has also been pushing the government of Cameroon to hold independent and transparent audits of the Compagnie de Commerce et de Transport (CCT), who has a reputation for engaging in highly illegal and destructive practices, such as logging several kilometers outside of their legal logging titled area. They are pushing for proper sanctions when illegal activities have been confirmed as well as audits that will help to trace timber generated from illegal activities. <ref name = "Greenpeace2"/> Timber from Cameroon is also coming under increased scrutiny in international markets, with Europe being the largest consumer of timber that is suspected to be sourced illegally. In 2010, Cameroon signed a Voluntary Partnership Agreement (VPA) with the European Union (EU) which aims to strengthen forest governance, promote Cameroon's timber products and improve Cameroon's competitiveness in the international market. It also encourages investment in sustainable forest management and strengthens the capacity of forest stakeholders.<ref>EU FLEGT Facility (2014). VPA Countries:Cameroon. Retrieved from http://www.euflegt.efi.int/cameroon</ref> The country has been engaged with REDD+ since 2005, part of which aims to curb deforestation that is often linked with illegal logging.<ref>The REDD Desk (2013). REDD in Cameroon. Retrieved from http://theredddesk.org/countries/cameroon</ref>

==Reflections and Recommendations==
Illegal logging is a widespread and complicated issue throughout Cameroon. Although the government has attempted to make progress in combating this issue, evidence suggests that such commitments may be made to please international donors while implementing effective solutions on the ground level is still an ongoing challenge. Steps to move forward should include much more transparency in the entire process of forest governance, and accountability for those who operate illegally. Strengthening institutions in terms of staff, funding and organization would also be beneficial, while de-centralizing services would make it easier for remote groups to get support and assistance with issues relating to forest management. Community involvement in the decision making process, especially from Indigenous groups, may help to mitigate some of these issues and start to build trust and cooperation between local groups and the state. Since more than half of all illegal logging is done by the informal sector, it is important to address poverty and meeting the energy needs of local groups which are driving factors behind much of the illegal timber harvesting. Combating poverty would also decrease dependence on foreign investment to provide services that increase the standard of living for Cameroonians. Recognizing land tenure insecurities and customary rights would further help to decrease conflicts and competing claims over land and encourage sustainable management of forest resources. More responsibility should also be shifted onto consumers. The international demand for certain species drives illegal logging, yet many nations continue to import timber that is likely to be derived from illegal sources. Increasing transparency in the supply chain and imposing sanctions may help to pressure the government of Cameroon to effectively monitor the forestry sector.

==References==
<references/>

[[Category:FRST522]]

Open Case Studies/FRST522/Cameroon

2017-05-14T19:13:36Z

JenniferMansour: /* Framing the Problem: Layering Perspectives */

Illegal Logging Case Study: Cameroon

By: Sarah Sra

[[File:LocationCameroon.svg|right]]
== Introduction ==
Cameroon is located at the junction of western and central Africa and is well known for its geological and cultural diversity. However, despite having achieved political and social stability, many Cameroonians still live below the poverty line. The authoritarian President, Paul Biya, has retained power in the country for over three decades. <ref name = "WRI"> World Resources Institute (2016) The Governance of Forests Initiative:Cameroon. Retrieved from www.wri.org/our-work/project/governance-forests-initiative/cameroon. </ref>. The country is also home to approximately 22 million hectares of tropical forests, making it a crucial component of the Congo Basin forest ecosystem and home to many endemic species <ref name = "WRI"/>. Many Cameroonians rely on these forests as they provide an important source of revenue, employment and livelihoods, in addition to providing a number of important ecosystem services and habitat for over 9,000 plant species, 910 bird species and 320 mammal species <ref name = "WRI"/>. Forests and non-timber forest products (NTFP) contribute largely to the economy by providing between 45,000 and 70,000 jobs and account for over 10% of the annual GDP <ref name = "Kozak"> Kozak, Robert, A. & Alemagi, Dieudonne (2010) Illegal logging in Cameroon: Causes and the path forward. ''Forest Policy and Economics''. ''Vol 12'' (8) 554-561 </ref> . Globally, Cameroon has become the sixth largest exporter of tropical timber and receives an annual revenue of 60 million US dollars from this industry <ref name = "Kozak"/> .

The forests are also home to nearly four million people who belong to Bantu ethnic groups, as well as the indigenous Pygmy people who comprise three large ethnic groups in the region: the Baka, the Bakola/Bagyeli and the Bedzan.<ref name = "Robinson"> Robinson, Djeukam (2008). Forestry and Communities in Cameroon.Centre for Environment and Development (CED), Yaoundé, Cameroon. Retrieved from http://www.ceecec.net/case-studies/forestry-and-communities-in-cameroon/ </ref> The traditional lifestyle of these Indigenous groups relies heavily on natural resources, including hunting and gathering which is typically done in territorial and egalitarian nomadic bands. However, they are increasingly adopting a sedentary lifestyle focusing on agriculture under the influence of multiple factors that have recently emerged, including wide spread deforestation, that has lead to a loss of resources that are essential for their biological and cultural well being. <ref name = "Robinson"/>

== History ==
The country has struggled to recover from a great economic crisis that hit hard in the 1980's. This initially had lead to a neglect in implementing regulations in the forestry sector in order to favor industrial growth, which has continued into the present.<ref name = "POC"> Cerutti, Paolo Omar, Tacconi, Luca, Lescuyer, Guillaume, Nasi, Robert (2012). Cameroon's Hidden Harvest: Commercial Chainsaw Logging, Corruption, and Livelihoods. Society and Natural Resources. Vol 26, (5), pages 539-553</ref> There have also been reported cases of intra-community conflicts in Cameroon, with local forest communities allegedly barricading logging trucks and holding forest workers hostage in forest camps.<ref name = "Kozak"/> .A conflict of precedence between village elites and traditional chiefs also exists in the eastern part of the country over authority in managing forest royalties <ref name = "Kozak"/>

An example of protests regarding issues of rights to resources can be seen in the resistance to the commercial harvesting of the Moabi tree by the Bantu people in Southern Cameroon. Since commercial logging began decades ago, members of local communities have continued to protect their trees against logging by leaving notes on the trunk with their names as well as physically threatening loggers with machetes. To avoid these conflicts, loggers have tried to offer compensation for cutting down these trees, but this has led to many reports of conflicts between family members who want to sell their trees, and those who are against it. These conflicts are usually gendered as well, with more men wanting to sell their rights to the trees. Women tend to rely more on the trees for medicine, food and income, while men generally benefit more from selling the tree rather than enjoying its ownership.<ref name = "fem"> Veuthey, Sandra., Gerber, Julien-Francois (2010). Logging conflicts in Southern Cameroon: A feminist ecological economics perspective. Ecological economics. Vol 70, (2) pages 170-177</ref> Uses of the Moabi Tree are discussed below in the "cultural" section under "Implications".

==What Is Illegal Logging?==
Illegal logging occurs when timber is harvested, transported, processed, bought or sold in violation of national or sub national laws.<ref name = "WWF"> World Wildlife Fund (2016). Illegal Logging. Retrieved from http://wwf.panda.org/about_our_earth/deforestation/deforestation_causes/illegal_logging/.</ref> In Cameroon, the law indicates six different types of logging permits that may be issued by the government:<ref name = "FM"> Forests Monitor. Cameroon: Political, social and economic framework. Retrieved from http://www.forestsmonitor.org/en/reports/540539/549935</ref>

# Sales of standing volume - should not cover more than 2,500 hectares and last for a limited period of time (Section 55).
# Exploitation Permits - which are for the extraction of not more than 500 cubic meters of timber (Section 56).
# Individual Felling Authorization - the extraction of not more than 30 cubic meters of wood for non-commercial use (Section 57).
# Concessions - can include one or more Forest Management Units (FMA) and will be reviewed every three years and is for a specified volume of timber (Section 46).
# State Exploitation - via sale of standing volume or exploitation contract (Section 44).
# Wood Recovery Permit

It is estimated that Cameroon has approximately 600 native tree species. Illegal logging has contributed to 50 of these species being listed as critically endangered under the International Union For The Conservation Of Nature (IUCN) Red List, while 27 species are considered endangered and another 106 species are listed as vulnerable.<ref name = "MB"/>

==Framing the Problem of Illegal Logging in Cameroon: A Forestry Perspective==
While Cameroon has established a formal system of forest enterprises that are legally registered, rates of illegal logging in the country remain high. Although it can be difficult to quantify the amount of timber harvested illegally, a 2002 study conducted by the World Wildlife Fund (WWF) suggests that 50-70% of timber is sourced in this manner.<ref name = "WWF"/> The deforestation rate is high at about 1% annually, and many people in the informal sector rely on timber for fuel and subsistence. This informal extraction is also difficult to measure, but estimates suggest that it contributes to more than half of the timber that is harvested illegally. The rest is illegally logged by large companies in the formal sector.<ref name = "FM"/> Some permits are allocated only through a competitive bidding process, forcing companies to put a high price on concessions. To recover their costs, they often extract timber in areas that are five or six times their legally allotted areas, knowing that there is very weak monitoring and enforcement in place, and they also tend to out-compete companies that operate sustainably.<ref name = "FM"/> For instance, evidence suggests that as much as 50% of Cameroon's roundwood is harvested illegally, with the majority of the activity taking place within forests that are operated by concessions. <ref name = "Kozak"/> A report by Global Witness and Cameroon's Ministry of Environment and Forests (MINFOF) showed that in the 2002/2003 fiscal year more than 70,000 square meters were logged, in excess of what was allotted to concessionaires.<ref name = "Kozak"/> There is also a high domestic demand for wood that causes illegal loggers from the informal sector to encroach onto protected areas, as private individuals consume an estimated 200,000 square meters of illegal timber annually.<ref name = "Robinson"/> According to Global Forest Watch, Cameroon has lost 657,000 hectares of forest between 2001 and 2014.<ref name = "China"> Reuters (2016). Cameroon moves to curb forest loss linked to Chinese investment. Retrieved from http://www.reuters.com/article/us-cameroon-investment-china-forests-idUSKCN0ZS0VE</ref>

When discussing matters of illegal logging, the State holds an ambiguous power position for three main reasons:

# In order to attract foreign investment, the government takes little action when companies commit serious offences.<ref name = "Robinson"/>
# The State has a weak capacity to monitor and enforce legislation due to corruption and Structural Adjustment Policies that have reduced the number of civil servants and their salaries to monitor illegal activities.<ref name = "Robinson"/>
# Political elites and foreign operators often conspire to appropriate wealth generated from illegal timber extraction through bribery, corruption and transfer pricing, with adverse effects on the public and forest-dependent communities through a loss of revenue and royalty payments.<ref name = "Robinson"/>

===The Issue of Land Tenure===
According to customary institutions, local people, including both Bantu and Pygmy communities, have ownership rights over the land and all natural resources that are necessary for their daily survival. <ref name = "Robinson"/> However, these ancestral customs have been under threat since the colonial period when Germany announced that the country had many "vacant and ownerless lands" and used this claim as a tool to appropriate all land and resources by converting common pool resources into state and private property. After independence in 1960, the philosophy of colonial law had not been diminished, but was instead reformed by new laws in 1974 focusing on driving development. These laws benefitted the State while leaving little room for customary institutions.<ref name = "Kozak"/> Today, about 70% of the country is considered public land that is owned by the State, and the State acts as the custodian of the remaining 30% of national lands whose real owner is said to be the entire Cameroon nation. However, since the State claims to be the legal guardian of all land, the amount of land under direct state control is reported to be closer to 97% of national territory, with the exception of community forests and a few public forest anomalies.<ref> Samuel Assembe-Mvondo, Carol J. P. Colfer, Maria Brockhaus & Raphael Tsanga (2014) Review of the legal ownership status of national lands in Cameroon: A more nuanced view, Development Studies Research, 1:1, 148-160, DOI: 10.1080/21665095.2014.927739</ref> This has lead to a long history of the State benefiting while local people continue to be disadvantaged. They are often denied claims to ancestral forest lands and have trouble obtaining land at all while the best land is given to large logging enterprises by the state.<ref name = "Kozak"/> A few local communities have use rights in small restricted areas.<ref name = "book"> IUCN (2011). Governance of Ecosystem Services: Lessons learned from Cameroon, China, Costa Rica, and Ecuador. Retrieved from https://books.google.ca/books?id=Mle4TsSyKGoC&pg=PA22&lpg=PA22&dq=public+land+cameroon&source=bl&ots=U7Yk7wZzsi&sig=x4xYC2KziV0xc_Ro7lGkPvbF1VA&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiei9Sdz5rQAhVP4WMKHTqjDJUQ6AEIUjAI#v=onepage&q=public%20land%20cameroon&f=false</ref> However there are still many competing and overlapping claims to land between local communities and the State.

Ultimately, this means that Cameroonians are insecure in regards to land tenure. The government holds the authority to grant "unregistered land" (which is essentially most of the country's land mass) in absolute title, lease or exclusive occupancy licenses to loggers, miners, ranchers, biofuel interests or to itself as "state forests". This is allowed since laws fail to acknowledge customary land-holding as amounting to real property interests, which also means that customary owners are not paid market value for lands which the government appropriates for public purposes.<ref name = "FERN"> Wily, Liz Alden (2010). Whose land is it? The status of customary land tenure in Cameroon. Centre for Environment and Development (FERN). Retrieved from http://www.fern.org/sites/fern.org/files/cameroon_eng_internet.pdf</ref> Additionally, the process for land registration makes it difficult for customary landowners to formally register in the system. The process is often remote, complex and expensive and is limited to lands that have been cleared, cultivated or physically settled.<ref name = "FERN"/> This has been highly problematic as Bantu societies inhabit lands beyond cultivated or visibly occupied areas and contain large portions of forests that are collectively managed, while the Pygmy communities hunter-gatherer lifestyles have relatively little impact on the forest cover and thus make it difficult to establish their presence in a given area.<ref name = "Robinson"/> Therefore, this method of registration is not compatible with the traditional lifestyles of indigenous communities. Since unregistered land is made the ''de facto'' property of the state in the form of National Lands, local communities essentially become squatters on their traditional lands while the government's appropriation of these customary lands protects commercial and industrial production.<ref name = "FERN"/> Millions of hectares of common property are excluded by this registration system which families, groups and villages have traditionally maintained as rangelands, wetlands or forests for sustainable livelihood support. The rights of those with the least amount of wealth and socio-institutional strength, such as the forest dwelling Pygmies, are the most abused in this system of governance.<ref name = "FERN"/>

===Forestry Laws===
Laws regulating forestry were first established in 1973, with many revisions in the decades following. These laws have been focused on regulating this sector, but requiring very little transparency in the process. More recent objectives include a reduction in forest loss with an increased level of public participation to reduce pressures on forests, which have been delivered in over twenty legal decrees and orders since 1995.<ref name = "FERN"/> An important change happened in 1994 when the government of Cameroon adopted a new Forestry Law and, at the time, became a leader in West African forest policy.<ref name = "Sayer"> Ezzine, Driss., Perez, Manuel., Sayer, Jeffrey. A., Lescuyer, Guillaume., Nasi, Robert., Karsenty, Alain (2009). External Influences on and Conditions for Community Logging Management in Cameroon. Vol 37 (2), pages 445-456</ref>. The reform process involved a wide range of stakeholders—from international institutions like the World Bank, to a number of national political and economic actors, with the resulting forest code aiming to satisfy several conflicting interests.<ref name = "Sayer"/> It also recognized that forests have intrinsic value that should not be undermined or compromised for future generations.<ref name = "book"/>

The development of community forests at this time was the result of a World Bank push to decentralize forest management while promoting logging management by local actors. The new 1994 Law also defined two major categories of forest. One is the permanent forest domain (PFD), which includes protected areas and logging concessions that have to be managed in a sustainable way so as to guarantee the long-term maintenance of forests. The second is the non-permanent forest domain (NPFD) which does not require the long-term maintenance of forests and includes ‘‘ventes de coupes” (sales of standing timber on a maximum of 2,500 ha) and community forests.<ref name = "Sayer"/> In Cameroon Community Forests can only be established in the NPFD, however they are still under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Forests. One major achievement of this law was a definition of community forest that enabled local populations to become the official managers with full use rights to forest resources that normally last for a 25-year period, although community forest status does not carry full and permanent property rights to the area allocated. There were also instruments in place for direct revenue sharing with communities and promises of infrastructure. However, it was reported that communities remained largely impoverished and seldom receive any benefits. For example, many local people still reside without electricity while timber companies receive power from private sources.<ref name = "China"/>

These laws surrounding community forests were developed for communities to rely timber production, but this is not explicitly embodied into the law. Therefore, community forests tend to exist only in tropical forest regions, not in the mountainous or savanna regions of the north where, for example, Prunus africana is harvested for medicinal uses, not timber.<ref name = "Sayer"/> It is important to note that these community forests depend on timber production, but there is no provision made for community lands outside of this, meaning that customary land ownership does not exist in the eyes of the law. Land which is not built on or farmed cannot be registered by customary land owners.<ref name = "FERN"/> When the community forest is finalized and logging authorization is delivered, communities have a choice of negotiating a contract with an external operator or managing operations and selling timber in the market.<ref name = "Sayer"/> However, few communities use the second option to manage their forests due largely to distance to markets, lack of market information and high transportation and transaction costs. The community therefore tends to opt for an agreement with an industrial operator and has a low degree of involvement. A lack of commercial logging skills also has a negative influence on the ability of the community to achieve higher levels of vertical integration.<ref name = "Sayer"/> Combined, these factors often exacerbate illegal logging in a country that already has weak monitoring and enforcement mechanisms in place. As of 2008, there were 135 fully operational community forest licenses that covered roughly 2% of forests.<ref name = "Kozak"/>

==Framing the Problem of Illegal Logging in Cameroon: Layering Perspectives==
The information above outlines the problems associated with illegal logging in Cameroon from the perspective of a forestry student. In this section we welcome contributions from other perspectives. Those interested in contributing to this case study may use the following questions as a guide:
#How do scholars and professionals outside of forestry conceptualize the practice of illegal logging in Cameroon?
#What are other possible ways of framing this problem?
#What special expertise, resources, or theoretical orientations might others bring to help us understand this phenomenon better?

=== History ===
The country has struggled to recover from a great economic crisis that hit hard in the 1980's. This initially had lead to a neglect in implementing regulations in the forestry sector in order to favor industrial growth, which has continued into the present.<ref name = "POC"> Cerutti, Paolo Omar, Tacconi, Luca, Lescuyer, Guillaume, Nasi, Robert (2012). Cameroon's Hidden Harvest: Commercial Chainsaw Logging, Corruption, and Livelihoods. Society and Natural Resources. Vol 26, (5), pages 539-553</ref> There have also been reported cases of intra-community conflicts in Cameroon, with local forest communities allegedly barricading logging trucks and holding forest workers hostage in forest camps.<ref name = "Kozak"/> .A conflict of precedence between village elites and traditional chiefs also exists in the eastern part of the country over authority in managing forest royalties <ref name = "Kozak"/>

An example of protests regarding issues of rights to resources can be seen in the resistance to the commercial harvesting of the Moabi tree by the Bantu people in Southern Cameroon. Since commercial logging began decades ago, members of local communities have continued to protect their trees against logging by leaving notes on the trunk with their names as well as physically threatening loggers with machetes. To avoid these conflicts, loggers have tried to offer compensation for cutting down these trees, but this has led to many reports of conflicts between family members who want to sell their trees, and those who are against it. These conflicts are usually gendered as well, with more men wanting to sell their rights to the trees. Women tend to rely more on the trees for medicine, food and income, while men generally benefit more from selling the tree rather than enjoying its ownership.<ref name = "fem"> Veuthey, Sandra., Gerber, Julien-Francois (2010). Logging conflicts in Southern Cameroon: A feminist ecological economics perspective. Ecological economics. Vol 70, (2) pages 170-177</ref> Uses of the Moabi Tree are discussed below in the "cultural" section under "Implications".

=== Causes of Illegal Logging ===
==== Corruption ====
Cameroon has consistently been rated by Transparency International as one of the most corrupt countries in the world with a ranking of 138 out of 160 countries surveyed <ref>Transparency International (2015). Corruption by Country:Cameroon. Retrieved from http://www.transparency.org/country#CMR </ref> . With respect to illegal logging, corruption is common and widespread. The government often demands a bribe for the provision of a service such as issuing a logging permit, while at the same time government officials and the private sector also develop methods to keep a greater portion of the revenue and deprive the government of its share <ref name = "Kozak"/> . Ethical standards to which concessionaires must adhere have not been set or practised by the government. Therefore, it has lost its credibility as an effective regulator and faces much criticsim when attempting to hold concessionaires accountable for illegal activities<ref name = "Kozak"/> .

====Poverty====
Although Cameroon is considered to be a lower middle income country, poverty affects almost 40% of the population<ref name = "WB"> The World Bank (2016). Cameroon Data. Retrieved from http://data.worldbank.org/country/cameroon</ref>. Unemployment rates are high, literacy rates are low and most people are subsistence farmers who work long, tedious hours for minimal pay. Little education means that they often lack the ability to complete the administrative requirements to participate in forestry activities in a legal manner, and tend to manufacture lower value commodity wood products like lumber and timber that generate less wealth and employment <ref name = "Kozak"/> .

====Conflicts====
Conflicts between different governmental ministries sometimes provide openings within the system that allow the operation of illegal logging. For instance, the Ministry of Environment and Nature Protection (MINEP) has a mandate to articulate, execute and assess the national policy in relation to the environment <ref name = "Kozak"/> . On the other hand, the forestry sector and its policies are formulated, evaluated and implemented by a different ministry - the Ministry of Forests and Wildlife. (MINFOF) <ref name = "Kozak"/> These inconsistencies can often lead to administrative gaps within the governance system which facilitates illegal activities.

====Licensing Arrangements====
The high costs of obtaining community forestry licenses provides a disincentive for small scale firms and individuals residing in forest communities to develop a management plan, register as an official business and operate legally <ref name = "Kozak"/> .The length of time it takes to process licenses is also a challenge to many applicants, especially those who depend on cash from logging revenues for daily survival and cannot afford to wait long periods of time. For example, members of the Payo community in the eastern part of the country report that their application for a community forest had been sitting in the capital city of Yaounde for a year without approval. <ref name = "Kozak"/> These types of legislative processes often exacerbate instances of illegal logging.

===Example: China in Cameroon===
In recent years there has been an increase in Chinese companies operating in Cameroon's timber sector which has fueled illegal logging and is rapidly depleting forests. Cameroon launched an investment drive in 2010, and China has become the main partner. China has invested more than $400 million USD annually, 80% of which is to be used for infrastructure such as roads, hydro-electric dams and seaports.<ref name = "China"/> This has encouraged the government to issue many licenses to Chinese firms and allow the exploitation of natural resources. This dependency that has been created has made Cameroon vulnerable and reluctant to enforce laws violated by Chinese companies who extract copious amounts of timber to meet their own domestic demand.<ref name = "Robinson"/> This is occurring in several regions throughout the country.

==Implications==
===Environmental===
In Cameroon, it is common for a few high value timber species to be extracted from the forest for commercial purposes, with six species representing almost 80% of timber production:<ref name = "Robinson"/>

* Ayous (Triplochition scleroxylon)
* Sapelli (Entandrophragma cylindricum)
*Azobe (Lophira alata)
*Frake (Terminalia superba)
*Tali (Erythrophleum ivorense)
*Iroko (Chlorophora excelsa)

Searching for specific tree species means that roads are often constructed into large forested areas to extract a few trees. This opens up new areas for human settlements, the development of agriculture and commercial hunting - all of which increase pressures on forests. While local communities have traditionally depended on bushmeat, a commercial trade in the industry has been relatively recent and has decimated many wildlife populations including rare and endangered species such as lowland gorillas and elephants.<ref name = "Robinson"/> High rates of deforestation also have negative impacts on climate change, while selecting certain species for harvest decreases biodiversity and the overall resiliency of the forest.
In the northern part of the country, deforestation has been associated with increasing rates of soil erosion, desertification and a reduced quality of pastureland.<ref name ="MB"> Mongabay (2006). Tropical Rainforests: Cameroon. Retrieved from http://rainforests.mongabay.com/20cameroon.htm </ref> Although it is well known that foreign companies contribute largely to illegal logging, concessions continue to be issued as residents are promised an increase in infrastructure such as roads and electricity, and social services like education and healthcare that promise to increase their standard of living.

===Political===
Based on the evidence presented above, it appears as though the main dilemma for lawmakers is regulating timber harvesting without deterring foreign investment. This becomes even more difficult when the budgets that are allocated are inadequate for the amount of monitoring and enforcement needed. Since 2010, more than half of all timber that is considered illegal is harvested by the informal sector, mostly for domestic consumption.<ref>Modern Ghana (2015). Illegal logging is still a struggle in Cameroon. Retrieved from https://www.modernghana.com/news/611878/illegal-logging-still-a-struggle-in-cameroon.html</ref> Although few local people have viable alternative options to meet their basic needs for energy, the government continues to label this this type of collection largely as illegal and issues very few timber permits for the informal sector. The government ultimately holds all authority to make and enforce decisions regarding forests.<ref name = "MB"/> A shift in power or inclusion of indigenous communities and local people in the decision making process would help to resolve some of the issues of illegal logging in the informal sector.

===Economic===
It is estimated that the government of Cameroon loses approximately 1.5 million Euros worth of timber each year due to illegal logging, a significant amount for a country that is often unable to provide adequate social services for its residents.<ref name = "Greenpeace2"> Greenpeace International (2003). Illegal logging and the heart of darkness. Retrieved from http://www.greenpeace.org/international/en/news/features/illegal-logging-in-cameroon/</ref> Three Dutch companies, Wijma, Reef and CIBEC, are known for operating illegally and have destroyed numerous villagers' subsistence cash crops with no compensation offered.<ref name = "Greenpeace2"/> This continues to impoverish local people and further prevents them from having the financial resources to apply for community or logging licenses to compete in the local market. The consumers of illegal timber from Cameroon are mostly European nations. However the timber entering the majority of the EU countries is now considered to be high risk.<ref name = "MB"/> Therefore, certain types of timber from Cameroon are scarce in European markets, and are sold at a higher price.<ref name = "Greenpeace2"/>

===Cultural===
The Pygmy communities report experiencing a type of "spiritual prejudice" that is caused by illegal logging activities.<ref name = "Robinson"/> In the Baka cosmology, when God created the world that included humans and nature, listening to the bees was his favorite activity. Therefore, humans had to stay quiet so as not to disturb God. However, one day some Baka began to make noise in the forest and God punished them by turning them into wild animals. Noise that is associated with logging is therefore directly related to their religion and has a severe impact.<ref name = "Robinson"/> For the forest societies of Southern Cameroon, the moabi tree plays a crucial role for medicine, food, culture and economic value and people often resist its logging. Deceased bodies were traditionally placed at the bottom of the tree and left to decompose, rendering the tree a totem that embodied the power of the ancestor. More than 50 medicines can be made using the leaves, roots, sap and bark including treatments against painful menstruation, vaginal infections and postnatal care.<ref name = "fem"/> Fruits are consumed while seeds produce oil for consumption and sale, which is controlled almost exclusively by women from collection to commercialization. <ref name = "Robinson"/>

==Initiatives to Combat Illegal Logging==
Although progress in combating illegal logging remains slow, there are initiatives in place that attempt to mitigate this problem. Cameroon agreed to join the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES) in 1999, which includes protecting and monitoring the trade of two tree species - Pericopsis elata and Prunus africana.<ref>Forest Legality Alliance (2012). Cameroon laws and regulations. Retrieved from http://www.forestlegality.org/risk-tool/country/cameroon-0</ref> Since 2012, there have been reports of improved forest governance with the implementation of sanctions against violators of national laws. For instanace, it was reported that 27 forest exploitation companies had been suspended in 2012 and 7 others in 2014 for operating with incorrect licenses.<ref name = "China"/> Greenpeace Africa has also been pushing the government of Cameroon to hold independent and transparent audits of the Compagnie de Commerce et de Transport (CCT), who has a reputation for engaging in highly illegal and destructive practices, such as logging several kilometers outside of their legal logging titled area. They are pushing for proper sanctions when illegal activities have been confirmed as well as audits that will help to trace timber generated from illegal activities. <ref name = "Greenpeace2"/> Timber from Cameroon is also coming under increased scrutiny in international markets, with Europe being the largest consumer of timber that is suspected to be sourced illegally. In 2010, Cameroon signed a Voluntary Partnership Agreement (VPA) with the European Union (EU) which aims to strengthen forest governance, promote Cameroon's timber products and improve Cameroon's competitiveness in the international market. It also encourages investment in sustainable forest management and strengthens the capacity of forest stakeholders.<ref>EU FLEGT Facility (2014). VPA Countries:Cameroon. Retrieved from http://www.euflegt.efi.int/cameroon</ref> The country has been engaged with REDD+ since 2005, part of which aims to curb deforestation that is often linked with illegal logging.<ref>The REDD Desk (2013). REDD in Cameroon. Retrieved from http://theredddesk.org/countries/cameroon</ref>

==Reflections and Recommendations==
Illegal logging is a widespread and complicated issue throughout Cameroon. Although the government has attempted to make progress in combating this issue, evidence suggests that such commitments may be made to please international donors while implementing effective solutions on the ground level is still an ongoing challenge. Steps to move forward should include much more transparency in the entire process of forest governance, and accountability for those who operate illegally. Strengthening institutions in terms of staff, funding and organization would also be beneficial, while de-centralizing services would make it easier for remote groups to get support and assistance with issues relating to forest management. Community involvement in the decision making process, especially from Indigenous groups, may help to mitigate some of these issues and start to build trust and cooperation between local groups and the state. Since more than half of all illegal logging is done by the informal sector, it is important to address poverty and meeting the energy needs of local groups which are driving factors behind much of the illegal timber harvesting. Combating poverty would also decrease dependence on foreign investment to provide services that increase the standard of living for Cameroonians. Recognizing land tenure insecurities and customary rights would further help to decrease conflicts and competing claims over land and encourage sustainable management of forest resources. More responsibility should also be shifted onto consumers. The international demand for certain species drives illegal logging, yet many nations continue to import timber that is likely to be derived from illegal sources. Increasing transparency in the supply chain and imposing sanctions may help to pressure the government of Cameroon to effectively monitor the forestry sector.

==References==
<references/>

[[Category:FRST522]]

Open Case Studies/FRST522/Cameroon

2017-05-14T19:13:02Z

JenniferMansour: /* Framing the Problem: A Forestry Perspective */

Illegal Logging Case Study: Cameroon

By: Sarah Sra

[[File:LocationCameroon.svg|right]]
== Introduction ==
Cameroon is located at the junction of western and central Africa and is well known for its geological and cultural diversity. However, despite having achieved political and social stability, many Cameroonians still live below the poverty line. The authoritarian President, Paul Biya, has retained power in the country for over three decades. <ref name = "WRI"> World Resources Institute (2016) The Governance of Forests Initiative:Cameroon. Retrieved from www.wri.org/our-work/project/governance-forests-initiative/cameroon. </ref>. The country is also home to approximately 22 million hectares of tropical forests, making it a crucial component of the Congo Basin forest ecosystem and home to many endemic species <ref name = "WRI"/>. Many Cameroonians rely on these forests as they provide an important source of revenue, employment and livelihoods, in addition to providing a number of important ecosystem services and habitat for over 9,000 plant species, 910 bird species and 320 mammal species <ref name = "WRI"/>. Forests and non-timber forest products (NTFP) contribute largely to the economy by providing between 45,000 and 70,000 jobs and account for over 10% of the annual GDP <ref name = "Kozak"> Kozak, Robert, A. & Alemagi, Dieudonne (2010) Illegal logging in Cameroon: Causes and the path forward. ''Forest Policy and Economics''. ''Vol 12'' (8) 554-561 </ref> . Globally, Cameroon has become the sixth largest exporter of tropical timber and receives an annual revenue of 60 million US dollars from this industry <ref name = "Kozak"/> .

The forests are also home to nearly four million people who belong to Bantu ethnic groups, as well as the indigenous Pygmy people who comprise three large ethnic groups in the region: the Baka, the Bakola/Bagyeli and the Bedzan.<ref name = "Robinson"> Robinson, Djeukam (2008). Forestry and Communities in Cameroon.Centre for Environment and Development (CED), Yaoundé, Cameroon. Retrieved from http://www.ceecec.net/case-studies/forestry-and-communities-in-cameroon/ </ref> The traditional lifestyle of these Indigenous groups relies heavily on natural resources, including hunting and gathering which is typically done in territorial and egalitarian nomadic bands. However, they are increasingly adopting a sedentary lifestyle focusing on agriculture under the influence of multiple factors that have recently emerged, including wide spread deforestation, that has lead to a loss of resources that are essential for their biological and cultural well being. <ref name = "Robinson"/>

== History ==
The country has struggled to recover from a great economic crisis that hit hard in the 1980's. This initially had lead to a neglect in implementing regulations in the forestry sector in order to favor industrial growth, which has continued into the present.<ref name = "POC"> Cerutti, Paolo Omar, Tacconi, Luca, Lescuyer, Guillaume, Nasi, Robert (2012). Cameroon's Hidden Harvest: Commercial Chainsaw Logging, Corruption, and Livelihoods. Society and Natural Resources. Vol 26, (5), pages 539-553</ref> There have also been reported cases of intra-community conflicts in Cameroon, with local forest communities allegedly barricading logging trucks and holding forest workers hostage in forest camps.<ref name = "Kozak"/> .A conflict of precedence between village elites and traditional chiefs also exists in the eastern part of the country over authority in managing forest royalties <ref name = "Kozak"/>

An example of protests regarding issues of rights to resources can be seen in the resistance to the commercial harvesting of the Moabi tree by the Bantu people in Southern Cameroon. Since commercial logging began decades ago, members of local communities have continued to protect their trees against logging by leaving notes on the trunk with their names as well as physically threatening loggers with machetes. To avoid these conflicts, loggers have tried to offer compensation for cutting down these trees, but this has led to many reports of conflicts between family members who want to sell their trees, and those who are against it. These conflicts are usually gendered as well, with more men wanting to sell their rights to the trees. Women tend to rely more on the trees for medicine, food and income, while men generally benefit more from selling the tree rather than enjoying its ownership.<ref name = "fem"> Veuthey, Sandra., Gerber, Julien-Francois (2010). Logging conflicts in Southern Cameroon: A feminist ecological economics perspective. Ecological economics. Vol 70, (2) pages 170-177</ref> Uses of the Moabi Tree are discussed below in the "cultural" section under "Implications".

==What Is Illegal Logging?==
Illegal logging occurs when timber is harvested, transported, processed, bought or sold in violation of national or sub national laws.<ref name = "WWF"> World Wildlife Fund (2016). Illegal Logging. Retrieved from http://wwf.panda.org/about_our_earth/deforestation/deforestation_causes/illegal_logging/.</ref> In Cameroon, the law indicates six different types of logging permits that may be issued by the government:<ref name = "FM"> Forests Monitor. Cameroon: Political, social and economic framework. Retrieved from http://www.forestsmonitor.org/en/reports/540539/549935</ref>

# Sales of standing volume - should not cover more than 2,500 hectares and last for a limited period of time (Section 55).
# Exploitation Permits - which are for the extraction of not more than 500 cubic meters of timber (Section 56).
# Individual Felling Authorization - the extraction of not more than 30 cubic meters of wood for non-commercial use (Section 57).
# Concessions - can include one or more Forest Management Units (FMA) and will be reviewed every three years and is for a specified volume of timber (Section 46).
# State Exploitation - via sale of standing volume or exploitation contract (Section 44).
# Wood Recovery Permit

It is estimated that Cameroon has approximately 600 native tree species. Illegal logging has contributed to 50 of these species being listed as critically endangered under the International Union For The Conservation Of Nature (IUCN) Red List, while 27 species are considered endangered and another 106 species are listed as vulnerable.<ref name = "MB"/>

==Framing the Problem of Illegal Logging in Cameroon: A Forestry Perspective==
While Cameroon has established a formal system of forest enterprises that are legally registered, rates of illegal logging in the country remain high. Although it can be difficult to quantify the amount of timber harvested illegally, a 2002 study conducted by the World Wildlife Fund (WWF) suggests that 50-70% of timber is sourced in this manner.<ref name = "WWF"/> The deforestation rate is high at about 1% annually, and many people in the informal sector rely on timber for fuel and subsistence. This informal extraction is also difficult to measure, but estimates suggest that it contributes to more than half of the timber that is harvested illegally. The rest is illegally logged by large companies in the formal sector.<ref name = "FM"/> Some permits are allocated only through a competitive bidding process, forcing companies to put a high price on concessions. To recover their costs, they often extract timber in areas that are five or six times their legally allotted areas, knowing that there is very weak monitoring and enforcement in place, and they also tend to out-compete companies that operate sustainably.<ref name = "FM"/> For instance, evidence suggests that as much as 50% of Cameroon's roundwood is harvested illegally, with the majority of the activity taking place within forests that are operated by concessions. <ref name = "Kozak"/> A report by Global Witness and Cameroon's Ministry of Environment and Forests (MINFOF) showed that in the 2002/2003 fiscal year more than 70,000 square meters were logged, in excess of what was allotted to concessionaires.<ref name = "Kozak"/> There is also a high domestic demand for wood that causes illegal loggers from the informal sector to encroach onto protected areas, as private individuals consume an estimated 200,000 square meters of illegal timber annually.<ref name = "Robinson"/> According to Global Forest Watch, Cameroon has lost 657,000 hectares of forest between 2001 and 2014.<ref name = "China"> Reuters (2016). Cameroon moves to curb forest loss linked to Chinese investment. Retrieved from http://www.reuters.com/article/us-cameroon-investment-china-forests-idUSKCN0ZS0VE</ref>

When discussing matters of illegal logging, the State holds an ambiguous power position for three main reasons:

# In order to attract foreign investment, the government takes little action when companies commit serious offences.<ref name = "Robinson"/>
# The State has a weak capacity to monitor and enforce legislation due to corruption and Structural Adjustment Policies that have reduced the number of civil servants and their salaries to monitor illegal activities.<ref name = "Robinson"/>
# Political elites and foreign operators often conspire to appropriate wealth generated from illegal timber extraction through bribery, corruption and transfer pricing, with adverse effects on the public and forest-dependent communities through a loss of revenue and royalty payments.<ref name = "Robinson"/>

===The Issue of Land Tenure===
According to customary institutions, local people, including both Bantu and Pygmy communities, have ownership rights over the land and all natural resources that are necessary for their daily survival. <ref name = "Robinson"/> However, these ancestral customs have been under threat since the colonial period when Germany announced that the country had many "vacant and ownerless lands" and used this claim as a tool to appropriate all land and resources by converting common pool resources into state and private property. After independence in 1960, the philosophy of colonial law had not been diminished, but was instead reformed by new laws in 1974 focusing on driving development. These laws benefitted the State while leaving little room for customary institutions.<ref name = "Kozak"/> Today, about 70% of the country is considered public land that is owned by the State, and the State acts as the custodian of the remaining 30% of national lands whose real owner is said to be the entire Cameroon nation. However, since the State claims to be the legal guardian of all land, the amount of land under direct state control is reported to be closer to 97% of national territory, with the exception of community forests and a few public forest anomalies.<ref> Samuel Assembe-Mvondo, Carol J. P. Colfer, Maria Brockhaus & Raphael Tsanga (2014) Review of the legal ownership status of national lands in Cameroon: A more nuanced view, Development Studies Research, 1:1, 148-160, DOI: 10.1080/21665095.2014.927739</ref> This has lead to a long history of the State benefiting while local people continue to be disadvantaged. They are often denied claims to ancestral forest lands and have trouble obtaining land at all while the best land is given to large logging enterprises by the state.<ref name = "Kozak"/> A few local communities have use rights in small restricted areas.<ref name = "book"> IUCN (2011). Governance of Ecosystem Services: Lessons learned from Cameroon, China, Costa Rica, and Ecuador. Retrieved from https://books.google.ca/books?id=Mle4TsSyKGoC&pg=PA22&lpg=PA22&dq=public+land+cameroon&source=bl&ots=U7Yk7wZzsi&sig=x4xYC2KziV0xc_Ro7lGkPvbF1VA&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiei9Sdz5rQAhVP4WMKHTqjDJUQ6AEIUjAI#v=onepage&q=public%20land%20cameroon&f=false</ref> However there are still many competing and overlapping claims to land between local communities and the State.

Ultimately, this means that Cameroonians are insecure in regards to land tenure. The government holds the authority to grant "unregistered land" (which is essentially most of the country's land mass) in absolute title, lease or exclusive occupancy licenses to loggers, miners, ranchers, biofuel interests or to itself as "state forests". This is allowed since laws fail to acknowledge customary land-holding as amounting to real property interests, which also means that customary owners are not paid market value for lands which the government appropriates for public purposes.<ref name = "FERN"> Wily, Liz Alden (2010). Whose land is it? The status of customary land tenure in Cameroon. Centre for Environment and Development (FERN). Retrieved from http://www.fern.org/sites/fern.org/files/cameroon_eng_internet.pdf</ref> Additionally, the process for land registration makes it difficult for customary landowners to formally register in the system. The process is often remote, complex and expensive and is limited to lands that have been cleared, cultivated or physically settled.<ref name = "FERN"/> This has been highly problematic as Bantu societies inhabit lands beyond cultivated or visibly occupied areas and contain large portions of forests that are collectively managed, while the Pygmy communities hunter-gatherer lifestyles have relatively little impact on the forest cover and thus make it difficult to establish their presence in a given area.<ref name = "Robinson"/> Therefore, this method of registration is not compatible with the traditional lifestyles of indigenous communities. Since unregistered land is made the ''de facto'' property of the state in the form of National Lands, local communities essentially become squatters on their traditional lands while the government's appropriation of these customary lands protects commercial and industrial production.<ref name = "FERN"/> Millions of hectares of common property are excluded by this registration system which families, groups and villages have traditionally maintained as rangelands, wetlands or forests for sustainable livelihood support. The rights of those with the least amount of wealth and socio-institutional strength, such as the forest dwelling Pygmies, are the most abused in this system of governance.<ref name = "FERN"/>

===Forestry Laws===
Laws regulating forestry were first established in 1973, with many revisions in the decades following. These laws have been focused on regulating this sector, but requiring very little transparency in the process. More recent objectives include a reduction in forest loss with an increased level of public participation to reduce pressures on forests, which have been delivered in over twenty legal decrees and orders since 1995.<ref name = "FERN"/> An important change happened in 1994 when the government of Cameroon adopted a new Forestry Law and, at the time, became a leader in West African forest policy.<ref name = "Sayer"> Ezzine, Driss., Perez, Manuel., Sayer, Jeffrey. A., Lescuyer, Guillaume., Nasi, Robert., Karsenty, Alain (2009). External Influences on and Conditions for Community Logging Management in Cameroon. Vol 37 (2), pages 445-456</ref>. The reform process involved a wide range of stakeholders—from international institutions like the World Bank, to a number of national political and economic actors, with the resulting forest code aiming to satisfy several conflicting interests.<ref name = "Sayer"/> It also recognized that forests have intrinsic value that should not be undermined or compromised for future generations.<ref name = "book"/>

The development of community forests at this time was the result of a World Bank push to decentralize forest management while promoting logging management by local actors. The new 1994 Law also defined two major categories of forest. One is the permanent forest domain (PFD), which includes protected areas and logging concessions that have to be managed in a sustainable way so as to guarantee the long-term maintenance of forests. The second is the non-permanent forest domain (NPFD) which does not require the long-term maintenance of forests and includes ‘‘ventes de coupes” (sales of standing timber on a maximum of 2,500 ha) and community forests.<ref name = "Sayer"/> In Cameroon Community Forests can only be established in the NPFD, however they are still under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Forests. One major achievement of this law was a definition of community forest that enabled local populations to become the official managers with full use rights to forest resources that normally last for a 25-year period, although community forest status does not carry full and permanent property rights to the area allocated. There were also instruments in place for direct revenue sharing with communities and promises of infrastructure. However, it was reported that communities remained largely impoverished and seldom receive any benefits. For example, many local people still reside without electricity while timber companies receive power from private sources.<ref name = "China"/>

These laws surrounding community forests were developed for communities to rely timber production, but this is not explicitly embodied into the law. Therefore, community forests tend to exist only in tropical forest regions, not in the mountainous or savanna regions of the north where, for example, Prunus africana is harvested for medicinal uses, not timber.<ref name = "Sayer"/> It is important to note that these community forests depend on timber production, but there is no provision made for community lands outside of this, meaning that customary land ownership does not exist in the eyes of the law. Land which is not built on or farmed cannot be registered by customary land owners.<ref name = "FERN"/> When the community forest is finalized and logging authorization is delivered, communities have a choice of negotiating a contract with an external operator or managing operations and selling timber in the market.<ref name = "Sayer"/> However, few communities use the second option to manage their forests due largely to distance to markets, lack of market information and high transportation and transaction costs. The community therefore tends to opt for an agreement with an industrial operator and has a low degree of involvement. A lack of commercial logging skills also has a negative influence on the ability of the community to achieve higher levels of vertical integration.<ref name = "Sayer"/> Combined, these factors often exacerbate illegal logging in a country that already has weak monitoring and enforcement mechanisms in place. As of 2008, there were 135 fully operational community forest licenses that covered roughly 2% of forests.<ref name = "Kozak"/>

==Framing the Problem: Layering Perspectives==
The information above outlines the problems associated with illegal logging in Cameroon from the perspective of a forestry student. In this section we welcome contributions from other perspectives. Those interested in contributing to this case study may use the following questions as a guide:
#How do scholars and professionals outside of forestry conceptualize the practice of illegal logging in Cameroon?
#What are other possible ways of framing this problem?
#What special expertise, resources, or theoretical orientations might others bring to help us understand this phenomenon better?

=== History ===
The country has struggled to recover from a great economic crisis that hit hard in the 1980's. This initially had lead to a neglect in implementing regulations in the forestry sector in order to favor industrial growth, which has continued into the present.<ref name = "POC"> Cerutti, Paolo Omar, Tacconi, Luca, Lescuyer, Guillaume, Nasi, Robert (2012). Cameroon's Hidden Harvest: Commercial Chainsaw Logging, Corruption, and Livelihoods. Society and Natural Resources. Vol 26, (5), pages 539-553</ref> There have also been reported cases of intra-community conflicts in Cameroon, with local forest communities allegedly barricading logging trucks and holding forest workers hostage in forest camps.<ref name = "Kozak"/> .A conflict of precedence between village elites and traditional chiefs also exists in the eastern part of the country over authority in managing forest royalties <ref name = "Kozak"/>

An example of protests regarding issues of rights to resources can be seen in the resistance to the commercial harvesting of the Moabi tree by the Bantu people in Southern Cameroon. Since commercial logging began decades ago, members of local communities have continued to protect their trees against logging by leaving notes on the trunk with their names as well as physically threatening loggers with machetes. To avoid these conflicts, loggers have tried to offer compensation for cutting down these trees, but this has led to many reports of conflicts between family members who want to sell their trees, and those who are against it. These conflicts are usually gendered as well, with more men wanting to sell their rights to the trees. Women tend to rely more on the trees for medicine, food and income, while men generally benefit more from selling the tree rather than enjoying its ownership.<ref name = "fem"> Veuthey, Sandra., Gerber, Julien-Francois (2010). Logging conflicts in Southern Cameroon: A feminist ecological economics perspective. Ecological economics. Vol 70, (2) pages 170-177</ref> Uses of the Moabi Tree are discussed below in the "cultural" section under "Implications".

=== Causes of Illegal Logging ===
==== Corruption ====
Cameroon has consistently been rated by Transparency International as one of the most corrupt countries in the world with a ranking of 138 out of 160 countries surveyed <ref>Transparency International (2015). Corruption by Country:Cameroon. Retrieved from http://www.transparency.org/country#CMR </ref> . With respect to illegal logging, corruption is common and widespread. The government often demands a bribe for the provision of a service such as issuing a logging permit, while at the same time government officials and the private sector also develop methods to keep a greater portion of the revenue and deprive the government of its share <ref name = "Kozak"/> . Ethical standards to which concessionaires must adhere have not been set or practised by the government. Therefore, it has lost its credibility as an effective regulator and faces much criticsim when attempting to hold concessionaires accountable for illegal activities<ref name = "Kozak"/> .

====Poverty====
Although Cameroon is considered to be a lower middle income country, poverty affects almost 40% of the population<ref name = "WB"> The World Bank (2016). Cameroon Data. Retrieved from http://data.worldbank.org/country/cameroon</ref>. Unemployment rates are high, literacy rates are low and most people are subsistence farmers who work long, tedious hours for minimal pay. Little education means that they often lack the ability to complete the administrative requirements to participate in forestry activities in a legal manner, and tend to manufacture lower value commodity wood products like lumber and timber that generate less wealth and employment <ref name = "Kozak"/> .

====Conflicts====
Conflicts between different governmental ministries sometimes provide openings within the system that allow the operation of illegal logging. For instance, the Ministry of Environment and Nature Protection (MINEP) has a mandate to articulate, execute and assess the national policy in relation to the environment <ref name = "Kozak"/> . On the other hand, the forestry sector and its policies are formulated, evaluated and implemented by a different ministry - the Ministry of Forests and Wildlife. (MINFOF) <ref name = "Kozak"/> These inconsistencies can often lead to administrative gaps within the governance system which facilitates illegal activities.

====Licensing Arrangements====
The high costs of obtaining community forestry licenses provides a disincentive for small scale firms and individuals residing in forest communities to develop a management plan, register as an official business and operate legally <ref name = "Kozak"/> .The length of time it takes to process licenses is also a challenge to many applicants, especially those who depend on cash from logging revenues for daily survival and cannot afford to wait long periods of time. For example, members of the Payo community in the eastern part of the country report that their application for a community forest had been sitting in the capital city of Yaounde for a year without approval. <ref name = "Kozak"/> These types of legislative processes often exacerbate instances of illegal logging.

===Example: China in Cameroon===
In recent years there has been an increase in Chinese companies operating in Cameroon's timber sector which has fueled illegal logging and is rapidly depleting forests. Cameroon launched an investment drive in 2010, and China has become the main partner. China has invested more than $400 million USD annually, 80% of which is to be used for infrastructure such as roads, hydro-electric dams and seaports.<ref name = "China"/> This has encouraged the government to issue many licenses to Chinese firms and allow the exploitation of natural resources. This dependency that has been created has made Cameroon vulnerable and reluctant to enforce laws violated by Chinese companies who extract copious amounts of timber to meet their own domestic demand.<ref name = "Robinson"/> This is occurring in several regions throughout the country.

==Implications==
===Environmental===
In Cameroon, it is common for a few high value timber species to be extracted from the forest for commercial purposes, with six species representing almost 80% of timber production:<ref name = "Robinson"/>

* Ayous (Triplochition scleroxylon)
* Sapelli (Entandrophragma cylindricum)
*Azobe (Lophira alata)
*Frake (Terminalia superba)
*Tali (Erythrophleum ivorense)
*Iroko (Chlorophora excelsa)

Searching for specific tree species means that roads are often constructed into large forested areas to extract a few trees. This opens up new areas for human settlements, the development of agriculture and commercial hunting - all of which increase pressures on forests. While local communities have traditionally depended on bushmeat, a commercial trade in the industry has been relatively recent and has decimated many wildlife populations including rare and endangered species such as lowland gorillas and elephants.<ref name = "Robinson"/> High rates of deforestation also have negative impacts on climate change, while selecting certain species for harvest decreases biodiversity and the overall resiliency of the forest.
In the northern part of the country, deforestation has been associated with increasing rates of soil erosion, desertification and a reduced quality of pastureland.<ref name ="MB"> Mongabay (2006). Tropical Rainforests: Cameroon. Retrieved from http://rainforests.mongabay.com/20cameroon.htm </ref> Although it is well known that foreign companies contribute largely to illegal logging, concessions continue to be issued as residents are promised an increase in infrastructure such as roads and electricity, and social services like education and healthcare that promise to increase their standard of living.

===Political===
Based on the evidence presented above, it appears as though the main dilemma for lawmakers is regulating timber harvesting without deterring foreign investment. This becomes even more difficult when the budgets that are allocated are inadequate for the amount of monitoring and enforcement needed. Since 2010, more than half of all timber that is considered illegal is harvested by the informal sector, mostly for domestic consumption.<ref>Modern Ghana (2015). Illegal logging is still a struggle in Cameroon. Retrieved from https://www.modernghana.com/news/611878/illegal-logging-still-a-struggle-in-cameroon.html</ref> Although few local people have viable alternative options to meet their basic needs for energy, the government continues to label this this type of collection largely as illegal and issues very few timber permits for the informal sector. The government ultimately holds all authority to make and enforce decisions regarding forests.<ref name = "MB"/> A shift in power or inclusion of indigenous communities and local people in the decision making process would help to resolve some of the issues of illegal logging in the informal sector.

===Economic===
It is estimated that the government of Cameroon loses approximately 1.5 million Euros worth of timber each year due to illegal logging, a significant amount for a country that is often unable to provide adequate social services for its residents.<ref name = "Greenpeace2"> Greenpeace International (2003). Illegal logging and the heart of darkness. Retrieved from http://www.greenpeace.org/international/en/news/features/illegal-logging-in-cameroon/</ref> Three Dutch companies, Wijma, Reef and CIBEC, are known for operating illegally and have destroyed numerous villagers' subsistence cash crops with no compensation offered.<ref name = "Greenpeace2"/> This continues to impoverish local people and further prevents them from having the financial resources to apply for community or logging licenses to compete in the local market. The consumers of illegal timber from Cameroon are mostly European nations. However the timber entering the majority of the EU countries is now considered to be high risk.<ref name = "MB"/> Therefore, certain types of timber from Cameroon are scarce in European markets, and are sold at a higher price.<ref name = "Greenpeace2"/>

===Cultural===
The Pygmy communities report experiencing a type of "spiritual prejudice" that is caused by illegal logging activities.<ref name = "Robinson"/> In the Baka cosmology, when God created the world that included humans and nature, listening to the bees was his favorite activity. Therefore, humans had to stay quiet so as not to disturb God. However, one day some Baka began to make noise in the forest and God punished them by turning them into wild animals. Noise that is associated with logging is therefore directly related to their religion and has a severe impact.<ref name = "Robinson"/> For the forest societies of Southern Cameroon, the moabi tree plays a crucial role for medicine, food, culture and economic value and people often resist its logging. Deceased bodies were traditionally placed at the bottom of the tree and left to decompose, rendering the tree a totem that embodied the power of the ancestor. More than 50 medicines can be made using the leaves, roots, sap and bark including treatments against painful menstruation, vaginal infections and postnatal care.<ref name = "fem"/> Fruits are consumed while seeds produce oil for consumption and sale, which is controlled almost exclusively by women from collection to commercialization. <ref name = "Robinson"/>

==Initiatives to Combat Illegal Logging==
Although progress in combating illegal logging remains slow, there are initiatives in place that attempt to mitigate this problem. Cameroon agreed to join the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES) in 1999, which includes protecting and monitoring the trade of two tree species - Pericopsis elata and Prunus africana.<ref>Forest Legality Alliance (2012). Cameroon laws and regulations. Retrieved from http://www.forestlegality.org/risk-tool/country/cameroon-0</ref> Since 2012, there have been reports of improved forest governance with the implementation of sanctions against violators of national laws. For instanace, it was reported that 27 forest exploitation companies had been suspended in 2012 and 7 others in 2014 for operating with incorrect licenses.<ref name = "China"/> Greenpeace Africa has also been pushing the government of Cameroon to hold independent and transparent audits of the Compagnie de Commerce et de Transport (CCT), who has a reputation for engaging in highly illegal and destructive practices, such as logging several kilometers outside of their legal logging titled area. They are pushing for proper sanctions when illegal activities have been confirmed as well as audits that will help to trace timber generated from illegal activities. <ref name = "Greenpeace2"/> Timber from Cameroon is also coming under increased scrutiny in international markets, with Europe being the largest consumer of timber that is suspected to be sourced illegally. In 2010, Cameroon signed a Voluntary Partnership Agreement (VPA) with the European Union (EU) which aims to strengthen forest governance, promote Cameroon's timber products and improve Cameroon's competitiveness in the international market. It also encourages investment in sustainable forest management and strengthens the capacity of forest stakeholders.<ref>EU FLEGT Facility (2014). VPA Countries:Cameroon. Retrieved from http://www.euflegt.efi.int/cameroon</ref> The country has been engaged with REDD+ since 2005, part of which aims to curb deforestation that is often linked with illegal logging.<ref>The REDD Desk (2013). REDD in Cameroon. Retrieved from http://theredddesk.org/countries/cameroon</ref>

==Reflections and Recommendations==
Illegal logging is a widespread and complicated issue throughout Cameroon. Although the government has attempted to make progress in combating this issue, evidence suggests that such commitments may be made to please international donors while implementing effective solutions on the ground level is still an ongoing challenge. Steps to move forward should include much more transparency in the entire process of forest governance, and accountability for those who operate illegally. Strengthening institutions in terms of staff, funding and organization would also be beneficial, while de-centralizing services would make it easier for remote groups to get support and assistance with issues relating to forest management. Community involvement in the decision making process, especially from Indigenous groups, may help to mitigate some of these issues and start to build trust and cooperation between local groups and the state. Since more than half of all illegal logging is done by the informal sector, it is important to address poverty and meeting the energy needs of local groups which are driving factors behind much of the illegal timber harvesting. Combating poverty would also decrease dependence on foreign investment to provide services that increase the standard of living for Cameroonians. Recognizing land tenure insecurities and customary rights would further help to decrease conflicts and competing claims over land and encourage sustainable management of forest resources. More responsibility should also be shifted onto consumers. The international demand for certain species drives illegal logging, yet many nations continue to import timber that is likely to be derived from illegal sources. Increasing transparency in the supply chain and imposing sanctions may help to pressure the government of Cameroon to effectively monitor the forestry sector.

==References==
<references/>

[[Category:FRST522]]

Open Case Studies/FRST522/Cameroon

2017-05-14T19:12:24Z

JenniferMansour: /* Introduction */

Illegal Logging Case Study: Cameroon

By: Sarah Sra

[[File:LocationCameroon.svg|right]]
== Introduction ==
Cameroon is located at the junction of western and central Africa and is well known for its geological and cultural diversity. However, despite having achieved political and social stability, many Cameroonians still live below the poverty line. The authoritarian President, Paul Biya, has retained power in the country for over three decades. <ref name = "WRI"> World Resources Institute (2016) The Governance of Forests Initiative:Cameroon. Retrieved from www.wri.org/our-work/project/governance-forests-initiative/cameroon. </ref>. The country is also home to approximately 22 million hectares of tropical forests, making it a crucial component of the Congo Basin forest ecosystem and home to many endemic species <ref name = "WRI"/>. Many Cameroonians rely on these forests as they provide an important source of revenue, employment and livelihoods, in addition to providing a number of important ecosystem services and habitat for over 9,000 plant species, 910 bird species and 320 mammal species <ref name = "WRI"/>. Forests and non-timber forest products (NTFP) contribute largely to the economy by providing between 45,000 and 70,000 jobs and account for over 10% of the annual GDP <ref name = "Kozak"> Kozak, Robert, A. & Alemagi, Dieudonne (2010) Illegal logging in Cameroon: Causes and the path forward. ''Forest Policy and Economics''. ''Vol 12'' (8) 554-561 </ref> . Globally, Cameroon has become the sixth largest exporter of tropical timber and receives an annual revenue of 60 million US dollars from this industry <ref name = "Kozak"/> .

The forests are also home to nearly four million people who belong to Bantu ethnic groups, as well as the indigenous Pygmy people who comprise three large ethnic groups in the region: the Baka, the Bakola/Bagyeli and the Bedzan.<ref name = "Robinson"> Robinson, Djeukam (2008). Forestry and Communities in Cameroon.Centre for Environment and Development (CED), Yaoundé, Cameroon. Retrieved from http://www.ceecec.net/case-studies/forestry-and-communities-in-cameroon/ </ref> The traditional lifestyle of these Indigenous groups relies heavily on natural resources, including hunting and gathering which is typically done in territorial and egalitarian nomadic bands. However, they are increasingly adopting a sedentary lifestyle focusing on agriculture under the influence of multiple factors that have recently emerged, including wide spread deforestation, that has lead to a loss of resources that are essential for their biological and cultural well being. <ref name = "Robinson"/>

== History ==
The country has struggled to recover from a great economic crisis that hit hard in the 1980's. This initially had lead to a neglect in implementing regulations in the forestry sector in order to favor industrial growth, which has continued into the present.<ref name = "POC"> Cerutti, Paolo Omar, Tacconi, Luca, Lescuyer, Guillaume, Nasi, Robert (2012). Cameroon's Hidden Harvest: Commercial Chainsaw Logging, Corruption, and Livelihoods. Society and Natural Resources. Vol 26, (5), pages 539-553</ref> There have also been reported cases of intra-community conflicts in Cameroon, with local forest communities allegedly barricading logging trucks and holding forest workers hostage in forest camps.<ref name = "Kozak"/> .A conflict of precedence between village elites and traditional chiefs also exists in the eastern part of the country over authority in managing forest royalties <ref name = "Kozak"/>

An example of protests regarding issues of rights to resources can be seen in the resistance to the commercial harvesting of the Moabi tree by the Bantu people in Southern Cameroon. Since commercial logging began decades ago, members of local communities have continued to protect their trees against logging by leaving notes on the trunk with their names as well as physically threatening loggers with machetes. To avoid these conflicts, loggers have tried to offer compensation for cutting down these trees, but this has led to many reports of conflicts between family members who want to sell their trees, and those who are against it. These conflicts are usually gendered as well, with more men wanting to sell their rights to the trees. Women tend to rely more on the trees for medicine, food and income, while men generally benefit more from selling the tree rather than enjoying its ownership.<ref name = "fem"> Veuthey, Sandra., Gerber, Julien-Francois (2010). Logging conflicts in Southern Cameroon: A feminist ecological economics perspective. Ecological economics. Vol 70, (2) pages 170-177</ref> Uses of the Moabi Tree are discussed below in the "cultural" section under "Implications".

==What Is Illegal Logging?==
Illegal logging occurs when timber is harvested, transported, processed, bought or sold in violation of national or sub national laws.<ref name = "WWF"> World Wildlife Fund (2016). Illegal Logging. Retrieved from http://wwf.panda.org/about_our_earth/deforestation/deforestation_causes/illegal_logging/.</ref> In Cameroon, the law indicates six different types of logging permits that may be issued by the government:<ref name = "FM"> Forests Monitor. Cameroon: Political, social and economic framework. Retrieved from http://www.forestsmonitor.org/en/reports/540539/549935</ref>

# Sales of standing volume - should not cover more than 2,500 hectares and last for a limited period of time (Section 55).
# Exploitation Permits - which are for the extraction of not more than 500 cubic meters of timber (Section 56).
# Individual Felling Authorization - the extraction of not more than 30 cubic meters of wood for non-commercial use (Section 57).
# Concessions - can include one or more Forest Management Units (FMA) and will be reviewed every three years and is for a specified volume of timber (Section 46).
# State Exploitation - via sale of standing volume or exploitation contract (Section 44).
# Wood Recovery Permit

It is estimated that Cameroon has approximately 600 native tree species. Illegal logging has contributed to 50 of these species being listed as critically endangered under the International Union For The Conservation Of Nature (IUCN) Red List, while 27 species are considered endangered and another 106 species are listed as vulnerable.<ref name = "MB"/>

==Framing the Problem: A Forestry Perspective==
While Cameroon has established a formal system of forest enterprises that are legally registered, rates of illegal logging in the country remain high. Although it can be difficult to quantify the amount of timber harvested illegally, a 2002 study conducted by the World Wildlife Fund (WWF) suggests that 50-70% of timber is sourced in this manner.<ref name = "WWF"/> The deforestation rate is high at about 1% annually, and many people in the informal sector rely on timber for fuel and subsistence. This informal extraction is also difficult to measure, but estimates suggest that it contributes to more than half of the timber that is harvested illegally. The rest is illegally logged by large companies in the formal sector.<ref name = "FM"/> Some permits are allocated only through a competitive bidding process, forcing companies to put a high price on concessions. To recover their costs, they often extract timber in areas that are five or six times their legally allotted areas, knowing that there is very weak monitoring and enforcement in place, and they also tend to out-compete companies that operate sustainably.<ref name = "FM"/> For instance, evidence suggests that as much as 50% of Cameroon's roundwood is harvested illegally, with the majority of the activity taking place within forests that are operated by concessions. <ref name = "Kozak"/> A report by Global Witness and Cameroon's Ministry of Environment and Forests (MINFOF) showed that in the 2002/2003 fiscal year more than 70,000 square meters were logged, in excess of what was allotted to concessionaires.<ref name = "Kozak"/> There is also a high domestic demand for wood that causes illegal loggers from the informal sector to encroach onto protected areas, as private individuals consume an estimated 200,000 square meters of illegal timber annually.<ref name = "Robinson"/> According to Global Forest Watch, Cameroon has lost 657,000 hectares of forest between 2001 and 2014.<ref name = "China"> Reuters (2016). Cameroon moves to curb forest loss linked to Chinese investment. Retrieved from http://www.reuters.com/article/us-cameroon-investment-china-forests-idUSKCN0ZS0VE</ref>

When discussing matters of illegal logging, the State holds an ambiguous power position for three main reasons:

# In order to attract foreign investment, the government takes little action when companies commit serious offences.<ref name = "Robinson"/>
# The State has a weak capacity to monitor and enforce legislation due to corruption and Structural Adjustment Policies that have reduced the number of civil servants and their salaries to monitor illegal activities.<ref name = "Robinson"/>
# Political elites and foreign operators often conspire to appropriate wealth generated from illegal timber extraction through bribery, corruption and transfer pricing, with adverse effects on the public and forest-dependent communities through a loss of revenue and royalty payments.<ref name = "Robinson"/>

===The Issue of Land Tenure===
According to customary institutions, local people, including both Bantu and Pygmy communities, have ownership rights over the land and all natural resources that are necessary for their daily survival. <ref name = "Robinson"/> However, these ancestral customs have been under threat since the colonial period when Germany announced that the country had many "vacant and ownerless lands" and used this claim as a tool to appropriate all land and resources by converting common pool resources into state and private property. After independence in 1960, the philosophy of colonial law had not been diminished, but was instead reformed by new laws in 1974 focusing on driving development. These laws benefitted the State while leaving little room for customary institutions.<ref name = "Kozak"/> Today, about 70% of the country is considered public land that is owned by the State, and the State acts as the custodian of the remaining 30% of national lands whose real owner is said to be the entire Cameroon nation. However, since the State claims to be the legal guardian of all land, the amount of land under direct state control is reported to be closer to 97% of national territory, with the exception of community forests and a few public forest anomalies.<ref> Samuel Assembe-Mvondo, Carol J. P. Colfer, Maria Brockhaus & Raphael Tsanga (2014) Review of the legal ownership status of national lands in Cameroon: A more nuanced view, Development Studies Research, 1:1, 148-160, DOI: 10.1080/21665095.2014.927739</ref> This has lead to a long history of the State benefiting while local people continue to be disadvantaged. They are often denied claims to ancestral forest lands and have trouble obtaining land at all while the best land is given to large logging enterprises by the state.<ref name = "Kozak"/> A few local communities have use rights in small restricted areas.<ref name = "book"> IUCN (2011). Governance of Ecosystem Services: Lessons learned from Cameroon, China, Costa Rica, and Ecuador. Retrieved from https://books.google.ca/books?id=Mle4TsSyKGoC&pg=PA22&lpg=PA22&dq=public+land+cameroon&source=bl&ots=U7Yk7wZzsi&sig=x4xYC2KziV0xc_Ro7lGkPvbF1VA&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiei9Sdz5rQAhVP4WMKHTqjDJUQ6AEIUjAI#v=onepage&q=public%20land%20cameroon&f=false</ref> However there are still many competing and overlapping claims to land between local communities and the State.

Ultimately, this means that Cameroonians are insecure in regards to land tenure. The government holds the authority to grant "unregistered land" (which is essentially most of the country's land mass) in absolute title, lease or exclusive occupancy licenses to loggers, miners, ranchers, biofuel interests or to itself as "state forests". This is allowed since laws fail to acknowledge customary land-holding as amounting to real property interests, which also means that customary owners are not paid market value for lands which the government appropriates for public purposes.<ref name = "FERN"> Wily, Liz Alden (2010). Whose land is it? The status of customary land tenure in Cameroon. Centre for Environment and Development (FERN). Retrieved from http://www.fern.org/sites/fern.org/files/cameroon_eng_internet.pdf</ref> Additionally, the process for land registration makes it difficult for customary landowners to formally register in the system. The process is often remote, complex and expensive and is limited to lands that have been cleared, cultivated or physically settled.<ref name = "FERN"/> This has been highly problematic as Bantu societies inhabit lands beyond cultivated or visibly occupied areas and contain large portions of forests that are collectively managed, while the Pygmy communities hunter-gatherer lifestyles have relatively little impact on the forest cover and thus make it difficult to establish their presence in a given area.<ref name = "Robinson"/> Therefore, this method of registration is not compatible with the traditional lifestyles of indigenous communities. Since unregistered land is made the ''de facto'' property of the state in the form of National Lands, local communities essentially become squatters on their traditional lands while the government's appropriation of these customary lands protects commercial and industrial production.<ref name = "FERN"/> Millions of hectares of common property are excluded by this registration system which families, groups and villages have traditionally maintained as rangelands, wetlands or forests for sustainable livelihood support. The rights of those with the least amount of wealth and socio-institutional strength, such as the forest dwelling Pygmies, are the most abused in this system of governance.<ref name = "FERN"/>

===Forestry Laws===
Laws regulating forestry were first established in 1973, with many revisions in the decades following. These laws have been focused on regulating this sector, but requiring very little transparency in the process. More recent objectives include a reduction in forest loss with an increased level of public participation to reduce pressures on forests, which have been delivered in over twenty legal decrees and orders since 1995.<ref name = "FERN"/> An important change happened in 1994 when the government of Cameroon adopted a new Forestry Law and, at the time, became a leader in West African forest policy.<ref name = "Sayer"> Ezzine, Driss., Perez, Manuel., Sayer, Jeffrey. A., Lescuyer, Guillaume., Nasi, Robert., Karsenty, Alain (2009). External Influences on and Conditions for Community Logging Management in Cameroon. Vol 37 (2), pages 445-456</ref>. The reform process involved a wide range of stakeholders—from international institutions like the World Bank, to a number of national political and economic actors, with the resulting forest code aiming to satisfy several conflicting interests.<ref name = "Sayer"/> It also recognized that forests have intrinsic value that should not be undermined or compromised for future generations.<ref name = "book"/>

The development of community forests at this time was the result of a World Bank push to decentralize forest management while promoting logging management by local actors. The new 1994 Law also defined two major categories of forest. One is the permanent forest domain (PFD), which includes protected areas and logging concessions that have to be managed in a sustainable way so as to guarantee the long-term maintenance of forests. The second is the non-permanent forest domain (NPFD) which does not require the long-term maintenance of forests and includes ‘‘ventes de coupes” (sales of standing timber on a maximum of 2,500 ha) and community forests.<ref name = "Sayer"/> In Cameroon Community Forests can only be established in the NPFD, however they are still under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Forests. One major achievement of this law was a definition of community forest that enabled local populations to become the official managers with full use rights to forest resources that normally last for a 25-year period, although community forest status does not carry full and permanent property rights to the area allocated. There were also instruments in place for direct revenue sharing with communities and promises of infrastructure. However, it was reported that communities remained largely impoverished and seldom receive any benefits. For example, many local people still reside without electricity while timber companies receive power from private sources.<ref name = "China"/>

These laws surrounding community forests were developed for communities to rely timber production, but this is not explicitly embodied into the law. Therefore, community forests tend to exist only in tropical forest regions, not in the mountainous or savanna regions of the north where, for example, Prunus africana is harvested for medicinal uses, not timber.<ref name = "Sayer"/> It is important to note that these community forests depend on timber production, but there is no provision made for community lands outside of this, meaning that customary land ownership does not exist in the eyes of the law. Land which is not built on or farmed cannot be registered by customary land owners.<ref name = "FERN"/> When the community forest is finalized and logging authorization is delivered, communities have a choice of negotiating a contract with an external operator or managing operations and selling timber in the market.<ref name = "Sayer"/> However, few communities use the second option to manage their forests due largely to distance to markets, lack of market information and high transportation and transaction costs. The community therefore tends to opt for an agreement with an industrial operator and has a low degree of involvement. A lack of commercial logging skills also has a negative influence on the ability of the community to achieve higher levels of vertical integration.<ref name = "Sayer"/> Combined, these factors often exacerbate illegal logging in a country that already has weak monitoring and enforcement mechanisms in place. As of 2008, there were 135 fully operational community forest licenses that covered roughly 2% of forests.<ref name = "Kozak"/>

==Framing the Problem: Layering Perspectives==
The information above outlines the problems associated with illegal logging in Cameroon from the perspective of a forestry student. In this section we welcome contributions from other perspectives. Those interested in contributing to this case study may use the following questions as a guide:
#How do scholars and professionals outside of forestry conceptualize the practice of illegal logging in Cameroon?
#What are other possible ways of framing this problem?
#What special expertise, resources, or theoretical orientations might others bring to help us understand this phenomenon better?

=== History ===
The country has struggled to recover from a great economic crisis that hit hard in the 1980's. This initially had lead to a neglect in implementing regulations in the forestry sector in order to favor industrial growth, which has continued into the present.<ref name = "POC"> Cerutti, Paolo Omar, Tacconi, Luca, Lescuyer, Guillaume, Nasi, Robert (2012). Cameroon's Hidden Harvest: Commercial Chainsaw Logging, Corruption, and Livelihoods. Society and Natural Resources. Vol 26, (5), pages 539-553</ref> There have also been reported cases of intra-community conflicts in Cameroon, with local forest communities allegedly barricading logging trucks and holding forest workers hostage in forest camps.<ref name = "Kozak"/> .A conflict of precedence between village elites and traditional chiefs also exists in the eastern part of the country over authority in managing forest royalties <ref name = "Kozak"/>

An example of protests regarding issues of rights to resources can be seen in the resistance to the commercial harvesting of the Moabi tree by the Bantu people in Southern Cameroon. Since commercial logging began decades ago, members of local communities have continued to protect their trees against logging by leaving notes on the trunk with their names as well as physically threatening loggers with machetes. To avoid these conflicts, loggers have tried to offer compensation for cutting down these trees, but this has led to many reports of conflicts between family members who want to sell their trees, and those who are against it. These conflicts are usually gendered as well, with more men wanting to sell their rights to the trees. Women tend to rely more on the trees for medicine, food and income, while men generally benefit more from selling the tree rather than enjoying its ownership.<ref name = "fem"> Veuthey, Sandra., Gerber, Julien-Francois (2010). Logging conflicts in Southern Cameroon: A feminist ecological economics perspective. Ecological economics. Vol 70, (2) pages 170-177</ref> Uses of the Moabi Tree are discussed below in the "cultural" section under "Implications".

=== Causes of Illegal Logging ===
==== Corruption ====
Cameroon has consistently been rated by Transparency International as one of the most corrupt countries in the world with a ranking of 138 out of 160 countries surveyed <ref>Transparency International (2015). Corruption by Country:Cameroon. Retrieved from http://www.transparency.org/country#CMR </ref> . With respect to illegal logging, corruption is common and widespread. The government often demands a bribe for the provision of a service such as issuing a logging permit, while at the same time government officials and the private sector also develop methods to keep a greater portion of the revenue and deprive the government of its share <ref name = "Kozak"/> . Ethical standards to which concessionaires must adhere have not been set or practised by the government. Therefore, it has lost its credibility as an effective regulator and faces much criticsim when attempting to hold concessionaires accountable for illegal activities<ref name = "Kozak"/> .

====Poverty====
Although Cameroon is considered to be a lower middle income country, poverty affects almost 40% of the population<ref name = "WB"> The World Bank (2016). Cameroon Data. Retrieved from http://data.worldbank.org/country/cameroon</ref>. Unemployment rates are high, literacy rates are low and most people are subsistence farmers who work long, tedious hours for minimal pay. Little education means that they often lack the ability to complete the administrative requirements to participate in forestry activities in a legal manner, and tend to manufacture lower value commodity wood products like lumber and timber that generate less wealth and employment <ref name = "Kozak"/> .

====Conflicts====
Conflicts between different governmental ministries sometimes provide openings within the system that allow the operation of illegal logging. For instance, the Ministry of Environment and Nature Protection (MINEP) has a mandate to articulate, execute and assess the national policy in relation to the environment <ref name = "Kozak"/> . On the other hand, the forestry sector and its policies are formulated, evaluated and implemented by a different ministry - the Ministry of Forests and Wildlife. (MINFOF) <ref name = "Kozak"/> These inconsistencies can often lead to administrative gaps within the governance system which facilitates illegal activities.

====Licensing Arrangements====
The high costs of obtaining community forestry licenses provides a disincentive for small scale firms and individuals residing in forest communities to develop a management plan, register as an official business and operate legally <ref name = "Kozak"/> .The length of time it takes to process licenses is also a challenge to many applicants, especially those who depend on cash from logging revenues for daily survival and cannot afford to wait long periods of time. For example, members of the Payo community in the eastern part of the country report that their application for a community forest had been sitting in the capital city of Yaounde for a year without approval. <ref name = "Kozak"/> These types of legislative processes often exacerbate instances of illegal logging.

===Example: China in Cameroon===
In recent years there has been an increase in Chinese companies operating in Cameroon's timber sector which has fueled illegal logging and is rapidly depleting forests. Cameroon launched an investment drive in 2010, and China has become the main partner. China has invested more than $400 million USD annually, 80% of which is to be used for infrastructure such as roads, hydro-electric dams and seaports.<ref name = "China"/> This has encouraged the government to issue many licenses to Chinese firms and allow the exploitation of natural resources. This dependency that has been created has made Cameroon vulnerable and reluctant to enforce laws violated by Chinese companies who extract copious amounts of timber to meet their own domestic demand.<ref name = "Robinson"/> This is occurring in several regions throughout the country.

==Implications==
===Environmental===
In Cameroon, it is common for a few high value timber species to be extracted from the forest for commercial purposes, with six species representing almost 80% of timber production:<ref name = "Robinson"/>

* Ayous (Triplochition scleroxylon)
* Sapelli (Entandrophragma cylindricum)
*Azobe (Lophira alata)
*Frake (Terminalia superba)
*Tali (Erythrophleum ivorense)
*Iroko (Chlorophora excelsa)

Searching for specific tree species means that roads are often constructed into large forested areas to extract a few trees. This opens up new areas for human settlements, the development of agriculture and commercial hunting - all of which increase pressures on forests. While local communities have traditionally depended on bushmeat, a commercial trade in the industry has been relatively recent and has decimated many wildlife populations including rare and endangered species such as lowland gorillas and elephants.<ref name = "Robinson"/> High rates of deforestation also have negative impacts on climate change, while selecting certain species for harvest decreases biodiversity and the overall resiliency of the forest.
In the northern part of the country, deforestation has been associated with increasing rates of soil erosion, desertification and a reduced quality of pastureland.<ref name ="MB"> Mongabay (2006). Tropical Rainforests: Cameroon. Retrieved from http://rainforests.mongabay.com/20cameroon.htm </ref> Although it is well known that foreign companies contribute largely to illegal logging, concessions continue to be issued as residents are promised an increase in infrastructure such as roads and electricity, and social services like education and healthcare that promise to increase their standard of living.

===Political===
Based on the evidence presented above, it appears as though the main dilemma for lawmakers is regulating timber harvesting without deterring foreign investment. This becomes even more difficult when the budgets that are allocated are inadequate for the amount of monitoring and enforcement needed. Since 2010, more than half of all timber that is considered illegal is harvested by the informal sector, mostly for domestic consumption.<ref>Modern Ghana (2015). Illegal logging is still a struggle in Cameroon. Retrieved from https://www.modernghana.com/news/611878/illegal-logging-still-a-struggle-in-cameroon.html</ref> Although few local people have viable alternative options to meet their basic needs for energy, the government continues to label this this type of collection largely as illegal and issues very few timber permits for the informal sector. The government ultimately holds all authority to make and enforce decisions regarding forests.<ref name = "MB"/> A shift in power or inclusion of indigenous communities and local people in the decision making process would help to resolve some of the issues of illegal logging in the informal sector.

===Economic===
It is estimated that the government of Cameroon loses approximately 1.5 million Euros worth of timber each year due to illegal logging, a significant amount for a country that is often unable to provide adequate social services for its residents.<ref name = "Greenpeace2"> Greenpeace International (2003). Illegal logging and the heart of darkness. Retrieved from http://www.greenpeace.org/international/en/news/features/illegal-logging-in-cameroon/</ref> Three Dutch companies, Wijma, Reef and CIBEC, are known for operating illegally and have destroyed numerous villagers' subsistence cash crops with no compensation offered.<ref name = "Greenpeace2"/> This continues to impoverish local people and further prevents them from having the financial resources to apply for community or logging licenses to compete in the local market. The consumers of illegal timber from Cameroon are mostly European nations. However the timber entering the majority of the EU countries is now considered to be high risk.<ref name = "MB"/> Therefore, certain types of timber from Cameroon are scarce in European markets, and are sold at a higher price.<ref name = "Greenpeace2"/>

===Cultural===
The Pygmy communities report experiencing a type of "spiritual prejudice" that is caused by illegal logging activities.<ref name = "Robinson"/> In the Baka cosmology, when God created the world that included humans and nature, listening to the bees was his favorite activity. Therefore, humans had to stay quiet so as not to disturb God. However, one day some Baka began to make noise in the forest and God punished them by turning them into wild animals. Noise that is associated with logging is therefore directly related to their religion and has a severe impact.<ref name = "Robinson"/> For the forest societies of Southern Cameroon, the moabi tree plays a crucial role for medicine, food, culture and economic value and people often resist its logging. Deceased bodies were traditionally placed at the bottom of the tree and left to decompose, rendering the tree a totem that embodied the power of the ancestor. More than 50 medicines can be made using the leaves, roots, sap and bark including treatments against painful menstruation, vaginal infections and postnatal care.<ref name = "fem"/> Fruits are consumed while seeds produce oil for consumption and sale, which is controlled almost exclusively by women from collection to commercialization. <ref name = "Robinson"/>

==Initiatives to Combat Illegal Logging==
Although progress in combating illegal logging remains slow, there are initiatives in place that attempt to mitigate this problem. Cameroon agreed to join the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES) in 1999, which includes protecting and monitoring the trade of two tree species - Pericopsis elata and Prunus africana.<ref>Forest Legality Alliance (2012). Cameroon laws and regulations. Retrieved from http://www.forestlegality.org/risk-tool/country/cameroon-0</ref> Since 2012, there have been reports of improved forest governance with the implementation of sanctions against violators of national laws. For instanace, it was reported that 27 forest exploitation companies had been suspended in 2012 and 7 others in 2014 for operating with incorrect licenses.<ref name = "China"/> Greenpeace Africa has also been pushing the government of Cameroon to hold independent and transparent audits of the Compagnie de Commerce et de Transport (CCT), who has a reputation for engaging in highly illegal and destructive practices, such as logging several kilometers outside of their legal logging titled area. They are pushing for proper sanctions when illegal activities have been confirmed as well as audits that will help to trace timber generated from illegal activities. <ref name = "Greenpeace2"/> Timber from Cameroon is also coming under increased scrutiny in international markets, with Europe being the largest consumer of timber that is suspected to be sourced illegally. In 2010, Cameroon signed a Voluntary Partnership Agreement (VPA) with the European Union (EU) which aims to strengthen forest governance, promote Cameroon's timber products and improve Cameroon's competitiveness in the international market. It also encourages investment in sustainable forest management and strengthens the capacity of forest stakeholders.<ref>EU FLEGT Facility (2014). VPA Countries:Cameroon. Retrieved from http://www.euflegt.efi.int/cameroon</ref> The country has been engaged with REDD+ since 2005, part of which aims to curb deforestation that is often linked with illegal logging.<ref>The REDD Desk (2013). REDD in Cameroon. Retrieved from http://theredddesk.org/countries/cameroon</ref>

==Reflections and Recommendations==
Illegal logging is a widespread and complicated issue throughout Cameroon. Although the government has attempted to make progress in combating this issue, evidence suggests that such commitments may be made to please international donors while implementing effective solutions on the ground level is still an ongoing challenge. Steps to move forward should include much more transparency in the entire process of forest governance, and accountability for those who operate illegally. Strengthening institutions in terms of staff, funding and organization would also be beneficial, while de-centralizing services would make it easier for remote groups to get support and assistance with issues relating to forest management. Community involvement in the decision making process, especially from Indigenous groups, may help to mitigate some of these issues and start to build trust and cooperation between local groups and the state. Since more than half of all illegal logging is done by the informal sector, it is important to address poverty and meeting the energy needs of local groups which are driving factors behind much of the illegal timber harvesting. Combating poverty would also decrease dependence on foreign investment to provide services that increase the standard of living for Cameroonians. Recognizing land tenure insecurities and customary rights would further help to decrease conflicts and competing claims over land and encourage sustainable management of forest resources. More responsibility should also be shifted onto consumers. The international demand for certain species drives illegal logging, yet many nations continue to import timber that is likely to be derived from illegal sources. Increasing transparency in the supply chain and imposing sanctions may help to pressure the government of Cameroon to effectively monitor the forestry sector.

==References==
<references/>

[[Category:FRST522]]

Open Case Studies/FRST522/Cameroon

2017-05-14T19:11:20Z

JenniferMansour: /* Forestry Laws */

Illegal Logging Case Study: Cameroon

By: Sarah Sra

[[File:LocationCameroon.svg|right]]
== Introduction ==
Cameroon is located at the junction of western and central Africa and is well known for its geological and cultural diversity. However, despite having achieved political and social stability, many Cameroonians still live below the poverty line. The authoritarian President, Paul Biya, has retained power in the country for over three decades. <ref name = "WRI"> World Resources Institute (2016) The Governance of Forests Initiative:Cameroon. Retrieved from www.wri.org/our-work/project/governance-forests-initiative/cameroon. </ref>. The country is also home to approximately 22 million hectares of tropical forests, making it a crucial component of the Congo Basin forest ecosystem and home to many endemic species <ref name = "WRI"/>. Many Cameroonians rely on these forests as they provide an important source of revenue, employment and livelihoods, in addition to providing a number of important ecosystem services and habitat for over 9,000 plant species, 910 bird species and 320 mammal species <ref name = "WRI"/>. Forests and non-timber forest products (NTFP) contribute largely to the economy by providing between 45,000 and 70,000 jobs and account for over 10% of the annual GDP <ref name = "Kozak"> Kozak, Robert, A. & Alemagi, Dieudonne (2010) Illegal logging in Cameroon: Causes and the path forward. ''Forest Policy and Economics''. ''Vol 12'' (8) 554-561 </ref> . Globally, Cameroon has become the sixth largest exporter of tropical timber and receives an annual revenue of 60 million US dollars from this industry <ref name = "Kozak"/> .

The forests are also home to nearly four million people who belong to Bantu ethnic groups, as well as the indigenous Pygmy people who comprise three large ethnic groups in the region: the Baka, the Bakola/Bagyeli and the Bedzan.<ref name = "Robinson"> Robinson, Djeukam (2008). Forestry and Communities in Cameroon.Centre for Environment and Development (CED), Yaoundé, Cameroon. Retrieved from http://www.ceecec.net/case-studies/forestry-and-communities-in-cameroon/ </ref> The traditional lifestyle of these Indigenous groups relies heavily on natural resources, including hunting and gathering which is typically done in territorial and egalitarian nomadic bands. However, they are increasingly adopting a sedentary lifestyle focusing on agriculture under the influence of multiple factors that have recently emerged, including wide spread deforestation, that has lead to a loss of resources that are essential for their biological and cultural well being. <ref name = "Robinson"/>

==What Is Illegal Logging?==
Illegal logging occurs when timber is harvested, transported, processed, bought or sold in violation of national or sub national laws.<ref name = "WWF"> World Wildlife Fund (2016). Illegal Logging. Retrieved from http://wwf.panda.org/about_our_earth/deforestation/deforestation_causes/illegal_logging/.</ref> In Cameroon, the law indicates six different types of logging permits that may be issued by the government:<ref name = "FM"> Forests Monitor. Cameroon: Political, social and economic framework. Retrieved from http://www.forestsmonitor.org/en/reports/540539/549935</ref>

# Sales of standing volume - should not cover more than 2,500 hectares and last for a limited period of time (Section 55).
# Exploitation Permits - which are for the extraction of not more than 500 cubic meters of timber (Section 56).
# Individual Felling Authorization - the extraction of not more than 30 cubic meters of wood for non-commercial use (Section 57).
# Concessions - can include one or more Forest Management Units (FMA) and will be reviewed every three years and is for a specified volume of timber (Section 46).
# State Exploitation - via sale of standing volume or exploitation contract (Section 44).
# Wood Recovery Permit

It is estimated that Cameroon has approximately 600 native tree species. Illegal logging has contributed to 50 of these species being listed as critically endangered under the International Union For The Conservation Of Nature (IUCN) Red List, while 27 species are considered endangered and another 106 species are listed as vulnerable.<ref name = "MB"/>

==Framing the Problem: A Forestry Perspective==
While Cameroon has established a formal system of forest enterprises that are legally registered, rates of illegal logging in the country remain high. Although it can be difficult to quantify the amount of timber harvested illegally, a 2002 study conducted by the World Wildlife Fund (WWF) suggests that 50-70% of timber is sourced in this manner.<ref name = "WWF"/> The deforestation rate is high at about 1% annually, and many people in the informal sector rely on timber for fuel and subsistence. This informal extraction is also difficult to measure, but estimates suggest that it contributes to more than half of the timber that is harvested illegally. The rest is illegally logged by large companies in the formal sector.<ref name = "FM"/> Some permits are allocated only through a competitive bidding process, forcing companies to put a high price on concessions. To recover their costs, they often extract timber in areas that are five or six times their legally allotted areas, knowing that there is very weak monitoring and enforcement in place, and they also tend to out-compete companies that operate sustainably.<ref name = "FM"/> For instance, evidence suggests that as much as 50% of Cameroon's roundwood is harvested illegally, with the majority of the activity taking place within forests that are operated by concessions. <ref name = "Kozak"/> A report by Global Witness and Cameroon's Ministry of Environment and Forests (MINFOF) showed that in the 2002/2003 fiscal year more than 70,000 square meters were logged, in excess of what was allotted to concessionaires.<ref name = "Kozak"/> There is also a high domestic demand for wood that causes illegal loggers from the informal sector to encroach onto protected areas, as private individuals consume an estimated 200,000 square meters of illegal timber annually.<ref name = "Robinson"/> According to Global Forest Watch, Cameroon has lost 657,000 hectares of forest between 2001 and 2014.<ref name = "China"> Reuters (2016). Cameroon moves to curb forest loss linked to Chinese investment. Retrieved from http://www.reuters.com/article/us-cameroon-investment-china-forests-idUSKCN0ZS0VE</ref>

When discussing matters of illegal logging, the State holds an ambiguous power position for three main reasons:

# In order to attract foreign investment, the government takes little action when companies commit serious offences.<ref name = "Robinson"/>
# The State has a weak capacity to monitor and enforce legislation due to corruption and Structural Adjustment Policies that have reduced the number of civil servants and their salaries to monitor illegal activities.<ref name = "Robinson"/>
# Political elites and foreign operators often conspire to appropriate wealth generated from illegal timber extraction through bribery, corruption and transfer pricing, with adverse effects on the public and forest-dependent communities through a loss of revenue and royalty payments.<ref name = "Robinson"/>

===The Issue of Land Tenure===
According to customary institutions, local people, including both Bantu and Pygmy communities, have ownership rights over the land and all natural resources that are necessary for their daily survival. <ref name = "Robinson"/> However, these ancestral customs have been under threat since the colonial period when Germany announced that the country had many "vacant and ownerless lands" and used this claim as a tool to appropriate all land and resources by converting common pool resources into state and private property. After independence in 1960, the philosophy of colonial law had not been diminished, but was instead reformed by new laws in 1974 focusing on driving development. These laws benefitted the State while leaving little room for customary institutions.<ref name = "Kozak"/> Today, about 70% of the country is considered public land that is owned by the State, and the State acts as the custodian of the remaining 30% of national lands whose real owner is said to be the entire Cameroon nation. However, since the State claims to be the legal guardian of all land, the amount of land under direct state control is reported to be closer to 97% of national territory, with the exception of community forests and a few public forest anomalies.<ref> Samuel Assembe-Mvondo, Carol J. P. Colfer, Maria Brockhaus & Raphael Tsanga (2014) Review of the legal ownership status of national lands in Cameroon: A more nuanced view, Development Studies Research, 1:1, 148-160, DOI: 10.1080/21665095.2014.927739</ref> This has lead to a long history of the State benefiting while local people continue to be disadvantaged. They are often denied claims to ancestral forest lands and have trouble obtaining land at all while the best land is given to large logging enterprises by the state.<ref name = "Kozak"/> A few local communities have use rights in small restricted areas.<ref name = "book"> IUCN (2011). Governance of Ecosystem Services: Lessons learned from Cameroon, China, Costa Rica, and Ecuador. Retrieved from https://books.google.ca/books?id=Mle4TsSyKGoC&pg=PA22&lpg=PA22&dq=public+land+cameroon&source=bl&ots=U7Yk7wZzsi&sig=x4xYC2KziV0xc_Ro7lGkPvbF1VA&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiei9Sdz5rQAhVP4WMKHTqjDJUQ6AEIUjAI#v=onepage&q=public%20land%20cameroon&f=false</ref> However there are still many competing and overlapping claims to land between local communities and the State.

Ultimately, this means that Cameroonians are insecure in regards to land tenure. The government holds the authority to grant "unregistered land" (which is essentially most of the country's land mass) in absolute title, lease or exclusive occupancy licenses to loggers, miners, ranchers, biofuel interests or to itself as "state forests". This is allowed since laws fail to acknowledge customary land-holding as amounting to real property interests, which also means that customary owners are not paid market value for lands which the government appropriates for public purposes.<ref name = "FERN"> Wily, Liz Alden (2010). Whose land is it? The status of customary land tenure in Cameroon. Centre for Environment and Development (FERN). Retrieved from http://www.fern.org/sites/fern.org/files/cameroon_eng_internet.pdf</ref> Additionally, the process for land registration makes it difficult for customary landowners to formally register in the system. The process is often remote, complex and expensive and is limited to lands that have been cleared, cultivated or physically settled.<ref name = "FERN"/> This has been highly problematic as Bantu societies inhabit lands beyond cultivated or visibly occupied areas and contain large portions of forests that are collectively managed, while the Pygmy communities hunter-gatherer lifestyles have relatively little impact on the forest cover and thus make it difficult to establish their presence in a given area.<ref name = "Robinson"/> Therefore, this method of registration is not compatible with the traditional lifestyles of indigenous communities. Since unregistered land is made the ''de facto'' property of the state in the form of National Lands, local communities essentially become squatters on their traditional lands while the government's appropriation of these customary lands protects commercial and industrial production.<ref name = "FERN"/> Millions of hectares of common property are excluded by this registration system which families, groups and villages have traditionally maintained as rangelands, wetlands or forests for sustainable livelihood support. The rights of those with the least amount of wealth and socio-institutional strength, such as the forest dwelling Pygmies, are the most abused in this system of governance.<ref name = "FERN"/>

===Forestry Laws===
Laws regulating forestry were first established in 1973, with many revisions in the decades following. These laws have been focused on regulating this sector, but requiring very little transparency in the process. More recent objectives include a reduction in forest loss with an increased level of public participation to reduce pressures on forests, which have been delivered in over twenty legal decrees and orders since 1995.<ref name = "FERN"/> An important change happened in 1994 when the government of Cameroon adopted a new Forestry Law and, at the time, became a leader in West African forest policy.<ref name = "Sayer"> Ezzine, Driss., Perez, Manuel., Sayer, Jeffrey. A., Lescuyer, Guillaume., Nasi, Robert., Karsenty, Alain (2009). External Influences on and Conditions for Community Logging Management in Cameroon. Vol 37 (2), pages 445-456</ref>. The reform process involved a wide range of stakeholders—from international institutions like the World Bank, to a number of national political and economic actors, with the resulting forest code aiming to satisfy several conflicting interests.<ref name = "Sayer"/> It also recognized that forests have intrinsic value that should not be undermined or compromised for future generations.<ref name = "book"/>

The development of community forests at this time was the result of a World Bank push to decentralize forest management while promoting logging management by local actors. The new 1994 Law also defined two major categories of forest. One is the permanent forest domain (PFD), which includes protected areas and logging concessions that have to be managed in a sustainable way so as to guarantee the long-term maintenance of forests. The second is the non-permanent forest domain (NPFD) which does not require the long-term maintenance of forests and includes ‘‘ventes de coupes” (sales of standing timber on a maximum of 2,500 ha) and community forests.<ref name = "Sayer"/> In Cameroon Community Forests can only be established in the NPFD, however they are still under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Forests. One major achievement of this law was a definition of community forest that enabled local populations to become the official managers with full use rights to forest resources that normally last for a 25-year period, although community forest status does not carry full and permanent property rights to the area allocated. There were also instruments in place for direct revenue sharing with communities and promises of infrastructure. However, it was reported that communities remained largely impoverished and seldom receive any benefits. For example, many local people still reside without electricity while timber companies receive power from private sources.<ref name = "China"/>

These laws surrounding community forests were developed for communities to rely timber production, but this is not explicitly embodied into the law. Therefore, community forests tend to exist only in tropical forest regions, not in the mountainous or savanna regions of the north where, for example, Prunus africana is harvested for medicinal uses, not timber.<ref name = "Sayer"/> It is important to note that these community forests depend on timber production, but there is no provision made for community lands outside of this, meaning that customary land ownership does not exist in the eyes of the law. Land which is not built on or farmed cannot be registered by customary land owners.<ref name = "FERN"/> When the community forest is finalized and logging authorization is delivered, communities have a choice of negotiating a contract with an external operator or managing operations and selling timber in the market.<ref name = "Sayer"/> However, few communities use the second option to manage their forests due largely to distance to markets, lack of market information and high transportation and transaction costs. The community therefore tends to opt for an agreement with an industrial operator and has a low degree of involvement. A lack of commercial logging skills also has a negative influence on the ability of the community to achieve higher levels of vertical integration.<ref name = "Sayer"/> Combined, these factors often exacerbate illegal logging in a country that already has weak monitoring and enforcement mechanisms in place. As of 2008, there were 135 fully operational community forest licenses that covered roughly 2% of forests.<ref name = "Kozak"/>

==Framing the Problem: Layering Perspectives==
The information above outlines the problems associated with illegal logging in Cameroon from the perspective of a forestry student. In this section we welcome contributions from other perspectives. Those interested in contributing to this case study may use the following questions as a guide:
#How do scholars and professionals outside of forestry conceptualize the practice of illegal logging in Cameroon?
#What are other possible ways of framing this problem?
#What special expertise, resources, or theoretical orientations might others bring to help us understand this phenomenon better?

=== History ===
The country has struggled to recover from a great economic crisis that hit hard in the 1980's. This initially had lead to a neglect in implementing regulations in the forestry sector in order to favor industrial growth, which has continued into the present.<ref name = "POC"> Cerutti, Paolo Omar, Tacconi, Luca, Lescuyer, Guillaume, Nasi, Robert (2012). Cameroon's Hidden Harvest: Commercial Chainsaw Logging, Corruption, and Livelihoods. Society and Natural Resources. Vol 26, (5), pages 539-553</ref> There have also been reported cases of intra-community conflicts in Cameroon, with local forest communities allegedly barricading logging trucks and holding forest workers hostage in forest camps.<ref name = "Kozak"/> .A conflict of precedence between village elites and traditional chiefs also exists in the eastern part of the country over authority in managing forest royalties <ref name = "Kozak"/>

An example of protests regarding issues of rights to resources can be seen in the resistance to the commercial harvesting of the Moabi tree by the Bantu people in Southern Cameroon. Since commercial logging began decades ago, members of local communities have continued to protect their trees against logging by leaving notes on the trunk with their names as well as physically threatening loggers with machetes. To avoid these conflicts, loggers have tried to offer compensation for cutting down these trees, but this has led to many reports of conflicts between family members who want to sell their trees, and those who are against it. These conflicts are usually gendered as well, with more men wanting to sell their rights to the trees. Women tend to rely more on the trees for medicine, food and income, while men generally benefit more from selling the tree rather than enjoying its ownership.<ref name = "fem"> Veuthey, Sandra., Gerber, Julien-Francois (2010). Logging conflicts in Southern Cameroon: A feminist ecological economics perspective. Ecological economics. Vol 70, (2) pages 170-177</ref> Uses of the Moabi Tree are discussed below in the "cultural" section under "Implications".

=== Causes of Illegal Logging ===
==== Corruption ====
Cameroon has consistently been rated by Transparency International as one of the most corrupt countries in the world with a ranking of 138 out of 160 countries surveyed <ref>Transparency International (2015). Corruption by Country:Cameroon. Retrieved from http://www.transparency.org/country#CMR </ref> . With respect to illegal logging, corruption is common and widespread. The government often demands a bribe for the provision of a service such as issuing a logging permit, while at the same time government officials and the private sector also develop methods to keep a greater portion of the revenue and deprive the government of its share <ref name = "Kozak"/> . Ethical standards to which concessionaires must adhere have not been set or practised by the government. Therefore, it has lost its credibility as an effective regulator and faces much criticsim when attempting to hold concessionaires accountable for illegal activities<ref name = "Kozak"/> .

====Poverty====
Although Cameroon is considered to be a lower middle income country, poverty affects almost 40% of the population<ref name = "WB"> The World Bank (2016). Cameroon Data. Retrieved from http://data.worldbank.org/country/cameroon</ref>. Unemployment rates are high, literacy rates are low and most people are subsistence farmers who work long, tedious hours for minimal pay. Little education means that they often lack the ability to complete the administrative requirements to participate in forestry activities in a legal manner, and tend to manufacture lower value commodity wood products like lumber and timber that generate less wealth and employment <ref name = "Kozak"/> .

====Conflicts====
Conflicts between different governmental ministries sometimes provide openings within the system that allow the operation of illegal logging. For instance, the Ministry of Environment and Nature Protection (MINEP) has a mandate to articulate, execute and assess the national policy in relation to the environment <ref name = "Kozak"/> . On the other hand, the forestry sector and its policies are formulated, evaluated and implemented by a different ministry - the Ministry of Forests and Wildlife. (MINFOF) <ref name = "Kozak"/> These inconsistencies can often lead to administrative gaps within the governance system which facilitates illegal activities.

====Licensing Arrangements====
The high costs of obtaining community forestry licenses provides a disincentive for small scale firms and individuals residing in forest communities to develop a management plan, register as an official business and operate legally <ref name = "Kozak"/> .The length of time it takes to process licenses is also a challenge to many applicants, especially those who depend on cash from logging revenues for daily survival and cannot afford to wait long periods of time. For example, members of the Payo community in the eastern part of the country report that their application for a community forest had been sitting in the capital city of Yaounde for a year without approval. <ref name = "Kozak"/> These types of legislative processes often exacerbate instances of illegal logging.

===Example: China in Cameroon===
In recent years there has been an increase in Chinese companies operating in Cameroon's timber sector which has fueled illegal logging and is rapidly depleting forests. Cameroon launched an investment drive in 2010, and China has become the main partner. China has invested more than $400 million USD annually, 80% of which is to be used for infrastructure such as roads, hydro-electric dams and seaports.<ref name = "China"/> This has encouraged the government to issue many licenses to Chinese firms and allow the exploitation of natural resources. This dependency that has been created has made Cameroon vulnerable and reluctant to enforce laws violated by Chinese companies who extract copious amounts of timber to meet their own domestic demand.<ref name = "Robinson"/> This is occurring in several regions throughout the country.

==Implications==
===Environmental===
In Cameroon, it is common for a few high value timber species to be extracted from the forest for commercial purposes, with six species representing almost 80% of timber production:<ref name = "Robinson"/>

* Ayous (Triplochition scleroxylon)
* Sapelli (Entandrophragma cylindricum)
*Azobe (Lophira alata)
*Frake (Terminalia superba)
*Tali (Erythrophleum ivorense)
*Iroko (Chlorophora excelsa)

Searching for specific tree species means that roads are often constructed into large forested areas to extract a few trees. This opens up new areas for human settlements, the development of agriculture and commercial hunting - all of which increase pressures on forests. While local communities have traditionally depended on bushmeat, a commercial trade in the industry has been relatively recent and has decimated many wildlife populations including rare and endangered species such as lowland gorillas and elephants.<ref name = "Robinson"/> High rates of deforestation also have negative impacts on climate change, while selecting certain species for harvest decreases biodiversity and the overall resiliency of the forest.
In the northern part of the country, deforestation has been associated with increasing rates of soil erosion, desertification and a reduced quality of pastureland.<ref name ="MB"> Mongabay (2006). Tropical Rainforests: Cameroon. Retrieved from http://rainforests.mongabay.com/20cameroon.htm </ref> Although it is well known that foreign companies contribute largely to illegal logging, concessions continue to be issued as residents are promised an increase in infrastructure such as roads and electricity, and social services like education and healthcare that promise to increase their standard of living.

===Political===
Based on the evidence presented above, it appears as though the main dilemma for lawmakers is regulating timber harvesting without deterring foreign investment. This becomes even more difficult when the budgets that are allocated are inadequate for the amount of monitoring and enforcement needed. Since 2010, more than half of all timber that is considered illegal is harvested by the informal sector, mostly for domestic consumption.<ref>Modern Ghana (2015). Illegal logging is still a struggle in Cameroon. Retrieved from https://www.modernghana.com/news/611878/illegal-logging-still-a-struggle-in-cameroon.html</ref> Although few local people have viable alternative options to meet their basic needs for energy, the government continues to label this this type of collection largely as illegal and issues very few timber permits for the informal sector. The government ultimately holds all authority to make and enforce decisions regarding forests.<ref name = "MB"/> A shift in power or inclusion of indigenous communities and local people in the decision making process would help to resolve some of the issues of illegal logging in the informal sector.

===Economic===
It is estimated that the government of Cameroon loses approximately 1.5 million Euros worth of timber each year due to illegal logging, a significant amount for a country that is often unable to provide adequate social services for its residents.<ref name = "Greenpeace2"> Greenpeace International (2003). Illegal logging and the heart of darkness. Retrieved from http://www.greenpeace.org/international/en/news/features/illegal-logging-in-cameroon/</ref> Three Dutch companies, Wijma, Reef and CIBEC, are known for operating illegally and have destroyed numerous villagers' subsistence cash crops with no compensation offered.<ref name = "Greenpeace2"/> This continues to impoverish local people and further prevents them from having the financial resources to apply for community or logging licenses to compete in the local market. The consumers of illegal timber from Cameroon are mostly European nations. However the timber entering the majority of the EU countries is now considered to be high risk.<ref name = "MB"/> Therefore, certain types of timber from Cameroon are scarce in European markets, and are sold at a higher price.<ref name = "Greenpeace2"/>

===Cultural===
The Pygmy communities report experiencing a type of "spiritual prejudice" that is caused by illegal logging activities.<ref name = "Robinson"/> In the Baka cosmology, when God created the world that included humans and nature, listening to the bees was his favorite activity. Therefore, humans had to stay quiet so as not to disturb God. However, one day some Baka began to make noise in the forest and God punished them by turning them into wild animals. Noise that is associated with logging is therefore directly related to their religion and has a severe impact.<ref name = "Robinson"/> For the forest societies of Southern Cameroon, the moabi tree plays a crucial role for medicine, food, culture and economic value and people often resist its logging. Deceased bodies were traditionally placed at the bottom of the tree and left to decompose, rendering the tree a totem that embodied the power of the ancestor. More than 50 medicines can be made using the leaves, roots, sap and bark including treatments against painful menstruation, vaginal infections and postnatal care.<ref name = "fem"/> Fruits are consumed while seeds produce oil for consumption and sale, which is controlled almost exclusively by women from collection to commercialization. <ref name = "Robinson"/>

==Initiatives to Combat Illegal Logging==
Although progress in combating illegal logging remains slow, there are initiatives in place that attempt to mitigate this problem. Cameroon agreed to join the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES) in 1999, which includes protecting and monitoring the trade of two tree species - Pericopsis elata and Prunus africana.<ref>Forest Legality Alliance (2012). Cameroon laws and regulations. Retrieved from http://www.forestlegality.org/risk-tool/country/cameroon-0</ref> Since 2012, there have been reports of improved forest governance with the implementation of sanctions against violators of national laws. For instanace, it was reported that 27 forest exploitation companies had been suspended in 2012 and 7 others in 2014 for operating with incorrect licenses.<ref name = "China"/> Greenpeace Africa has also been pushing the government of Cameroon to hold independent and transparent audits of the Compagnie de Commerce et de Transport (CCT), who has a reputation for engaging in highly illegal and destructive practices, such as logging several kilometers outside of their legal logging titled area. They are pushing for proper sanctions when illegal activities have been confirmed as well as audits that will help to trace timber generated from illegal activities. <ref name = "Greenpeace2"/> Timber from Cameroon is also coming under increased scrutiny in international markets, with Europe being the largest consumer of timber that is suspected to be sourced illegally. In 2010, Cameroon signed a Voluntary Partnership Agreement (VPA) with the European Union (EU) which aims to strengthen forest governance, promote Cameroon's timber products and improve Cameroon's competitiveness in the international market. It also encourages investment in sustainable forest management and strengthens the capacity of forest stakeholders.<ref>EU FLEGT Facility (2014). VPA Countries:Cameroon. Retrieved from http://www.euflegt.efi.int/cameroon</ref> The country has been engaged with REDD+ since 2005, part of which aims to curb deforestation that is often linked with illegal logging.<ref>The REDD Desk (2013). REDD in Cameroon. Retrieved from http://theredddesk.org/countries/cameroon</ref>

==Reflections and Recommendations==
Illegal logging is a widespread and complicated issue throughout Cameroon. Although the government has attempted to make progress in combating this issue, evidence suggests that such commitments may be made to please international donors while implementing effective solutions on the ground level is still an ongoing challenge. Steps to move forward should include much more transparency in the entire process of forest governance, and accountability for those who operate illegally. Strengthening institutions in terms of staff, funding and organization would also be beneficial, while de-centralizing services would make it easier for remote groups to get support and assistance with issues relating to forest management. Community involvement in the decision making process, especially from Indigenous groups, may help to mitigate some of these issues and start to build trust and cooperation between local groups and the state. Since more than half of all illegal logging is done by the informal sector, it is important to address poverty and meeting the energy needs of local groups which are driving factors behind much of the illegal timber harvesting. Combating poverty would also decrease dependence on foreign investment to provide services that increase the standard of living for Cameroonians. Recognizing land tenure insecurities and customary rights would further help to decrease conflicts and competing claims over land and encourage sustainable management of forest resources. More responsibility should also be shifted onto consumers. The international demand for certain species drives illegal logging, yet many nations continue to import timber that is likely to be derived from illegal sources. Increasing transparency in the supply chain and imposing sanctions may help to pressure the government of Cameroon to effectively monitor the forestry sector.

==References==
<references/>

[[Category:FRST522]]

Open Case Studies/FRST522/Cameroon

2017-05-14T19:08:09Z

JenniferMansour: /* Problem */

Illegal Logging Case Study: Cameroon

By: Sarah Sra

[[File:LocationCameroon.svg|right]]
== Introduction ==
Cameroon is located at the junction of western and central Africa and is well known for its geological and cultural diversity. However, despite having achieved political and social stability, many Cameroonians still live below the poverty line. The authoritarian President, Paul Biya, has retained power in the country for over three decades. <ref name = "WRI"> World Resources Institute (2016) The Governance of Forests Initiative:Cameroon. Retrieved from www.wri.org/our-work/project/governance-forests-initiative/cameroon. </ref>. The country is also home to approximately 22 million hectares of tropical forests, making it a crucial component of the Congo Basin forest ecosystem and home to many endemic species <ref name = "WRI"/>. Many Cameroonians rely on these forests as they provide an important source of revenue, employment and livelihoods, in addition to providing a number of important ecosystem services and habitat for over 9,000 plant species, 910 bird species and 320 mammal species <ref name = "WRI"/>. Forests and non-timber forest products (NTFP) contribute largely to the economy by providing between 45,000 and 70,000 jobs and account for over 10% of the annual GDP <ref name = "Kozak"> Kozak, Robert, A. & Alemagi, Dieudonne (2010) Illegal logging in Cameroon: Causes and the path forward. ''Forest Policy and Economics''. ''Vol 12'' (8) 554-561 </ref> . Globally, Cameroon has become the sixth largest exporter of tropical timber and receives an annual revenue of 60 million US dollars from this industry <ref name = "Kozak"/> .

The forests are also home to nearly four million people who belong to Bantu ethnic groups, as well as the indigenous Pygmy people who comprise three large ethnic groups in the region: the Baka, the Bakola/Bagyeli and the Bedzan.<ref name = "Robinson"> Robinson, Djeukam (2008). Forestry and Communities in Cameroon.Centre for Environment and Development (CED), Yaoundé, Cameroon. Retrieved from http://www.ceecec.net/case-studies/forestry-and-communities-in-cameroon/ </ref> The traditional lifestyle of these Indigenous groups relies heavily on natural resources, including hunting and gathering which is typically done in territorial and egalitarian nomadic bands. However, they are increasingly adopting a sedentary lifestyle focusing on agriculture under the influence of multiple factors that have recently emerged, including wide spread deforestation, that has lead to a loss of resources that are essential for their biological and cultural well being. <ref name = "Robinson"/>

==What Is Illegal Logging?==
Illegal logging occurs when timber is harvested, transported, processed, bought or sold in violation of national or sub national laws.<ref name = "WWF"> World Wildlife Fund (2016). Illegal Logging. Retrieved from http://wwf.panda.org/about_our_earth/deforestation/deforestation_causes/illegal_logging/.</ref> In Cameroon, the law indicates six different types of logging permits that may be issued by the government:<ref name = "FM"> Forests Monitor. Cameroon: Political, social and economic framework. Retrieved from http://www.forestsmonitor.org/en/reports/540539/549935</ref>

# Sales of standing volume - should not cover more than 2,500 hectares and last for a limited period of time (Section 55).
# Exploitation Permits - which are for the extraction of not more than 500 cubic meters of timber (Section 56).
# Individual Felling Authorization - the extraction of not more than 30 cubic meters of wood for non-commercial use (Section 57).
# Concessions - can include one or more Forest Management Units (FMA) and will be reviewed every three years and is for a specified volume of timber (Section 46).
# State Exploitation - via sale of standing volume or exploitation contract (Section 44).
# Wood Recovery Permit

It is estimated that Cameroon has approximately 600 native tree species. Illegal logging has contributed to 50 of these species being listed as critically endangered under the International Union For The Conservation Of Nature (IUCN) Red List, while 27 species are considered endangered and another 106 species are listed as vulnerable.<ref name = "MB"/>

==Framing the Problem: A Forestry Perspective==
While Cameroon has established a formal system of forest enterprises that are legally registered, rates of illegal logging in the country remain high. Although it can be difficult to quantify the amount of timber harvested illegally, a 2002 study conducted by the World Wildlife Fund (WWF) suggests that 50-70% of timber is sourced in this manner.<ref name = "WWF"/> The deforestation rate is high at about 1% annually, and many people in the informal sector rely on timber for fuel and subsistence. This informal extraction is also difficult to measure, but estimates suggest that it contributes to more than half of the timber that is harvested illegally. The rest is illegally logged by large companies in the formal sector.<ref name = "FM"/> Some permits are allocated only through a competitive bidding process, forcing companies to put a high price on concessions. To recover their costs, they often extract timber in areas that are five or six times their legally allotted areas, knowing that there is very weak monitoring and enforcement in place, and they also tend to out-compete companies that operate sustainably.<ref name = "FM"/> For instance, evidence suggests that as much as 50% of Cameroon's roundwood is harvested illegally, with the majority of the activity taking place within forests that are operated by concessions. <ref name = "Kozak"/> A report by Global Witness and Cameroon's Ministry of Environment and Forests (MINFOF) showed that in the 2002/2003 fiscal year more than 70,000 square meters were logged, in excess of what was allotted to concessionaires.<ref name = "Kozak"/> There is also a high domestic demand for wood that causes illegal loggers from the informal sector to encroach onto protected areas, as private individuals consume an estimated 200,000 square meters of illegal timber annually.<ref name = "Robinson"/> According to Global Forest Watch, Cameroon has lost 657,000 hectares of forest between 2001 and 2014.<ref name = "China"> Reuters (2016). Cameroon moves to curb forest loss linked to Chinese investment. Retrieved from http://www.reuters.com/article/us-cameroon-investment-china-forests-idUSKCN0ZS0VE</ref>

When discussing matters of illegal logging, the State holds an ambiguous power position for three main reasons:

# In order to attract foreign investment, the government takes little action when companies commit serious offences.<ref name = "Robinson"/>
# The State has a weak capacity to monitor and enforce legislation due to corruption and Structural Adjustment Policies that have reduced the number of civil servants and their salaries to monitor illegal activities.<ref name = "Robinson"/>
# Political elites and foreign operators often conspire to appropriate wealth generated from illegal timber extraction through bribery, corruption and transfer pricing, with adverse effects on the public and forest-dependent communities through a loss of revenue and royalty payments.<ref name = "Robinson"/>

===The Issue of Land Tenure===
According to customary institutions, local people, including both Bantu and Pygmy communities, have ownership rights over the land and all natural resources that are necessary for their daily survival. <ref name = "Robinson"/> However, these ancestral customs have been under threat since the colonial period when Germany announced that the country had many "vacant and ownerless lands" and used this claim as a tool to appropriate all land and resources by converting common pool resources into state and private property. After independence in 1960, the philosophy of colonial law had not been diminished, but was instead reformed by new laws in 1974 focusing on driving development. These laws benefitted the State while leaving little room for customary institutions.<ref name = "Kozak"/> Today, about 70% of the country is considered public land that is owned by the State, and the State acts as the custodian of the remaining 30% of national lands whose real owner is said to be the entire Cameroon nation. However, since the State claims to be the legal guardian of all land, the amount of land under direct state control is reported to be closer to 97% of national territory, with the exception of community forests and a few public forest anomalies.<ref> Samuel Assembe-Mvondo, Carol J. P. Colfer, Maria Brockhaus & Raphael Tsanga (2014) Review of the legal ownership status of national lands in Cameroon: A more nuanced view, Development Studies Research, 1:1, 148-160, DOI: 10.1080/21665095.2014.927739</ref> This has lead to a long history of the State benefiting while local people continue to be disadvantaged. They are often denied claims to ancestral forest lands and have trouble obtaining land at all while the best land is given to large logging enterprises by the state.<ref name = "Kozak"/> A few local communities have use rights in small restricted areas.<ref name = "book"> IUCN (2011). Governance of Ecosystem Services: Lessons learned from Cameroon, China, Costa Rica, and Ecuador. Retrieved from https://books.google.ca/books?id=Mle4TsSyKGoC&pg=PA22&lpg=PA22&dq=public+land+cameroon&source=bl&ots=U7Yk7wZzsi&sig=x4xYC2KziV0xc_Ro7lGkPvbF1VA&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiei9Sdz5rQAhVP4WMKHTqjDJUQ6AEIUjAI#v=onepage&q=public%20land%20cameroon&f=false</ref> However there are still many competing and overlapping claims to land between local communities and the State.

Ultimately, this means that Cameroonians are insecure in regards to land tenure. The government holds the authority to grant "unregistered land" (which is essentially most of the country's land mass) in absolute title, lease or exclusive occupancy licenses to loggers, miners, ranchers, biofuel interests or to itself as "state forests". This is allowed since laws fail to acknowledge customary land-holding as amounting to real property interests, which also means that customary owners are not paid market value for lands which the government appropriates for public purposes.<ref name = "FERN"> Wily, Liz Alden (2010). Whose land is it? The status of customary land tenure in Cameroon. Centre for Environment and Development (FERN). Retrieved from http://www.fern.org/sites/fern.org/files/cameroon_eng_internet.pdf</ref> Additionally, the process for land registration makes it difficult for customary landowners to formally register in the system. The process is often remote, complex and expensive and is limited to lands that have been cleared, cultivated or physically settled.<ref name = "FERN"/> This has been highly problematic as Bantu societies inhabit lands beyond cultivated or visibly occupied areas and contain large portions of forests that are collectively managed, while the Pygmy communities hunter-gatherer lifestyles have relatively little impact on the forest cover and thus make it difficult to establish their presence in a given area.<ref name = "Robinson"/> Therefore, this method of registration is not compatible with the traditional lifestyles of indigenous communities. Since unregistered land is made the ''de facto'' property of the state in the form of National Lands, local communities essentially become squatters on their traditional lands while the government's appropriation of these customary lands protects commercial and industrial production.<ref name = "FERN"/> Millions of hectares of common property are excluded by this registration system which families, groups and villages have traditionally maintained as rangelands, wetlands or forests for sustainable livelihood support. The rights of those with the least amount of wealth and socio-institutional strength, such as the forest dwelling Pygmies, are the most abused in this system of governance.<ref name = "FERN"/>

===Forestry Laws===
Laws regulating forestry were first established in 1973, with many revisions in the decades following. These laws have been focused on regulating this sector, but requiring very little transparency in the process. More recent objectives include a reduction in forest loss with an increased level of public participation to reduce pressures on forests, which have been delivered in over twenty legal decrees and orders since 1995.<ref name = "FERN"/> An important change happened in 1994 when the government of Cameroon adopted a new Forestry Law and, at the time, became a leader in West African forest policy.<ref name = "Sayer"> Ezzine, Driss., Perez, Manuel., Sayer, Jeffrey. A., Lescuyer, Guillaume., Nasi, Robert., Karsenty, Alain (2009). External Influences on and Conditions for Community Logging Management in Cameroon. Vol 37 (2), pages 445-456</ref>. The reform process involved a wide range of stakeholders—from international institutions like the World Bank, to a number of national political and economic actors, with the resulting forest code aiming to satisfy several conflicting interests.<ref name = "Sayer"/> It also recognized that forests have intrinsic value that should not be undermined or compromised for future generations.<ref name = "book"/>

The development of community forests at this time was the result of a World Bank push to decentralize forest management while promoting logging management by local actors. The new 1994 Law also defined two major categories of forest. One is the permanent forest domain (PFD), which includes protected areas and logging concessions that have to be managed in a sustainable way so as to guarantee the long-term maintenance of forests. The second is the non-permanent forest domain (NPFD) which does not require the long-term maintenance of forests and includes ‘‘ventes de coupes” (sales of standing timber on a maximum of 2,500 ha) and community forests.<ref name = "Sayer"/> In Cameroon Community Forests can only be established in the NPFD, however they are still under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Forests. One major achievement of this law was a definition of community forest that enabled local populations to become the official managers with full use rights to forest resources that normally last for a 25-year period, although community forest status does not carry full and permanent property rights to the area allocated. There were also instruments in place for direct revenue sharing with communities and promises of infrastructure. However, it was reported that communities remained largely impoverished and seldom receive any benefits. For example, many local people still reside without electricity while timber companies receive power from private sources.<ref name = "China"/>

These laws surrounding community forests were developed for communities to rely timber production, but this is not explicitly embodied into the law. Therefore, community forests tend to exist only in tropical forest regions, not in the mountainous or savanna regions of the north where, for example, Prunus africana is harvested for medicinal uses, not timber.<ref name = "Sayer"/> It is important to note that these community forests depend on timber production, but there is no provision made for community lands outside of this, meaning that customary land ownership does not exist in the eyes of the law. Land which is not built on or farmed cannot be registered by customary land owners.<ref name = "FERN"/> When the community forest is finalized and logging authorization is delivered, communities have a choice of negotiating a contract with an external operator or managing operations and selling timber in the market.<ref name = "Sayer"/> However, few communities use the second option to manage their forests due largely to distance to markets, lack of market information and high transportation and transaction costs. The community therefore tends to opt for an agreement with an industrial operator and has a low degree of involvement. A lack of commercial logging skills also has a negative influence on the ability of the community to achieve higher levels of vertical integration.<ref name = "Sayer"/> Combined, these factors often exacerbate illegal logging in a country that already has weak monitoring and enforcement mechanisms in place. As of 2008, there were 135 fully operational community forest licenses that covered roughly 2% of forests.<ref name = "Kozak"/>

=== History ===
The country has struggled to recover from a great economic crisis that hit hard in the 1980's. This initially had lead to a neglect in implementing regulations in the forestry sector in order to favor industrial growth, which has continued into the present.<ref name = "POC"> Cerutti, Paolo Omar, Tacconi, Luca, Lescuyer, Guillaume, Nasi, Robert (2012). Cameroon's Hidden Harvest: Commercial Chainsaw Logging, Corruption, and Livelihoods. Society and Natural Resources. Vol 26, (5), pages 539-553</ref> There have also been reported cases of intra-community conflicts in Cameroon, with local forest communities allegedly barricading logging trucks and holding forest workers hostage in forest camps.<ref name = "Kozak"/> .A conflict of precedence between village elites and traditional chiefs also exists in the eastern part of the country over authority in managing forest royalties <ref name = "Kozak"/>

An example of protests regarding issues of rights to resources can be seen in the resistance to the commercial harvesting of the Moabi tree by the Bantu people in Southern Cameroon. Since commercial logging began decades ago, members of local communities have continued to protect their trees against logging by leaving notes on the trunk with their names as well as physically threatening loggers with machetes. To avoid these conflicts, loggers have tried to offer compensation for cutting down these trees, but this has led to many reports of conflicts between family members who want to sell their trees, and those who are against it. These conflicts are usually gendered as well, with more men wanting to sell their rights to the trees. Women tend to rely more on the trees for medicine, food and income, while men generally benefit more from selling the tree rather than enjoying its ownership.<ref name = "fem"> Veuthey, Sandra., Gerber, Julien-Francois (2010). Logging conflicts in Southern Cameroon: A feminist ecological economics perspective. Ecological economics. Vol 70, (2) pages 170-177</ref> Uses of the Moabi Tree are discussed below in the "cultural" section under "Implications".

=== Causes of Illegal Logging ===
==== Corruption ====
Cameroon has consistently been rated by Transparency International as one of the most corrupt countries in the world with a ranking of 138 out of 160 countries surveyed <ref>Transparency International (2015). Corruption by Country:Cameroon. Retrieved from http://www.transparency.org/country#CMR </ref> . With respect to illegal logging, corruption is common and widespread. The government often demands a bribe for the provision of a service such as issuing a logging permit, while at the same time government officials and the private sector also develop methods to keep a greater portion of the revenue and deprive the government of its share <ref name = "Kozak"/> . Ethical standards to which concessionaires must adhere have not been set or practised by the government. Therefore, it has lost its credibility as an effective regulator and faces much criticsim when attempting to hold concessionaires accountable for illegal activities<ref name = "Kozak"/> .

====Poverty====
Although Cameroon is considered to be a lower middle income country, poverty affects almost 40% of the population<ref name = "WB"> The World Bank (2016). Cameroon Data. Retrieved from http://data.worldbank.org/country/cameroon</ref>. Unemployment rates are high, literacy rates are low and most people are subsistence farmers who work long, tedious hours for minimal pay. Little education means that they often lack the ability to complete the administrative requirements to participate in forestry activities in a legal manner, and tend to manufacture lower value commodity wood products like lumber and timber that generate less wealth and employment <ref name = "Kozak"/> .

====Conflicts====
Conflicts between different governmental ministries sometimes provide openings within the system that allow the operation of illegal logging. For instance, the Ministry of Environment and Nature Protection (MINEP) has a mandate to articulate, execute and assess the national policy in relation to the environment <ref name = "Kozak"/> . On the other hand, the forestry sector and its policies are formulated, evaluated and implemented by a different ministry - the Ministry of Forests and Wildlife. (MINFOF) <ref name = "Kozak"/> These inconsistencies can often lead to administrative gaps within the governance system which facilitates illegal activities.

====Licensing Arrangements====
The high costs of obtaining community forestry licenses provides a disincentive for small scale firms and individuals residing in forest communities to develop a management plan, register as an official business and operate legally <ref name = "Kozak"/> .The length of time it takes to process licenses is also a challenge to many applicants, especially those who depend on cash from logging revenues for daily survival and cannot afford to wait long periods of time. For example, members of the Payo community in the eastern part of the country report that their application for a community forest had been sitting in the capital city of Yaounde for a year without approval. <ref name = "Kozak"/> These types of legislative processes often exacerbate instances of illegal logging.

===Example: China in Cameroon===
In recent years there has been an increase in Chinese companies operating in Cameroon's timber sector which has fueled illegal logging and is rapidly depleting forests. Cameroon launched an investment drive in 2010, and China has become the main partner. China has invested more than $400 million USD annually, 80% of which is to be used for infrastructure such as roads, hydro-electric dams and seaports.<ref name = "China"/> This has encouraged the government to issue many licenses to Chinese firms and allow the exploitation of natural resources. This dependency that has been created has made Cameroon vulnerable and reluctant to enforce laws violated by Chinese companies who extract copious amounts of timber to meet their own domestic demand.<ref name = "Robinson"/> This is occurring in several regions throughout the country.

==Implications==
===Environmental===
In Cameroon, it is common for a few high value timber species to be extracted from the forest for commercial purposes, with six species representing almost 80% of timber production:<ref name = "Robinson"/>

* Ayous (Triplochition scleroxylon)
* Sapelli (Entandrophragma cylindricum)
*Azobe (Lophira alata)
*Frake (Terminalia superba)
*Tali (Erythrophleum ivorense)
*Iroko (Chlorophora excelsa)

Searching for specific tree species means that roads are often constructed into large forested areas to extract a few trees. This opens up new areas for human settlements, the development of agriculture and commercial hunting - all of which increase pressures on forests. While local communities have traditionally depended on bushmeat, a commercial trade in the industry has been relatively recent and has decimated many wildlife populations including rare and endangered species such as lowland gorillas and elephants.<ref name = "Robinson"/> High rates of deforestation also have negative impacts on climate change, while selecting certain species for harvest decreases biodiversity and the overall resiliency of the forest.
In the northern part of the country, deforestation has been associated with increasing rates of soil erosion, desertification and a reduced quality of pastureland.<ref name ="MB"> Mongabay (2006). Tropical Rainforests: Cameroon. Retrieved from http://rainforests.mongabay.com/20cameroon.htm </ref> Although it is well known that foreign companies contribute largely to illegal logging, concessions continue to be issued as residents are promised an increase in infrastructure such as roads and electricity, and social services like education and healthcare that promise to increase their standard of living.

===Political===
Based on the evidence presented above, it appears as though the main dilemma for lawmakers is regulating timber harvesting without deterring foreign investment. This becomes even more difficult when the budgets that are allocated are inadequate for the amount of monitoring and enforcement needed. Since 2010, more than half of all timber that is considered illegal is harvested by the informal sector, mostly for domestic consumption.<ref>Modern Ghana (2015). Illegal logging is still a struggle in Cameroon. Retrieved from https://www.modernghana.com/news/611878/illegal-logging-still-a-struggle-in-cameroon.html</ref> Although few local people have viable alternative options to meet their basic needs for energy, the government continues to label this this type of collection largely as illegal and issues very few timber permits for the informal sector. The government ultimately holds all authority to make and enforce decisions regarding forests.<ref name = "MB"/> A shift in power or inclusion of indigenous communities and local people in the decision making process would help to resolve some of the issues of illegal logging in the informal sector.

===Economic===
It is estimated that the government of Cameroon loses approximately 1.5 million Euros worth of timber each year due to illegal logging, a significant amount for a country that is often unable to provide adequate social services for its residents.<ref name = "Greenpeace2"> Greenpeace International (2003). Illegal logging and the heart of darkness. Retrieved from http://www.greenpeace.org/international/en/news/features/illegal-logging-in-cameroon/</ref> Three Dutch companies, Wijma, Reef and CIBEC, are known for operating illegally and have destroyed numerous villagers' subsistence cash crops with no compensation offered.<ref name = "Greenpeace2"/> This continues to impoverish local people and further prevents them from having the financial resources to apply for community or logging licenses to compete in the local market. The consumers of illegal timber from Cameroon are mostly European nations. However the timber entering the majority of the EU countries is now considered to be high risk.<ref name = "MB"/> Therefore, certain types of timber from Cameroon are scarce in European markets, and are sold at a higher price.<ref name = "Greenpeace2"/>

===Cultural===
The Pygmy communities report experiencing a type of "spiritual prejudice" that is caused by illegal logging activities.<ref name = "Robinson"/> In the Baka cosmology, when God created the world that included humans and nature, listening to the bees was his favorite activity. Therefore, humans had to stay quiet so as not to disturb God. However, one day some Baka began to make noise in the forest and God punished them by turning them into wild animals. Noise that is associated with logging is therefore directly related to their religion and has a severe impact.<ref name = "Robinson"/> For the forest societies of Southern Cameroon, the moabi tree plays a crucial role for medicine, food, culture and economic value and people often resist its logging. Deceased bodies were traditionally placed at the bottom of the tree and left to decompose, rendering the tree a totem that embodied the power of the ancestor. More than 50 medicines can be made using the leaves, roots, sap and bark including treatments against painful menstruation, vaginal infections and postnatal care.<ref name = "fem"/> Fruits are consumed while seeds produce oil for consumption and sale, which is controlled almost exclusively by women from collection to commercialization. <ref name = "Robinson"/>

==Initiatives to Combat Illegal Logging==
Although progress in combating illegal logging remains slow, there are initiatives in place that attempt to mitigate this problem. Cameroon agreed to join the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES) in 1999, which includes protecting and monitoring the trade of two tree species - Pericopsis elata and Prunus africana.<ref>Forest Legality Alliance (2012). Cameroon laws and regulations. Retrieved from http://www.forestlegality.org/risk-tool/country/cameroon-0</ref> Since 2012, there have been reports of improved forest governance with the implementation of sanctions against violators of national laws. For instanace, it was reported that 27 forest exploitation companies had been suspended in 2012 and 7 others in 2014 for operating with incorrect licenses.<ref name = "China"/> Greenpeace Africa has also been pushing the government of Cameroon to hold independent and transparent audits of the Compagnie de Commerce et de Transport (CCT), who has a reputation for engaging in highly illegal and destructive practices, such as logging several kilometers outside of their legal logging titled area. They are pushing for proper sanctions when illegal activities have been confirmed as well as audits that will help to trace timber generated from illegal activities. <ref name = "Greenpeace2"/> Timber from Cameroon is also coming under increased scrutiny in international markets, with Europe being the largest consumer of timber that is suspected to be sourced illegally. In 2010, Cameroon signed a Voluntary Partnership Agreement (VPA) with the European Union (EU) which aims to strengthen forest governance, promote Cameroon's timber products and improve Cameroon's competitiveness in the international market. It also encourages investment in sustainable forest management and strengthens the capacity of forest stakeholders.<ref>EU FLEGT Facility (2014). VPA Countries:Cameroon. Retrieved from http://www.euflegt.efi.int/cameroon</ref> The country has been engaged with REDD+ since 2005, part of which aims to curb deforestation that is often linked with illegal logging.<ref>The REDD Desk (2013). REDD in Cameroon. Retrieved from http://theredddesk.org/countries/cameroon</ref>

==Reflections and Recommendations==
Illegal logging is a widespread and complicated issue throughout Cameroon. Although the government has attempted to make progress in combating this issue, evidence suggests that such commitments may be made to please international donors while implementing effective solutions on the ground level is still an ongoing challenge. Steps to move forward should include much more transparency in the entire process of forest governance, and accountability for those who operate illegally. Strengthening institutions in terms of staff, funding and organization would also be beneficial, while de-centralizing services would make it easier for remote groups to get support and assistance with issues relating to forest management. Community involvement in the decision making process, especially from Indigenous groups, may help to mitigate some of these issues and start to build trust and cooperation between local groups and the state. Since more than half of all illegal logging is done by the informal sector, it is important to address poverty and meeting the energy needs of local groups which are driving factors behind much of the illegal timber harvesting. Combating poverty would also decrease dependence on foreign investment to provide services that increase the standard of living for Cameroonians. Recognizing land tenure insecurities and customary rights would further help to decrease conflicts and competing claims over land and encourage sustainable management of forest resources. More responsibility should also be shifted onto consumers. The international demand for certain species drives illegal logging, yet many nations continue to import timber that is likely to be derived from illegal sources. Increasing transparency in the supply chain and imposing sanctions may help to pressure the government of Cameroon to effectively monitor the forestry sector.

==References==
<references/>

[[Category:FRST522]]

Open Case Studies/FRST522/Ghana

2017-05-14T19:06:43Z

JenniferMansour: /* My Take on Illegal Logging in Ghana */

[[File:Koh Kong logging.JPG|thumbnail|Illegal logging in Action]]
== Illegal logging in Ghana:the cut and run affair by Grace Sarbeng ==

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=j-aqt5T3j4I
{{#widget:YouTube|id=j-aqt5T3j4I|height=315|width=420}}

== Introduction ==
The country Ghana lies on the coast of the Gulf of Guinea with a population of about 26.79 millions and covers a total land area of approximately 22.75 million hectares <ref name = "SOFO"/>. With a forest cover of about 41%, the forestry sector contributed to 3.38 percent of the country’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in 2011. As a net exporter of forest products, the value of forest product exported in the year 2013 was worth US$283.2 million <ref name= "SOFO" >United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization. (2016). State of the World’s Forests 2016.
Forests and agriculture: land-use challenges and opportunities. Rome.</ref> However, illegal logging, enabled by poor forest governance and driven in part by trade, is a major contributor to deforestation in the country. <ref name="Osei"> Osie-Tutu, P. (2010). Hidden forestry revealed: Characteristics, constraints and opportunities for small and medium forest enterprises in Ghana(No. 27). IIED.</ref> Illegal logging has no internationally agreed definition. However, Brack (2007) defines it as harvesting, transporting, buying or selling timber in violation of national laws” (insert reference).

== Framing the Problem: A Forestry Perspective ==
Over the past decade, Illegal logging has become an issue of local, regional and global concern. It is therefore not surprising that both local (producers) and international bodies (consumers) are jointly fighting against this menace. Globally, it is estimated that illegal logging takes place in about 70 countries, most of which are tropical and developing <ref name = "Toyne" > Toyne P., O’Brien, C., & Nelson, R. (2002). The timber footprint of the G8 and China: Making the case for green procurement by government. WWF International, Version, 2. </ref> Ghana happens to be one of the developing countries endowed with rich tropical forest and the country is currently combating illegal logging through various national and international initiatives. A study conducted by Hansen & Treue revealed that illegal logging in Ghana is primarily confined to the most valuable species and to the permanent forest estate. According to them, 2.3 to 2.7 million m3 (70%) of timber is harvested illegally. The major actors in this illegal business are the chainsaw operators, who basically fell to meet domestic lumber demand, accounting for two-thirds and the timber export industries accounting for one-third of the illegal harvest <ref name="Hansen" >Hansen, C. P., & Treue, T. (2008). Assessing illegal logging in Ghana. International Forestry Review, 10(4), 573-590.</ref>

== Framing the Problem: Layering Perspectives ==
The description above describes illegal logging in Ghana from the perspective of a forestry student. In this section we welcome contributions from other perspectives. Those interested in contributing to this case study may use the following questions as a guide:
#How do scholars and professionals outside of forestry conceptualize the practice of illegal logging in Ghana?
#What are other possible ways of framing this problem?
#What special expertise, resources, or theoretical orientations might others bring to help us understand this phenomenon better?

== Historical Context ==
Prior to colonial rule, the forests in Ghana were owned in common by communities (families, clans and ‘stools). However, the country’s Forest Ordinance of 1927 gave authority to the colonial government to reserve part of the country’s forest <ref name="Owubah"> Owubah, C. E., Le Master, D. C., Bowker, J. M., & Lee, J. G. (2001). Forest tenure systems and sustainable forest management: the case of Ghana. Forest Ecology and Management, 149(1), 253-264.2001).</ref> As a result of that, a majority of Ghana’s forests is in public ownership: this means that forests are owned by the people and managed and controlled by the government for the benefit of the people and in the public interest <ref name = "SOFO"/>. This implies that local people, including fringe communities, are entitled to an equitable share of the economic rent from the exploitation of forest resources including timber. However, this is mostly not the case as people who live close to forests tend to be generally poor and do not benefit from its timber exploitation as set out in the Constitution <ref name="Wiggins">Wiggins, S., Marfo, K., & Anchirinah, V. (2004). Protecting the forest or the people? Environmental policies and livelihoods in the forest margins of Southern Ghana. World Development, 32(11), 1939-1955.</ref> This has resulted in lots of conflicts as local communities encroach upon forest lands to engage in agricultural activities for income generation <ref name="Angelsen">Angelsen, A., & Kaimowitz, D. (1999). Rethinking the causes of deforestation: lessons from economic models. The World Bank research observer, 14(1), 73-98.</ref> The high prevalence of illegal activities (logging, mining, and farming) in the Atewa Range Forest Reserve of Ghana, for example, is one example. Local people who engage in various illegal activities in the forest explained that they do not have alternative sources of livelihoods as their land has been taken by fiat under the principle of eminent domain by the state, leaving them with no option than to encroach to earn a living.

== Implications: A Forestry Persective==
==== Environmental and Economic ====
Since its existence, illegal logging has mostly had negative consequences on nature and society in diverse ways. Illegal logging accounts for a greater percentage of forest degradation and deforestation, which in turn reduce biodiversity and ecosystem services provided by forests.<ref name="Curran">Curran, L. M., Trigg, S. N., McDonald, A. K., Astiani, D., Hardiono, Y. M., Siregar, P. & Kasischke, E. (2004). Lowland forest loss in protected areas of Indonesian Borneo. Science, 303 (5660), 1000-1003</ref>. Secondly, government loses substantial amount of revenue to this illegal activity. According to The World Bank (2004), about US$ 5 billion of government revenue is lost globally each year because of illegal forest activities. <ref name="Brack">Brack, D. (2007). Illegal logging. Briefing paper. Chatham House, London, United Kingdom. 4 pp.</ref> Brack (2007) added that the market value of products resulting from illegal logging exceeds US$ 15 billion annually. It is believed that developing countries battle with poverty because the money lost to illegal logging could be used for developmental projects which could reduce poverty (Hansen & Treue 2008). Also, the rule of law is undermined by the various corruption activities associated with illegal logging <ref name="Smith">Smith, J., Obidzinski, K., Subarudi, S., & Suramenggala, I. (2003). Illegal logging, collusive corruption and fragmented governments in Kalimantan, Indonesia. International Forestry Review, 5(3), 293-302.</ref> Furthermore, illegal logging depresses domestic and international forest product prices <ref name="Turner">Turner, J. A., Maplesden, F., & Johnson, S. (2007). Measuring the impacts of illegal logging. ITTO Tropical Forest Update, 17(3), 19-22.</ref>More seriously, illegal logging is likely to serve as a major funding source for armed conﬂicts and rebel groups <ref name="Kaimowitz">Kaimowitz, D. (2003). Forest law enforcement and rural livelihoods. International Forestry Review, 5(3), 199-210.</ref>

==== Social ====
Farmers with merchantable timber trees standing on their farms suffer from devastating effects of illegal logging in many cases. The Constitution grants fringe communities ownership to merchantable timber in off reserve areas. However, this ownership right appears to be a mirage since communities or individuals cannot fell or sell merchantable trees species without permission from the Forestry Commission of Ghana. The burdensome processes involved in requesting and being granted permission to cut merchantable tree deter individuals or communities with those tree species from acquiring felling licenses, thereby depriving them of what rightfully belongs to them<ref name="Owubah">Owubah, C. E., Le Master, D. C., Bowker, J. M., & Lee, J. G. (2001). Forest tenure systems and sustainable forest management: the case of Ghana. Forest Ecology and Management, 149(1), 253-264.</ref> One other major resentment of such communities or individuals is the damage caused to their food and cash crops by logging firms through their operations. Most often than not, farmers are not compensated by these logging firms or individuals as demanded by the Constitution. Since farmers are left out in the access and benefit sharing process and allegedly destroy valuable tree species on their farms before concessionaires have access to the trees. <ref name="Owubah"> </ref>

==== Cultural ====
Forests in Ghana play a major role in maintaining spiritual ties between man and divinity. Almost all the tribes and religious groups in Ghana acknowledge that forests provide a linkage between themselves and their deity. As a result of that many forests were set aside by different ethnic groups to serve spiritual and cultural purposes such as sacred groves, ancestral resting place (cemetery), ceremonial grounds, amongst others. However, a majority of these groups have little or no access to such cultural grounds since the government took over. This has resulted in the rise of illegal activities in such places because fringe communities no longer serve as stewards.

== Implications: Layering Perspectives ==
The description above describes the implications from illegal logging in Ghana from the perspective of a forestry student. In this section we welcome contributions from other perspectives. Those interested in contributing to this case study may use the following questions as a guide:
#How could someone from a different discipline or profession add to the implications above?
#What other implications become apparent when illegal logging is viewed through the lens of other disciplines and professions?
#What special expertise, resources, or theoretical orientations might others bring to help us better understand the implications associated with illegal logging in Ghana?

== Initiatives to Combat Illegal Logging ==
Government’s effort to combat illegal logging at both national and international levels led to the signing of an European Union (EU)-Ghana Forest Law Enforcement, Governance and Trade (FLEGT) Voluntary Partnership Agreement (VPA) in the year 2009 <ref name="Tropenbos"> Tropenbos International Ghana (2015). Understanding Ghana’s Timber Legality Assurance System. Tropenbos International Ghana, Kumasi, Ghana, 25pp</ref>. The VPA aims to ensure that all timber and timber products destined for the EU market from partner countries comply with the laws of their respective countries. In addition to promoting trade in legal timber, VPAs address the causes of illegality by improving forest governance and law enforcement. More importantly, VPAs look beyond trade to consider development and environmental issues, as well as effects on local populations. <ref name="Asare"> Asare R. A., Kyei, A., & Mason, J. J. (2013). The community resource management area mechanism: a strategy to manage African forest resources for REDD+. Phil. Trans. R. Soc. B, 368(1625), 20120311</ref> To fully meet the legality assurance aspect of the VPA, the government has to tackle chainsaw milling activities from all angles <ref name="Tropenbos"> </ref>. This is partly due to the fact that it is suspected and supported by some evidence (TIDD/ FORIG 2009) that some timber processed through chainsaw operations finds its way to sawmills for reprocessing and to the export market <ref name="Marfo">Marfo, E. (2010). Chainsaw milling in Ghana: context, drivers and impacts. Wageningen: Tropenbos International.</ref> Another initiative by Ghana Wildlife Division, an arm of the Forestry Commission, is the Community Resource Management Area (CREMA) mechanism which aims at supporting community resource management in off-reserve (un-gazetted) lands for economic and livelihood benefits. It provides the conditions and rules that enable communities to benefit from sustainable natural resource use and as such promotes community rights and local ownership. Additionally, the CREMA has the potential to help solve many of the key challenges for REDD+ in Africa, including definition of boundaries, smallholder aggregation, meeting the Free Prior and Informed Consent guideline, ensuring permanence, preventing leakage, clarifying land tenure and carbon rights, as well as enabling equitable benefit-sharing arrangements. Although the CREMA concept officially emerged from the 1994 Forest and Wildlife Policy, it took the better part of a decade for communities to put it into action<ref name="Asare"> R. A., Kyei, A., & Mason, J. J. (2013). The community resource management area mechanism: a strategy to manage African forest resources for REDD+. Phil. Trans. R. Soc. B, 368(1625), 20120311.</ref>

== Recommendations: A Forestry Perspective ==
Rural communities are pivotal in the conservation and management of forest resources. Therefore the forest governance structure should be revised to include rural communities in the decision making and co-management processes. Also land and tree tenure rights on State owned lands as well as communal and leasehold lands should be reviewed. This would enhance stakeholder understanding of decision making and benefit sharing which both come with responsibilities. Again, a fair and transparent benefit sharing structure should be designed to ensure equitable access and benefit sharing. According to the U.N. Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, Indigenous Peoples have the right to self-determination and shall not be relocated (or subjected to other types of activities or transactions) without free, prior and informed consent. Therefore fringe communities must have knowledge of the proposed projects and must give their consent openly and freely. It is valuable because it helps to inform community members, identify problems ahead of time and find alternative solutions.<ref name="Arhin">,Arhin A. A. (2014). Safeguards and dangerguards: a framework for unpacking the black box of safeguards for REDD+. Forest Policy and Economics, 45, 24-31.</ref>

== Recommendations: Layering Perspectives ==
What recommendations might someone from another discipline or profession make to combat the issue of illegal logging in Ghana? Examples might include:
* Law
* Geography
* Environmental Science
* Social Justice
* Economics
* History
* Anthropology
* Philosophy

=== References ===

<references/>

[[Category:FRST522]]

Open Case Studies/FRST522/Ghana

2017-05-14T19:04:59Z

JenniferMansour: /* Initiatives to Combat Illegal Logging */

[[File:Koh Kong logging.JPG|thumbnail|Illegal logging in Action]]
== Illegal logging in Ghana:the cut and run affair by Grace Sarbeng ==

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=j-aqt5T3j4I
{{#widget:YouTube|id=j-aqt5T3j4I|height=315|width=420}}

== Introduction ==
The country Ghana lies on the coast of the Gulf of Guinea with a population of about 26.79 millions and covers a total land area of approximately 22.75 million hectares <ref name = "SOFO"/>. With a forest cover of about 41%, the forestry sector contributed to 3.38 percent of the country’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in 2011. As a net exporter of forest products, the value of forest product exported in the year 2013 was worth US$283.2 million <ref name= "SOFO" >United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization. (2016). State of the World’s Forests 2016.
Forests and agriculture: land-use challenges and opportunities. Rome.</ref> However, illegal logging, enabled by poor forest governance and driven in part by trade, is a major contributor to deforestation in the country. <ref name="Osei"> Osie-Tutu, P. (2010). Hidden forestry revealed: Characteristics, constraints and opportunities for small and medium forest enterprises in Ghana(No. 27). IIED.</ref> Illegal logging has no internationally agreed definition. However, Brack (2007) defines it as harvesting, transporting, buying or selling timber in violation of national laws” (insert reference).

== Framing the Problem: A Forestry Perspective ==
Over the past decade, Illegal logging has become an issue of local, regional and global concern. It is therefore not surprising that both local (producers) and international bodies (consumers) are jointly fighting against this menace. Globally, it is estimated that illegal logging takes place in about 70 countries, most of which are tropical and developing <ref name = "Toyne" > Toyne P., O’Brien, C., & Nelson, R. (2002). The timber footprint of the G8 and China: Making the case for green procurement by government. WWF International, Version, 2. </ref> Ghana happens to be one of the developing countries endowed with rich tropical forest and the country is currently combating illegal logging through various national and international initiatives. A study conducted by Hansen & Treue revealed that illegal logging in Ghana is primarily confined to the most valuable species and to the permanent forest estate. According to them, 2.3 to 2.7 million m3 (70%) of timber is harvested illegally. The major actors in this illegal business are the chainsaw operators, who basically fell to meet domestic lumber demand, accounting for two-thirds and the timber export industries accounting for one-third of the illegal harvest <ref name="Hansen" >Hansen, C. P., & Treue, T. (2008). Assessing illegal logging in Ghana. International Forestry Review, 10(4), 573-590.</ref>

== Framing the Problem: Layering Perspectives ==
The description above describes illegal logging in Ghana from the perspective of a forestry student. In this section we welcome contributions from other perspectives. Those interested in contributing to this case study may use the following questions as a guide:
#How do scholars and professionals outside of forestry conceptualize the practice of illegal logging in Ghana?
#What are other possible ways of framing this problem?
#What special expertise, resources, or theoretical orientations might others bring to help us understand this phenomenon better?

== Historical Context ==
Prior to colonial rule, the forests in Ghana were owned in common by communities (families, clans and ‘stools). However, the country’s Forest Ordinance of 1927 gave authority to the colonial government to reserve part of the country’s forest <ref name="Owubah"> Owubah, C. E., Le Master, D. C., Bowker, J. M., & Lee, J. G. (2001). Forest tenure systems and sustainable forest management: the case of Ghana. Forest Ecology and Management, 149(1), 253-264.2001).</ref> As a result of that, a majority of Ghana’s forests is in public ownership: this means that forests are owned by the people and managed and controlled by the government for the benefit of the people and in the public interest <ref name = "SOFO"/>. This implies that local people, including fringe communities, are entitled to an equitable share of the economic rent from the exploitation of forest resources including timber. However, this is mostly not the case as people who live close to forests tend to be generally poor and do not benefit from its timber exploitation as set out in the Constitution <ref name="Wiggins">Wiggins, S., Marfo, K., & Anchirinah, V. (2004). Protecting the forest or the people? Environmental policies and livelihoods in the forest margins of Southern Ghana. World Development, 32(11), 1939-1955.</ref> This has resulted in lots of conflicts as local communities encroach upon forest lands to engage in agricultural activities for income generation <ref name="Angelsen">Angelsen, A., & Kaimowitz, D. (1999). Rethinking the causes of deforestation: lessons from economic models. The World Bank research observer, 14(1), 73-98.</ref> The high prevalence of illegal activities (logging, mining, and farming) in the Atewa Range Forest Reserve of Ghana, for example, is one example. Local people who engage in various illegal activities in the forest explained that they do not have alternative sources of livelihoods as their land has been taken by fiat under the principle of eminent domain by the state, leaving them with no option than to encroach to earn a living.

== Implications: A Forestry Persective==
==== Environmental and Economic ====
Since its existence, illegal logging has mostly had negative consequences on nature and society in diverse ways. Illegal logging accounts for a greater percentage of forest degradation and deforestation, which in turn reduce biodiversity and ecosystem services provided by forests.<ref name="Curran">Curran, L. M., Trigg, S. N., McDonald, A. K., Astiani, D., Hardiono, Y. M., Siregar, P. & Kasischke, E. (2004). Lowland forest loss in protected areas of Indonesian Borneo. Science, 303 (5660), 1000-1003</ref>. Secondly, government loses substantial amount of revenue to this illegal activity. According to The World Bank (2004), about US$ 5 billion of government revenue is lost globally each year because of illegal forest activities. <ref name="Brack">Brack, D. (2007). Illegal logging. Briefing paper. Chatham House, London, United Kingdom. 4 pp.</ref> Brack (2007) added that the market value of products resulting from illegal logging exceeds US$ 15 billion annually. It is believed that developing countries battle with poverty because the money lost to illegal logging could be used for developmental projects which could reduce poverty (Hansen & Treue 2008). Also, the rule of law is undermined by the various corruption activities associated with illegal logging <ref name="Smith">Smith, J., Obidzinski, K., Subarudi, S., & Suramenggala, I. (2003). Illegal logging, collusive corruption and fragmented governments in Kalimantan, Indonesia. International Forestry Review, 5(3), 293-302.</ref> Furthermore, illegal logging depresses domestic and international forest product prices <ref name="Turner">Turner, J. A., Maplesden, F., & Johnson, S. (2007). Measuring the impacts of illegal logging. ITTO Tropical Forest Update, 17(3), 19-22.</ref>More seriously, illegal logging is likely to serve as a major funding source for armed conﬂicts and rebel groups <ref name="Kaimowitz">Kaimowitz, D. (2003). Forest law enforcement and rural livelihoods. International Forestry Review, 5(3), 199-210.</ref>

==== Social ====
Farmers with merchantable timber trees standing on their farms suffer from devastating effects of illegal logging in many cases. The Constitution grants fringe communities ownership to merchantable timber in off reserve areas. However, this ownership right appears to be a mirage since communities or individuals cannot fell or sell merchantable trees species without permission from the Forestry Commission of Ghana. The burdensome processes involved in requesting and being granted permission to cut merchantable tree deter individuals or communities with those tree species from acquiring felling licenses, thereby depriving them of what rightfully belongs to them<ref name="Owubah">Owubah, C. E., Le Master, D. C., Bowker, J. M., & Lee, J. G. (2001). Forest tenure systems and sustainable forest management: the case of Ghana. Forest Ecology and Management, 149(1), 253-264.</ref> One other major resentment of such communities or individuals is the damage caused to their food and cash crops by logging firms through their operations. Most often than not, farmers are not compensated by these logging firms or individuals as demanded by the Constitution. Since farmers are left out in the access and benefit sharing process and allegedly destroy valuable tree species on their farms before concessionaires have access to the trees. <ref name="Owubah"> </ref>

==== Cultural ====
Forests in Ghana play a major role in maintaining spiritual ties between man and divinity. Almost all the tribes and religious groups in Ghana acknowledge that forests provide a linkage between themselves and their deity. As a result of that many forests were set aside by different ethnic groups to serve spiritual and cultural purposes such as sacred groves, ancestral resting place (cemetery), ceremonial grounds, amongst others. However, a majority of these groups have little or no access to such cultural grounds since the government took over. This has resulted in the rise of illegal activities in such places because fringe communities no longer serve as stewards.

== Implications: Layering Perspectives ==
The description above describes the implications from illegal logging in Ghana from the perspective of a forestry student. In this section we welcome contributions from other perspectives. Those interested in contributing to this case study may use the following questions as a guide:
#How could someone from a different discipline or profession add to the implications above?
#What other implications become apparent when illegal logging is viewed through the lens of other disciplines and professions?
#What special expertise, resources, or theoretical orientations might others bring to help us better understand the implications associated with illegal logging in Ghana?

== Initiatives to Combat Illegal Logging ==
Government’s effort to combat illegal logging at both national and international levels led to the signing of an European Union (EU)-Ghana Forest Law Enforcement, Governance and Trade (FLEGT) Voluntary Partnership Agreement (VPA) in the year 2009 <ref name="Tropenbos"> Tropenbos International Ghana (2015). Understanding Ghana’s Timber Legality Assurance System. Tropenbos International Ghana, Kumasi, Ghana, 25pp</ref>. The VPA aims to ensure that all timber and timber products destined for the EU market from partner countries comply with the laws of their respective countries. In addition to promoting trade in legal timber, VPAs address the causes of illegality by improving forest governance and law enforcement. More importantly, VPAs look beyond trade to consider development and environmental issues, as well as effects on local populations. <ref name="Asare"> Asare R. A., Kyei, A., & Mason, J. J. (2013). The community resource management area mechanism: a strategy to manage African forest resources for REDD+. Phil. Trans. R. Soc. B, 368(1625), 20120311</ref> To fully meet the legality assurance aspect of the VPA, the government has to tackle chainsaw milling activities from all angles <ref name="Tropenbos"> </ref>. This is partly due to the fact that it is suspected and supported by some evidence (TIDD/ FORIG 2009) that some timber processed through chainsaw operations finds its way to sawmills for reprocessing and to the export market <ref name="Marfo">Marfo, E. (2010). Chainsaw milling in Ghana: context, drivers and impacts. Wageningen: Tropenbos International.</ref> Another initiative by Ghana Wildlife Division, an arm of the Forestry Commission, is the Community Resource Management Area (CREMA) mechanism which aims at supporting community resource management in off-reserve (un-gazetted) lands for economic and livelihood benefits. It provides the conditions and rules that enable communities to benefit from sustainable natural resource use and as such promotes community rights and local ownership. Additionally, the CREMA has the potential to help solve many of the key challenges for REDD+ in Africa, including definition of boundaries, smallholder aggregation, meeting the Free Prior and Informed Consent guideline, ensuring permanence, preventing leakage, clarifying land tenure and carbon rights, as well as enabling equitable benefit-sharing arrangements. Although the CREMA concept officially emerged from the 1994 Forest and Wildlife Policy, it took the better part of a decade for communities to put it into action<ref name="Asare"> R. A., Kyei, A., & Mason, J. J. (2013). The community resource management area mechanism: a strategy to manage African forest resources for REDD+. Phil. Trans. R. Soc. B, 368(1625), 20120311.</ref>

=== My Take on Illegal Logging in Ghana ===
Rural communities are pivotal in the conservation and management of forest resources. Therefore the forest governance structure should be revised to include rural communities in the decision making and co-management processes. Also land and tree tenure rights on State owned lands as well as communal and leasehold lands should be reviewed. This would enhance stakeholder understanding of decision making and benefit sharing which both come with responsibilities. Again, a fair and transparent benefit sharing structure should be designed to ensure equitable access and benefit sharing. According to the U.N. Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, Indigenous Peoples have the right to self-determination and shall not be relocated (or subjected to other types of activities or transactions) without free, prior and informed consent. Therefore fringe communities must have knowledge of the proposed projects and must give their consent openly and freely. It is valuable because it helps to inform community members, identify problems ahead of time and find alternative solutions.<ref name="Arhin">,Arhin A. A. (2014). Safeguards and dangerguards: a framework for unpacking the black box of safeguards for REDD+. Forest Policy and Economics, 45, 24-31.</ref>

=== References ===

<references/>

[[Category:FRST522]]

Open Case Studies/FRST522/Ghana

2017-05-14T19:04:37Z

JenniferMansour: /* Implications */

[[File:Koh Kong logging.JPG|thumbnail|Illegal logging in Action]]
== Illegal logging in Ghana:the cut and run affair by Grace Sarbeng ==

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=j-aqt5T3j4I
{{#widget:YouTube|id=j-aqt5T3j4I|height=315|width=420}}

== Introduction ==
The country Ghana lies on the coast of the Gulf of Guinea with a population of about 26.79 millions and covers a total land area of approximately 22.75 million hectares <ref name = "SOFO"/>. With a forest cover of about 41%, the forestry sector contributed to 3.38 percent of the country’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in 2011. As a net exporter of forest products, the value of forest product exported in the year 2013 was worth US$283.2 million <ref name= "SOFO" >United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization. (2016). State of the World’s Forests 2016.
Forests and agriculture: land-use challenges and opportunities. Rome.</ref> However, illegal logging, enabled by poor forest governance and driven in part by trade, is a major contributor to deforestation in the country. <ref name="Osei"> Osie-Tutu, P. (2010). Hidden forestry revealed: Characteristics, constraints and opportunities for small and medium forest enterprises in Ghana(No. 27). IIED.</ref> Illegal logging has no internationally agreed definition. However, Brack (2007) defines it as harvesting, transporting, buying or selling timber in violation of national laws” (insert reference).

== Framing the Problem: A Forestry Perspective ==
Over the past decade, Illegal logging has become an issue of local, regional and global concern. It is therefore not surprising that both local (producers) and international bodies (consumers) are jointly fighting against this menace. Globally, it is estimated that illegal logging takes place in about 70 countries, most of which are tropical and developing <ref name = "Toyne" > Toyne P., O’Brien, C., & Nelson, R. (2002). The timber footprint of the G8 and China: Making the case for green procurement by government. WWF International, Version, 2. </ref> Ghana happens to be one of the developing countries endowed with rich tropical forest and the country is currently combating illegal logging through various national and international initiatives. A study conducted by Hansen & Treue revealed that illegal logging in Ghana is primarily confined to the most valuable species and to the permanent forest estate. According to them, 2.3 to 2.7 million m3 (70%) of timber is harvested illegally. The major actors in this illegal business are the chainsaw operators, who basically fell to meet domestic lumber demand, accounting for two-thirds and the timber export industries accounting for one-third of the illegal harvest <ref name="Hansen" >Hansen, C. P., & Treue, T. (2008). Assessing illegal logging in Ghana. International Forestry Review, 10(4), 573-590.</ref>

== Framing the Problem: Layering Perspectives ==
The description above describes illegal logging in Ghana from the perspective of a forestry student. In this section we welcome contributions from other perspectives. Those interested in contributing to this case study may use the following questions as a guide:
#How do scholars and professionals outside of forestry conceptualize the practice of illegal logging in Ghana?
#What are other possible ways of framing this problem?
#What special expertise, resources, or theoretical orientations might others bring to help us understand this phenomenon better?

== Historical Context ==
Prior to colonial rule, the forests in Ghana were owned in common by communities (families, clans and ‘stools). However, the country’s Forest Ordinance of 1927 gave authority to the colonial government to reserve part of the country’s forest <ref name="Owubah"> Owubah, C. E., Le Master, D. C., Bowker, J. M., & Lee, J. G. (2001). Forest tenure systems and sustainable forest management: the case of Ghana. Forest Ecology and Management, 149(1), 253-264.2001).</ref> As a result of that, a majority of Ghana’s forests is in public ownership: this means that forests are owned by the people and managed and controlled by the government for the benefit of the people and in the public interest <ref name = "SOFO"/>. This implies that local people, including fringe communities, are entitled to an equitable share of the economic rent from the exploitation of forest resources including timber. However, this is mostly not the case as people who live close to forests tend to be generally poor and do not benefit from its timber exploitation as set out in the Constitution <ref name="Wiggins">Wiggins, S., Marfo, K., & Anchirinah, V. (2004). Protecting the forest or the people? Environmental policies and livelihoods in the forest margins of Southern Ghana. World Development, 32(11), 1939-1955.</ref> This has resulted in lots of conflicts as local communities encroach upon forest lands to engage in agricultural activities for income generation <ref name="Angelsen">Angelsen, A., & Kaimowitz, D. (1999). Rethinking the causes of deforestation: lessons from economic models. The World Bank research observer, 14(1), 73-98.</ref> The high prevalence of illegal activities (logging, mining, and farming) in the Atewa Range Forest Reserve of Ghana, for example, is one example. Local people who engage in various illegal activities in the forest explained that they do not have alternative sources of livelihoods as their land has been taken by fiat under the principle of eminent domain by the state, leaving them with no option than to encroach to earn a living.

== Implications: A Forestry Persective==
==== Environmental and Economic ====
Since its existence, illegal logging has mostly had negative consequences on nature and society in diverse ways. Illegal logging accounts for a greater percentage of forest degradation and deforestation, which in turn reduce biodiversity and ecosystem services provided by forests.<ref name="Curran">Curran, L. M., Trigg, S. N., McDonald, A. K., Astiani, D., Hardiono, Y. M., Siregar, P. & Kasischke, E. (2004). Lowland forest loss in protected areas of Indonesian Borneo. Science, 303 (5660), 1000-1003</ref>. Secondly, government loses substantial amount of revenue to this illegal activity. According to The World Bank (2004), about US$ 5 billion of government revenue is lost globally each year because of illegal forest activities. <ref name="Brack">Brack, D. (2007). Illegal logging. Briefing paper. Chatham House, London, United Kingdom. 4 pp.</ref> Brack (2007) added that the market value of products resulting from illegal logging exceeds US$ 15 billion annually. It is believed that developing countries battle with poverty because the money lost to illegal logging could be used for developmental projects which could reduce poverty (Hansen & Treue 2008). Also, the rule of law is undermined by the various corruption activities associated with illegal logging <ref name="Smith">Smith, J., Obidzinski, K., Subarudi, S., & Suramenggala, I. (2003). Illegal logging, collusive corruption and fragmented governments in Kalimantan, Indonesia. International Forestry Review, 5(3), 293-302.</ref> Furthermore, illegal logging depresses domestic and international forest product prices <ref name="Turner">Turner, J. A., Maplesden, F., & Johnson, S. (2007). Measuring the impacts of illegal logging. ITTO Tropical Forest Update, 17(3), 19-22.</ref>More seriously, illegal logging is likely to serve as a major funding source for armed conﬂicts and rebel groups <ref name="Kaimowitz">Kaimowitz, D. (2003). Forest law enforcement and rural livelihoods. International Forestry Review, 5(3), 199-210.</ref>

==== Social ====
Farmers with merchantable timber trees standing on their farms suffer from devastating effects of illegal logging in many cases. The Constitution grants fringe communities ownership to merchantable timber in off reserve areas. However, this ownership right appears to be a mirage since communities or individuals cannot fell or sell merchantable trees species without permission from the Forestry Commission of Ghana. The burdensome processes involved in requesting and being granted permission to cut merchantable tree deter individuals or communities with those tree species from acquiring felling licenses, thereby depriving them of what rightfully belongs to them<ref name="Owubah">Owubah, C. E., Le Master, D. C., Bowker, J. M., & Lee, J. G. (2001). Forest tenure systems and sustainable forest management: the case of Ghana. Forest Ecology and Management, 149(1), 253-264.</ref> One other major resentment of such communities or individuals is the damage caused to their food and cash crops by logging firms through their operations. Most often than not, farmers are not compensated by these logging firms or individuals as demanded by the Constitution. Since farmers are left out in the access and benefit sharing process and allegedly destroy valuable tree species on their farms before concessionaires have access to the trees. <ref name="Owubah"> </ref>

==== Cultural ====
Forests in Ghana play a major role in maintaining spiritual ties between man and divinity. Almost all the tribes and religious groups in Ghana acknowledge that forests provide a linkage between themselves and their deity. As a result of that many forests were set aside by different ethnic groups to serve spiritual and cultural purposes such as sacred groves, ancestral resting place (cemetery), ceremonial grounds, amongst others. However, a majority of these groups have little or no access to such cultural grounds since the government took over. This has resulted in the rise of illegal activities in such places because fringe communities no longer serve as stewards.

== Implications: Layering Perspectives ==
The description above describes the implications from illegal logging in Ghana from the perspective of a forestry student. In this section we welcome contributions from other perspectives. Those interested in contributing to this case study may use the following questions as a guide:
#How could someone from a different discipline or profession add to the implications above?
#What other implications become apparent when illegal logging is viewed through the lens of other disciplines and professions?
#What special expertise, resources, or theoretical orientations might others bring to help us better understand the implications associated with illegal logging in Ghana?

=== Initiatives to Combat Illegal Logging ===
Government’s effort to combat illegal logging at both national and international levels led to the signing of an European Union (EU)-Ghana Forest Law Enforcement, Governance and Trade (FLEGT) Voluntary Partnership Agreement (VPA) in the year 2009 <ref name="Tropenbos"> Tropenbos International Ghana (2015). Understanding Ghana’s Timber Legality Assurance System. Tropenbos International Ghana, Kumasi, Ghana, 25pp</ref>. The VPA aims to ensure that all timber and timber products destined for the EU market from partner countries comply with the laws of their respective countries. In addition to promoting trade in legal timber, VPAs address the causes of illegality by improving forest governance and law enforcement. More importantly, VPAs look beyond trade to consider development and environmental issues, as well as effects on local populations. <ref name="Asare"> Asare R. A., Kyei, A., & Mason, J. J. (2013). The community resource management area mechanism: a strategy to manage African forest resources for REDD+. Phil. Trans. R. Soc. B, 368(1625), 20120311</ref> To fully meet the legality assurance aspect of the VPA, the government has to tackle chainsaw milling activities from all angles <ref name="Tropenbos"> </ref>. This is partly due to the fact that it is suspected and supported by some evidence (TIDD/ FORIG 2009) that some timber processed through chainsaw operations finds its way to sawmills for reprocessing and to the export market <ref name="Marfo">Marfo, E. (2010). Chainsaw milling in Ghana: context, drivers and impacts. Wageningen: Tropenbos International.</ref> Another initiative by Ghana Wildlife Division, an arm of the Forestry Commission, is the Community Resource Management Area (CREMA) mechanism which aims at supporting community resource management in off-reserve (un-gazetted) lands for economic and livelihood benefits. It provides the conditions and rules that enable communities to benefit from sustainable natural resource use and as such promotes community rights and local ownership. Additionally, the CREMA has the potential to help solve many of the key challenges for REDD+ in Africa, including definition of boundaries, smallholder aggregation, meeting the Free Prior and Informed Consent guideline, ensuring permanence, preventing leakage, clarifying land tenure and carbon rights, as well as enabling equitable benefit-sharing arrangements. Although the CREMA concept officially emerged from the 1994 Forest and Wildlife Policy, it took the better part of a decade for communities to put it into action<ref name="Asare"> R. A., Kyei, A., & Mason, J. J. (2013). The community resource management area mechanism: a strategy to manage African forest resources for REDD+. Phil. Trans. R. Soc. B, 368(1625), 20120311.</ref>

=== My Take on Illegal Logging in Ghana ===
Rural communities are pivotal in the conservation and management of forest resources. Therefore the forest governance structure should be revised to include rural communities in the decision making and co-management processes. Also land and tree tenure rights on State owned lands as well as communal and leasehold lands should be reviewed. This would enhance stakeholder understanding of decision making and benefit sharing which both come with responsibilities. Again, a fair and transparent benefit sharing structure should be designed to ensure equitable access and benefit sharing. According to the U.N. Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, Indigenous Peoples have the right to self-determination and shall not be relocated (or subjected to other types of activities or transactions) without free, prior and informed consent. Therefore fringe communities must have knowledge of the proposed projects and must give their consent openly and freely. It is valuable because it helps to inform community members, identify problems ahead of time and find alternative solutions.<ref name="Arhin">,Arhin A. A. (2014). Safeguards and dangerguards: a framework for unpacking the black box of safeguards for REDD+. Forest Policy and Economics, 45, 24-31.</ref>

=== References ===

<references/>

[[Category:FRST522]]

Open Case Studies/FRST522/Ghana

2017-05-14T19:03:07Z

JenniferMansour: /* Historical Context */

[[File:Koh Kong logging.JPG|thumbnail|Illegal logging in Action]]
== Illegal logging in Ghana:the cut and run affair by Grace Sarbeng ==

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=j-aqt5T3j4I
{{#widget:YouTube|id=j-aqt5T3j4I|height=315|width=420}}

== Introduction ==
The country Ghana lies on the coast of the Gulf of Guinea with a population of about 26.79 millions and covers a total land area of approximately 22.75 million hectares <ref name = "SOFO"/>. With a forest cover of about 41%, the forestry sector contributed to 3.38 percent of the country’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in 2011. As a net exporter of forest products, the value of forest product exported in the year 2013 was worth US$283.2 million <ref name= "SOFO" >United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization. (2016). State of the World’s Forests 2016.
Forests and agriculture: land-use challenges and opportunities. Rome.</ref> However, illegal logging, enabled by poor forest governance and driven in part by trade, is a major contributor to deforestation in the country. <ref name="Osei"> Osie-Tutu, P. (2010). Hidden forestry revealed: Characteristics, constraints and opportunities for small and medium forest enterprises in Ghana(No. 27). IIED.</ref> Illegal logging has no internationally agreed definition. However, Brack (2007) defines it as harvesting, transporting, buying or selling timber in violation of national laws” (insert reference).

== Framing the Problem: A Forestry Perspective ==
Over the past decade, Illegal logging has become an issue of local, regional and global concern. It is therefore not surprising that both local (producers) and international bodies (consumers) are jointly fighting against this menace. Globally, it is estimated that illegal logging takes place in about 70 countries, most of which are tropical and developing <ref name = "Toyne" > Toyne P., O’Brien, C., & Nelson, R. (2002). The timber footprint of the G8 and China: Making the case for green procurement by government. WWF International, Version, 2. </ref> Ghana happens to be one of the developing countries endowed with rich tropical forest and the country is currently combating illegal logging through various national and international initiatives. A study conducted by Hansen & Treue revealed that illegal logging in Ghana is primarily confined to the most valuable species and to the permanent forest estate. According to them, 2.3 to 2.7 million m3 (70%) of timber is harvested illegally. The major actors in this illegal business are the chainsaw operators, who basically fell to meet domestic lumber demand, accounting for two-thirds and the timber export industries accounting for one-third of the illegal harvest <ref name="Hansen" >Hansen, C. P., & Treue, T. (2008). Assessing illegal logging in Ghana. International Forestry Review, 10(4), 573-590.</ref>

== Framing the Problem: Layering Perspectives ==
The description above describes illegal logging in Ghana from the perspective of a forestry student. In this section we welcome contributions from other perspectives. Those interested in contributing to this case study may use the following questions as a guide:
#How do scholars and professionals outside of forestry conceptualize the practice of illegal logging in Ghana?
#What are other possible ways of framing this problem?
#What special expertise, resources, or theoretical orientations might others bring to help us understand this phenomenon better?

== Historical Context ==
Prior to colonial rule, the forests in Ghana were owned in common by communities (families, clans and ‘stools). However, the country’s Forest Ordinance of 1927 gave authority to the colonial government to reserve part of the country’s forest <ref name="Owubah"> Owubah, C. E., Le Master, D. C., Bowker, J. M., & Lee, J. G. (2001). Forest tenure systems and sustainable forest management: the case of Ghana. Forest Ecology and Management, 149(1), 253-264.2001).</ref> As a result of that, a majority of Ghana’s forests is in public ownership: this means that forests are owned by the people and managed and controlled by the government for the benefit of the people and in the public interest <ref name = "SOFO"/>. This implies that local people, including fringe communities, are entitled to an equitable share of the economic rent from the exploitation of forest resources including timber. However, this is mostly not the case as people who live close to forests tend to be generally poor and do not benefit from its timber exploitation as set out in the Constitution <ref name="Wiggins">Wiggins, S., Marfo, K., & Anchirinah, V. (2004). Protecting the forest or the people? Environmental policies and livelihoods in the forest margins of Southern Ghana. World Development, 32(11), 1939-1955.</ref> This has resulted in lots of conflicts as local communities encroach upon forest lands to engage in agricultural activities for income generation <ref name="Angelsen">Angelsen, A., & Kaimowitz, D. (1999). Rethinking the causes of deforestation: lessons from economic models. The World Bank research observer, 14(1), 73-98.</ref> The high prevalence of illegal activities (logging, mining, and farming) in the Atewa Range Forest Reserve of Ghana, for example, is one example. Local people who engage in various illegal activities in the forest explained that they do not have alternative sources of livelihoods as their land has been taken by fiat under the principle of eminent domain by the state, leaving them with no option than to encroach to earn a living.

=== Implications ===
==== Environmental and Economic ====
Since its existence, illegal logging has mostly had negative consequences on nature and society in diverse ways. Illegal logging accounts for a greater percentage of forest degradation and deforestation, which in turn reduce biodiversity and ecosystem services provided by forests.<ref name="Curran">Curran, L. M., Trigg, S. N., McDonald, A. K., Astiani, D., Hardiono, Y. M., Siregar, P. & Kasischke, E. (2004). Lowland forest loss in protected areas of Indonesian Borneo. Science, 303 (5660), 1000-1003</ref>. Secondly, government loses substantial amount of revenue to this illegal activity. According to The World Bank (2004), about US$ 5 billion of government revenue is lost globally each year because of illegal forest activities. <ref name="Brack">Brack, D. (2007). Illegal logging. Briefing paper. Chatham House, London, United Kingdom. 4 pp.</ref> Brack (2007) added that the market value of products resulting from illegal logging exceeds US$ 15 billion annually. It is believed that developing countries battle with poverty because the money lost to illegal logging could be used for developmental projects which could reduce poverty (Hansen & Treue 2008). Also, the rule of law is undermined by the various corruption activities associated with illegal logging <ref name="Smith">Smith, J., Obidzinski, K., Subarudi, S., & Suramenggala, I. (2003). Illegal logging, collusive corruption and fragmented governments in Kalimantan, Indonesia. International Forestry Review, 5(3), 293-302.</ref> Furthermore, illegal logging depresses domestic and international forest product prices <ref name="Turner">Turner, J. A., Maplesden, F., & Johnson, S. (2007). Measuring the impacts of illegal logging. ITTO Tropical Forest Update, 17(3), 19-22.</ref>More seriously, illegal logging is likely to serve as a major funding source for armed conﬂicts and rebel groups <ref name="Kaimowitz">Kaimowitz, D. (2003). Forest law enforcement and rural livelihoods. International Forestry Review, 5(3), 199-210.</ref>

==== Social ====
Farmers with merchantable timber trees standing on their farms suffer from devastating effects of illegal logging in many cases. The Constitution grants fringe communities ownership to merchantable timber in off reserve areas. However, this ownership right appears to be a mirage since communities or individuals cannot fell or sell merchantable trees species without permission from the Forestry Commission of Ghana. The burdensome processes involved in requesting and being granted permission to cut merchantable tree deter individuals or communities with those tree species from acquiring felling licenses, thereby depriving them of what rightfully belongs to them<ref name="Owubah">Owubah, C. E., Le Master, D. C., Bowker, J. M., & Lee, J. G. (2001). Forest tenure systems and sustainable forest management: the case of Ghana. Forest Ecology and Management, 149(1), 253-264.</ref> One other major resentment of such communities or individuals is the damage caused to their food and cash crops by logging firms through their operations. Most often than not, farmers are not compensated by these logging firms or individuals as demanded by the Constitution. Since farmers are left out in the access and benefit sharing process and allegedly destroy valuable tree species on their farms before concessionaires have access to the trees. <ref name="Owubah"> </ref>

==== Cultural ====
Forests in Ghana play a major role in maintaining spiritual ties between man and divinity. Almost all the tribes and religious groups in Ghana acknowledge that forests provide a linkage between themselves and their deity. As a result of that many forests were set aside by different ethnic groups to serve spiritual and cultural purposes such as sacred groves, ancestral resting place (cemetery), ceremonial grounds, amongst others. However, a majority of these groups have little or no access to such cultural grounds since the government took over. This has resulted in the rise of illegal activities in such places because fringe communities no longer serve as stewards.

=== Initiatives to Combat Illegal Logging ===
Government’s effort to combat illegal logging at both national and international levels led to the signing of an European Union (EU)-Ghana Forest Law Enforcement, Governance and Trade (FLEGT) Voluntary Partnership Agreement (VPA) in the year 2009 <ref name="Tropenbos"> Tropenbos International Ghana (2015). Understanding Ghana’s Timber Legality Assurance System. Tropenbos International Ghana, Kumasi, Ghana, 25pp</ref>. The VPA aims to ensure that all timber and timber products destined for the EU market from partner countries comply with the laws of their respective countries. In addition to promoting trade in legal timber, VPAs address the causes of illegality by improving forest governance and law enforcement. More importantly, VPAs look beyond trade to consider development and environmental issues, as well as effects on local populations. <ref name="Asare"> Asare R. A., Kyei, A., & Mason, J. J. (2013). The community resource management area mechanism: a strategy to manage African forest resources for REDD+. Phil. Trans. R. Soc. B, 368(1625), 20120311</ref> To fully meet the legality assurance aspect of the VPA, the government has to tackle chainsaw milling activities from all angles <ref name="Tropenbos"> </ref>. This is partly due to the fact that it is suspected and supported by some evidence (TIDD/ FORIG 2009) that some timber processed through chainsaw operations finds its way to sawmills for reprocessing and to the export market <ref name="Marfo">Marfo, E. (2010). Chainsaw milling in Ghana: context, drivers and impacts. Wageningen: Tropenbos International.</ref> Another initiative by Ghana Wildlife Division, an arm of the Forestry Commission, is the Community Resource Management Area (CREMA) mechanism which aims at supporting community resource management in off-reserve (un-gazetted) lands for economic and livelihood benefits. It provides the conditions and rules that enable communities to benefit from sustainable natural resource use and as such promotes community rights and local ownership. Additionally, the CREMA has the potential to help solve many of the key challenges for REDD+ in Africa, including definition of boundaries, smallholder aggregation, meeting the Free Prior and Informed Consent guideline, ensuring permanence, preventing leakage, clarifying land tenure and carbon rights, as well as enabling equitable benefit-sharing arrangements. Although the CREMA concept officially emerged from the 1994 Forest and Wildlife Policy, it took the better part of a decade for communities to put it into action<ref name="Asare"> R. A., Kyei, A., & Mason, J. J. (2013). The community resource management area mechanism: a strategy to manage African forest resources for REDD+. Phil. Trans. R. Soc. B, 368(1625), 20120311.</ref>

=== My Take on Illegal Logging in Ghana ===
Rural communities are pivotal in the conservation and management of forest resources. Therefore the forest governance structure should be revised to include rural communities in the decision making and co-management processes. Also land and tree tenure rights on State owned lands as well as communal and leasehold lands should be reviewed. This would enhance stakeholder understanding of decision making and benefit sharing which both come with responsibilities. Again, a fair and transparent benefit sharing structure should be designed to ensure equitable access and benefit sharing. According to the U.N. Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, Indigenous Peoples have the right to self-determination and shall not be relocated (or subjected to other types of activities or transactions) without free, prior and informed consent. Therefore fringe communities must have knowledge of the proposed projects and must give their consent openly and freely. It is valuable because it helps to inform community members, identify problems ahead of time and find alternative solutions.<ref name="Arhin">,Arhin A. A. (2014). Safeguards and dangerguards: a framework for unpacking the black box of safeguards for REDD+. Forest Policy and Economics, 45, 24-31.</ref>

=== References ===

<references/>

[[Category:FRST522]]

Open Case Studies/FRST522/Ghana

2017-05-14T19:02:43Z

JenniferMansour: /* Framing the Problem */

[[File:Koh Kong logging.JPG|thumbnail|Illegal logging in Action]]
== Illegal logging in Ghana:the cut and run affair by Grace Sarbeng ==

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=j-aqt5T3j4I
{{#widget:YouTube|id=j-aqt5T3j4I|height=315|width=420}}

== Introduction ==
The country Ghana lies on the coast of the Gulf of Guinea with a population of about 26.79 millions and covers a total land area of approximately 22.75 million hectares <ref name = "SOFO"/>. With a forest cover of about 41%, the forestry sector contributed to 3.38 percent of the country’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in 2011. As a net exporter of forest products, the value of forest product exported in the year 2013 was worth US$283.2 million <ref name= "SOFO" >United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization. (2016). State of the World’s Forests 2016.
Forests and agriculture: land-use challenges and opportunities. Rome.</ref> However, illegal logging, enabled by poor forest governance and driven in part by trade, is a major contributor to deforestation in the country. <ref name="Osei"> Osie-Tutu, P. (2010). Hidden forestry revealed: Characteristics, constraints and opportunities for small and medium forest enterprises in Ghana(No. 27). IIED.</ref> Illegal logging has no internationally agreed definition. However, Brack (2007) defines it as harvesting, transporting, buying or selling timber in violation of national laws” (insert reference).

== Framing the Problem: A Forestry Perspective ==
Over the past decade, Illegal logging has become an issue of local, regional and global concern. It is therefore not surprising that both local (producers) and international bodies (consumers) are jointly fighting against this menace. Globally, it is estimated that illegal logging takes place in about 70 countries, most of which are tropical and developing <ref name = "Toyne" > Toyne P., O’Brien, C., & Nelson, R. (2002). The timber footprint of the G8 and China: Making the case for green procurement by government. WWF International, Version, 2. </ref> Ghana happens to be one of the developing countries endowed with rich tropical forest and the country is currently combating illegal logging through various national and international initiatives. A study conducted by Hansen & Treue revealed that illegal logging in Ghana is primarily confined to the most valuable species and to the permanent forest estate. According to them, 2.3 to 2.7 million m3 (70%) of timber is harvested illegally. The major actors in this illegal business are the chainsaw operators, who basically fell to meet domestic lumber demand, accounting for two-thirds and the timber export industries accounting for one-third of the illegal harvest <ref name="Hansen" >Hansen, C. P., & Treue, T. (2008). Assessing illegal logging in Ghana. International Forestry Review, 10(4), 573-590.</ref>

== Framing the Problem: Layering Perspectives ==
The description above describes illegal logging in Ghana from the perspective of a forestry student. In this section we welcome contributions from other perspectives. Those interested in contributing to this case study may use the following questions as a guide:
#How do scholars and professionals outside of forestry conceptualize the practice of illegal logging in Ghana?
#What are other possible ways of framing this problem?
#What special expertise, resources, or theoretical orientations might others bring to help us understand this phenomenon better?

=== Historical Context ===
Prior to colonial rule, the forests in Ghana were owned in common by communities (families, clans and ‘stools). However, the country’s Forest Ordinance of 1927 gave authority to the colonial government to reserve part of the country’s forest <ref name="Owubah"> Owubah, C. E., Le Master, D. C., Bowker, J. M., & Lee, J. G. (2001). Forest tenure systems and sustainable forest management: the case of Ghana. Forest Ecology and Management, 149(1), 253-264.2001).</ref> As a result of that, a majority of Ghana’s forests is in public ownership: this means that forests are owned by the people and managed and controlled by the government for the benefit of the people and in the public interest <ref name = "SOFO"/>. This implies that local people, including fringe communities, are entitled to an equitable share of the economic rent from the exploitation of forest resources including timber. However, this is mostly not the case as people who live close to forests tend to be generally poor and do not benefit from its timber exploitation as set out in the Constitution <ref name="Wiggins">Wiggins, S., Marfo, K., & Anchirinah, V. (2004). Protecting the forest or the people? Environmental policies and livelihoods in the forest margins of Southern Ghana. World Development, 32(11), 1939-1955.</ref> This has resulted in lots of conflicts as local communities encroach upon forest lands to engage in agricultural activities for income generation <ref name="Angelsen">Angelsen, A., & Kaimowitz, D. (1999). Rethinking the causes of deforestation: lessons from economic models. The World Bank research observer, 14(1), 73-98.</ref> The high prevalence of illegal activities (logging, mining, and farming) in the Atewa Range Forest Reserve of Ghana, for example, is one example. Local people who engage in various illegal activities in the forest explained that they do not have alternative sources of livelihoods as their land has been taken by fiat under the principle of eminent domain by the state, leaving them with no option than to encroach to earn a living.

=== Implications ===
==== Environmental and Economic ====
Since its existence, illegal logging has mostly had negative consequences on nature and society in diverse ways. Illegal logging accounts for a greater percentage of forest degradation and deforestation, which in turn reduce biodiversity and ecosystem services provided by forests.<ref name="Curran">Curran, L. M., Trigg, S. N., McDonald, A. K., Astiani, D., Hardiono, Y. M., Siregar, P. & Kasischke, E. (2004). Lowland forest loss in protected areas of Indonesian Borneo. Science, 303 (5660), 1000-1003</ref>. Secondly, government loses substantial amount of revenue to this illegal activity. According to The World Bank (2004), about US$ 5 billion of government revenue is lost globally each year because of illegal forest activities. <ref name="Brack">Brack, D. (2007). Illegal logging. Briefing paper. Chatham House, London, United Kingdom. 4 pp.</ref> Brack (2007) added that the market value of products resulting from illegal logging exceeds US$ 15 billion annually. It is believed that developing countries battle with poverty because the money lost to illegal logging could be used for developmental projects which could reduce poverty (Hansen & Treue 2008). Also, the rule of law is undermined by the various corruption activities associated with illegal logging <ref name="Smith">Smith, J., Obidzinski, K., Subarudi, S., & Suramenggala, I. (2003). Illegal logging, collusive corruption and fragmented governments in Kalimantan, Indonesia. International Forestry Review, 5(3), 293-302.</ref> Furthermore, illegal logging depresses domestic and international forest product prices <ref name="Turner">Turner, J. A., Maplesden, F., & Johnson, S. (2007). Measuring the impacts of illegal logging. ITTO Tropical Forest Update, 17(3), 19-22.</ref>More seriously, illegal logging is likely to serve as a major funding source for armed conﬂicts and rebel groups <ref name="Kaimowitz">Kaimowitz, D. (2003). Forest law enforcement and rural livelihoods. International Forestry Review, 5(3), 199-210.</ref>

==== Social ====
Farmers with merchantable timber trees standing on their farms suffer from devastating effects of illegal logging in many cases. The Constitution grants fringe communities ownership to merchantable timber in off reserve areas. However, this ownership right appears to be a mirage since communities or individuals cannot fell or sell merchantable trees species without permission from the Forestry Commission of Ghana. The burdensome processes involved in requesting and being granted permission to cut merchantable tree deter individuals or communities with those tree species from acquiring felling licenses, thereby depriving them of what rightfully belongs to them<ref name="Owubah">Owubah, C. E., Le Master, D. C., Bowker, J. M., & Lee, J. G. (2001). Forest tenure systems and sustainable forest management: the case of Ghana. Forest Ecology and Management, 149(1), 253-264.</ref> One other major resentment of such communities or individuals is the damage caused to their food and cash crops by logging firms through their operations. Most often than not, farmers are not compensated by these logging firms or individuals as demanded by the Constitution. Since farmers are left out in the access and benefit sharing process and allegedly destroy valuable tree species on their farms before concessionaires have access to the trees. <ref name="Owubah"> </ref>

==== Cultural ====
Forests in Ghana play a major role in maintaining spiritual ties between man and divinity. Almost all the tribes and religious groups in Ghana acknowledge that forests provide a linkage between themselves and their deity. As a result of that many forests were set aside by different ethnic groups to serve spiritual and cultural purposes such as sacred groves, ancestral resting place (cemetery), ceremonial grounds, amongst others. However, a majority of these groups have little or no access to such cultural grounds since the government took over. This has resulted in the rise of illegal activities in such places because fringe communities no longer serve as stewards.

=== Initiatives to Combat Illegal Logging ===
Government’s effort to combat illegal logging at both national and international levels led to the signing of an European Union (EU)-Ghana Forest Law Enforcement, Governance and Trade (FLEGT) Voluntary Partnership Agreement (VPA) in the year 2009 <ref name="Tropenbos"> Tropenbos International Ghana (2015). Understanding Ghana’s Timber Legality Assurance System. Tropenbos International Ghana, Kumasi, Ghana, 25pp</ref>. The VPA aims to ensure that all timber and timber products destined for the EU market from partner countries comply with the laws of their respective countries. In addition to promoting trade in legal timber, VPAs address the causes of illegality by improving forest governance and law enforcement. More importantly, VPAs look beyond trade to consider development and environmental issues, as well as effects on local populations. <ref name="Asare"> Asare R. A., Kyei, A., & Mason, J. J. (2013). The community resource management area mechanism: a strategy to manage African forest resources for REDD+. Phil. Trans. R. Soc. B, 368(1625), 20120311</ref> To fully meet the legality assurance aspect of the VPA, the government has to tackle chainsaw milling activities from all angles <ref name="Tropenbos"> </ref>. This is partly due to the fact that it is suspected and supported by some evidence (TIDD/ FORIG 2009) that some timber processed through chainsaw operations finds its way to sawmills for reprocessing and to the export market <ref name="Marfo">Marfo, E. (2010). Chainsaw milling in Ghana: context, drivers and impacts. Wageningen: Tropenbos International.</ref> Another initiative by Ghana Wildlife Division, an arm of the Forestry Commission, is the Community Resource Management Area (CREMA) mechanism which aims at supporting community resource management in off-reserve (un-gazetted) lands for economic and livelihood benefits. It provides the conditions and rules that enable communities to benefit from sustainable natural resource use and as such promotes community rights and local ownership. Additionally, the CREMA has the potential to help solve many of the key challenges for REDD+ in Africa, including definition of boundaries, smallholder aggregation, meeting the Free Prior and Informed Consent guideline, ensuring permanence, preventing leakage, clarifying land tenure and carbon rights, as well as enabling equitable benefit-sharing arrangements. Although the CREMA concept officially emerged from the 1994 Forest and Wildlife Policy, it took the better part of a decade for communities to put it into action<ref name="Asare"> R. A., Kyei, A., & Mason, J. J. (2013). The community resource management area mechanism: a strategy to manage African forest resources for REDD+. Phil. Trans. R. Soc. B, 368(1625), 20120311.</ref>

=== My Take on Illegal Logging in Ghana ===
Rural communities are pivotal in the conservation and management of forest resources. Therefore the forest governance structure should be revised to include rural communities in the decision making and co-management processes. Also land and tree tenure rights on State owned lands as well as communal and leasehold lands should be reviewed. This would enhance stakeholder understanding of decision making and benefit sharing which both come with responsibilities. Again, a fair and transparent benefit sharing structure should be designed to ensure equitable access and benefit sharing. According to the U.N. Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, Indigenous Peoples have the right to self-determination and shall not be relocated (or subjected to other types of activities or transactions) without free, prior and informed consent. Therefore fringe communities must have knowledge of the proposed projects and must give their consent openly and freely. It is valuable because it helps to inform community members, identify problems ahead of time and find alternative solutions.<ref name="Arhin">,Arhin A. A. (2014). Safeguards and dangerguards: a framework for unpacking the black box of safeguards for REDD+. Forest Policy and Economics, 45, 24-31.</ref>

=== References ===

<references/>

[[Category:FRST522]]

Open Case Studies/FRST522/Ghana

2017-05-14T19:00:05Z

JenniferMansour: /* Introduction */

[[File:Koh Kong logging.JPG|thumbnail|Illegal logging in Action]]
== Illegal logging in Ghana:the cut and run affair by Grace Sarbeng ==

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=j-aqt5T3j4I
{{#widget:YouTube|id=j-aqt5T3j4I|height=315|width=420}}

== Introduction ==
The country Ghana lies on the coast of the Gulf of Guinea with a population of about 26.79 millions and covers a total land area of approximately 22.75 million hectares <ref name = "SOFO"/>. With a forest cover of about 41%, the forestry sector contributed to 3.38 percent of the country’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in 2011. As a net exporter of forest products, the value of forest product exported in the year 2013 was worth US$283.2 million <ref name= "SOFO" >United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization. (2016). State of the World’s Forests 2016.
Forests and agriculture: land-use challenges and opportunities. Rome.</ref> However, illegal logging, enabled by poor forest governance and driven in part by trade, is a major contributor to deforestation in the country. <ref name="Osei"> Osie-Tutu, P. (2010). Hidden forestry revealed: Characteristics, constraints and opportunities for small and medium forest enterprises in Ghana(No. 27). IIED.</ref> Illegal logging has no internationally agreed definition. However, Brack (2007) defines it as harvesting, transporting, buying or selling timber in violation of national laws” (insert reference).

=== Framing the Problem ===
Over the past decade, Illegal logging has become an issue of local, regional and global concern. It is therefore not surprising that both local (producers) and international bodies (consumers) are jointly fighting against this menace. Globally, it is estimated that illegal logging takes place in about 70 countries, most of which are tropical and developing <ref name = "Toyne" > Toyne P., O’Brien, C., & Nelson, R. (2002). The timber footprint of the G8 and China: Making the case for green procurement by government. WWF International, Version, 2. </ref> Ghana happens to be one of the developing countries endowed with rich tropical forest and the country is currently combating illegal logging through various national and international initiatives. A study conducted by Hansen & Treue revealed that illegal logging in Ghana is primarily confined to the most valuable species and to the permanent forest estate. According to them, 2.3 to 2.7 million m3 (70%) of timber is harvested illegally. The major actors in this illegal business are the chainsaw operators, who basically fell to meet domestic lumber demand, accounting for two-thirds and the timber export industries accounting for one-third of the illegal harvest <ref name="Hansen" >Hansen, C. P., & Treue, T. (2008). Assessing illegal logging in Ghana. International Forestry Review, 10(4), 573-590.</ref>

=== Historical Context ===
Prior to colonial rule, the forests in Ghana were owned in common by communities (families, clans and ‘stools). However, the country’s Forest Ordinance of 1927 gave authority to the colonial government to reserve part of the country’s forest <ref name="Owubah"> Owubah, C. E., Le Master, D. C., Bowker, J. M., & Lee, J. G. (2001). Forest tenure systems and sustainable forest management: the case of Ghana. Forest Ecology and Management, 149(1), 253-264.2001).</ref> As a result of that, a majority of Ghana’s forests is in public ownership: this means that forests are owned by the people and managed and controlled by the government for the benefit of the people and in the public interest <ref name = "SOFO"/>. This implies that local people, including fringe communities, are entitled to an equitable share of the economic rent from the exploitation of forest resources including timber. However, this is mostly not the case as people who live close to forests tend to be generally poor and do not benefit from its timber exploitation as set out in the Constitution <ref name="Wiggins">Wiggins, S., Marfo, K., & Anchirinah, V. (2004). Protecting the forest or the people? Environmental policies and livelihoods in the forest margins of Southern Ghana. World Development, 32(11), 1939-1955.</ref> This has resulted in lots of conflicts as local communities encroach upon forest lands to engage in agricultural activities for income generation <ref name="Angelsen">Angelsen, A., & Kaimowitz, D. (1999). Rethinking the causes of deforestation: lessons from economic models. The World Bank research observer, 14(1), 73-98.</ref> The high prevalence of illegal activities (logging, mining, and farming) in the Atewa Range Forest Reserve of Ghana, for example, is one example. Local people who engage in various illegal activities in the forest explained that they do not have alternative sources of livelihoods as their land has been taken by fiat under the principle of eminent domain by the state, leaving them with no option than to encroach to earn a living.

=== Implications ===
==== Environmental and Economic ====
Since its existence, illegal logging has mostly had negative consequences on nature and society in diverse ways. Illegal logging accounts for a greater percentage of forest degradation and deforestation, which in turn reduce biodiversity and ecosystem services provided by forests.<ref name="Curran">Curran, L. M., Trigg, S. N., McDonald, A. K., Astiani, D., Hardiono, Y. M., Siregar, P. & Kasischke, E. (2004). Lowland forest loss in protected areas of Indonesian Borneo. Science, 303 (5660), 1000-1003</ref>. Secondly, government loses substantial amount of revenue to this illegal activity. According to The World Bank (2004), about US$ 5 billion of government revenue is lost globally each year because of illegal forest activities. <ref name="Brack">Brack, D. (2007). Illegal logging. Briefing paper. Chatham House, London, United Kingdom. 4 pp.</ref> Brack (2007) added that the market value of products resulting from illegal logging exceeds US$ 15 billion annually. It is believed that developing countries battle with poverty because the money lost to illegal logging could be used for developmental projects which could reduce poverty (Hansen & Treue 2008). Also, the rule of law is undermined by the various corruption activities associated with illegal logging <ref name="Smith">Smith, J., Obidzinski, K., Subarudi, S., & Suramenggala, I. (2003). Illegal logging, collusive corruption and fragmented governments in Kalimantan, Indonesia. International Forestry Review, 5(3), 293-302.</ref> Furthermore, illegal logging depresses domestic and international forest product prices <ref name="Turner">Turner, J. A., Maplesden, F., & Johnson, S. (2007). Measuring the impacts of illegal logging. ITTO Tropical Forest Update, 17(3), 19-22.</ref>More seriously, illegal logging is likely to serve as a major funding source for armed conﬂicts and rebel groups <ref name="Kaimowitz">Kaimowitz, D. (2003). Forest law enforcement and rural livelihoods. International Forestry Review, 5(3), 199-210.</ref>

==== Social ====
Farmers with merchantable timber trees standing on their farms suffer from devastating effects of illegal logging in many cases. The Constitution grants fringe communities ownership to merchantable timber in off reserve areas. However, this ownership right appears to be a mirage since communities or individuals cannot fell or sell merchantable trees species without permission from the Forestry Commission of Ghana. The burdensome processes involved in requesting and being granted permission to cut merchantable tree deter individuals or communities with those tree species from acquiring felling licenses, thereby depriving them of what rightfully belongs to them<ref name="Owubah">Owubah, C. E., Le Master, D. C., Bowker, J. M., & Lee, J. G. (2001). Forest tenure systems and sustainable forest management: the case of Ghana. Forest Ecology and Management, 149(1), 253-264.</ref> One other major resentment of such communities or individuals is the damage caused to their food and cash crops by logging firms through their operations. Most often than not, farmers are not compensated by these logging firms or individuals as demanded by the Constitution. Since farmers are left out in the access and benefit sharing process and allegedly destroy valuable tree species on their farms before concessionaires have access to the trees. <ref name="Owubah"> </ref>

==== Cultural ====
Forests in Ghana play a major role in maintaining spiritual ties between man and divinity. Almost all the tribes and religious groups in Ghana acknowledge that forests provide a linkage between themselves and their deity. As a result of that many forests were set aside by different ethnic groups to serve spiritual and cultural purposes such as sacred groves, ancestral resting place (cemetery), ceremonial grounds, amongst others. However, a majority of these groups have little or no access to such cultural grounds since the government took over. This has resulted in the rise of illegal activities in such places because fringe communities no longer serve as stewards.

=== Initiatives to Combat Illegal Logging ===
Government’s effort to combat illegal logging at both national and international levels led to the signing of an European Union (EU)-Ghana Forest Law Enforcement, Governance and Trade (FLEGT) Voluntary Partnership Agreement (VPA) in the year 2009 <ref name="Tropenbos"> Tropenbos International Ghana (2015). Understanding Ghana’s Timber Legality Assurance System. Tropenbos International Ghana, Kumasi, Ghana, 25pp</ref>. The VPA aims to ensure that all timber and timber products destined for the EU market from partner countries comply with the laws of their respective countries. In addition to promoting trade in legal timber, VPAs address the causes of illegality by improving forest governance and law enforcement. More importantly, VPAs look beyond trade to consider development and environmental issues, as well as effects on local populations. <ref name="Asare"> Asare R. A., Kyei, A., & Mason, J. J. (2013). The community resource management area mechanism: a strategy to manage African forest resources for REDD+. Phil. Trans. R. Soc. B, 368(1625), 20120311</ref> To fully meet the legality assurance aspect of the VPA, the government has to tackle chainsaw milling activities from all angles <ref name="Tropenbos"> </ref>. This is partly due to the fact that it is suspected and supported by some evidence (TIDD/ FORIG 2009) that some timber processed through chainsaw operations finds its way to sawmills for reprocessing and to the export market <ref name="Marfo">Marfo, E. (2010). Chainsaw milling in Ghana: context, drivers and impacts. Wageningen: Tropenbos International.</ref> Another initiative by Ghana Wildlife Division, an arm of the Forestry Commission, is the Community Resource Management Area (CREMA) mechanism which aims at supporting community resource management in off-reserve (un-gazetted) lands for economic and livelihood benefits. It provides the conditions and rules that enable communities to benefit from sustainable natural resource use and as such promotes community rights and local ownership. Additionally, the CREMA has the potential to help solve many of the key challenges for REDD+ in Africa, including definition of boundaries, smallholder aggregation, meeting the Free Prior and Informed Consent guideline, ensuring permanence, preventing leakage, clarifying land tenure and carbon rights, as well as enabling equitable benefit-sharing arrangements. Although the CREMA concept officially emerged from the 1994 Forest and Wildlife Policy, it took the better part of a decade for communities to put it into action<ref name="Asare"> R. A., Kyei, A., & Mason, J. J. (2013). The community resource management area mechanism: a strategy to manage African forest resources for REDD+. Phil. Trans. R. Soc. B, 368(1625), 20120311.</ref>

=== My Take on Illegal Logging in Ghana ===
Rural communities are pivotal in the conservation and management of forest resources. Therefore the forest governance structure should be revised to include rural communities in the decision making and co-management processes. Also land and tree tenure rights on State owned lands as well as communal and leasehold lands should be reviewed. This would enhance stakeholder understanding of decision making and benefit sharing which both come with responsibilities. Again, a fair and transparent benefit sharing structure should be designed to ensure equitable access and benefit sharing. According to the U.N. Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, Indigenous Peoples have the right to self-determination and shall not be relocated (or subjected to other types of activities or transactions) without free, prior and informed consent. Therefore fringe communities must have knowledge of the proposed projects and must give their consent openly and freely. It is valuable because it helps to inform community members, identify problems ahead of time and find alternative solutions.<ref name="Arhin">,Arhin A. A. (2014). Safeguards and dangerguards: a framework for unpacking the black box of safeguards for REDD+. Forest Policy and Economics, 45, 24-31.</ref>

=== References ===

<references/>

[[Category:FRST522]]

Open Case Studies/FRST522/Indonesia

2017-05-10T03:58:44Z

JenniferMansour: /* Recommendations: Layering Perspectives */

<big><big>'''Illegal Logging Case Study - Indonesia (Kalimantan)'''</big></big>

{{#widget:YouTube|id=V7c0h23pHR8|height=415|width=520}}

== <big>Introduction</big> ==
[[File:Kalimantan2.png|thumb|x300px|Map of Borneo]]
Prior to 1967, access rights to State Forests were tolerated within the context of customary rights.<ref name="Justice"/> However, during the New Order regime (1967-1998), the Indonesian government passed numerous legislation — such as the Basic Forestry Act of 1967, the Basic Mining Act of 1967, and the Basic Agrarian Law of 1969 that placed the rights of the State and national development ahead of the rights of individual communities.<ref name="autonomy"/> For example, the Basic Forestry Act of 1967, although recognizing the existence of locally owned forests, stated that local communities could not obstruct the implementation of government development agendas. In the 1980s, the national government classified over 75 per cent of the nation's land as State Forest, essentially taking land away from local communities and putting it under state control and administration.<ref name="autonomy"/> The approach ignored pre-existing local rights to millions of hectares of land, forests, coastlines and other natural resources.<ref name="autonomy"/> The state claimed authority as the only legitimate owner of all resources in these areas and has used this authority to prioritize economic development, usually at the expense and interests of local communities. This assertion of state authority, especially during President Suharto’s thirty-two-year campaign for economic development, contributed to the rapid depletion of Indonesia’s natural resources, usually to the detriment of resource dependent communities.<ref name="Justice">Marcus. C., Marco. B., Arnoldo. C. H., Fillippo. D. G., Jessica. D., Guillaume. L., Krystof. O., Denis. P., Michael. R., Sulaiman. N. S., Luca. T., Maria. T. V. R. & Luca. T.(2006). Justice in the forest: Rural livelihoods and forest law enforcement. Indonesia: CIFOR</ref>

Since the onset of the Indonesian economic crisis in 1997, illegal logging has increased across the country.<ref name="autonomy"/> Even prior to the implementation of formal regional autonomy (decentralization) in 2001, the power vacuum left after the end of Suharto’s New Order regime resulted in de facto regional autonomy, where the district heads gained now-found power to grant small logging concessions which legalized illegal logging and export activities.<ref name="autonomy">Reed L. Wadley & Michael E. (2005). Autonomy, Identity, and ‘Illegal’ Logging in the borderland of West Kalimantan, Indonesia, ''The Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology'', 6:1, 19-34, doi: [[ http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14442210500074853|10.1080/14442210500074853]]</ref> It is defined as illegal logging because the central Indonesian government and international organisations regard much current timber harvesting as illegal, whereas local communities see the timber coming from their own traditionally managed forests as part of negotiated agreements with loggers.<ref name="autonomy"/>

This Wikipage will illustrate the problem of illegal logging broadly in the national context and focus at the local level of Kalimantan, with village loggers. The indigenous people are usually referred to as Dayaks, based on census data. The ethnic composition of Central Kalimantan population is: Dayak (54.28%), Banjar (24.20%), Javanese (18.06%) and Madurese (3.46%).<ref name="worldbank"/> The Dayak ethnicity is comprised of four major sub-tribes, namely the Dayak Ngaju, Dayak Lawangan, Dayak Ma’ayan and Dayak Ot-Danum. The Dayak majority in Central Kalimantan is in fact asserting the largest number of customary claims on land in Central Kalimantan. Despite the State’s unilateral formal claim on lands, indigenous claims on lands are typically more accepted locally than land transactions under formal laws<ref name="worldbank">Worldbank, (2015). [http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTLGA/Resources/Central_Kalimantan_Final_Report.pdf Central Kalimantan Land Governance Assessment].</ref>

== <big>Framing the Problem: A Forestry Perspective</big> ==
[[File:Illegal logging in Kalimantan.jpg|thumb|x200px|Illegal logging by local people in Kalimantan]]
Indonesian land tenure divides land into areas classified as State Forest and those classified as non-state forest. The areas classified as state forests are controlled by the Ministry of Forestry, while the National Land Agency has authority to grant rights over lands classified as non-state forests. It is worthwhile to note that forest land makes up the majority of the land area in Kalimantan.<ref name="eaton"/> The Ministry of Forestry’s claim to land does not allow the local government to title land parcels to forest communities. That is one of the main administrative barriers against land certainty in Kalimantan. In addition to the Land Agency and the Ministry of Forestry, several other central government agencies have some power to claim land, such as agencies handling mining and infrastructure.<ref name="eaton"/>

Rural lands in Kalimantan are claimed mostly by indigenous, state and private actors. Since the provincial spatial zoning plan has not been finalized, numerous claims are currently overlapping and contradicting each other. At the same time the claims from indigenous peoples cannot be addressed by local regulations alone<ref name="Justice"/>. Due to this problem, national laws, regulations and policies aiming to resolve land tenure issues cannot be implemented properly. Furthermore, the lack of institutional support prevents the efforts to formally recognize customary rights on land.<ref name="eaton"/>.

As in many places in Indonesia, the complexity of contested claims on lands among different actors shapes land tenure in Kalimantan. Four categories of land claims, based on the actors involved, include private or individual, communal, open access and state claims. These categories, however, are not clearly established with agreed-upon and well-defined boundaries.<ref name="eaton"/> In 2012, the state recognized customary rights on land pursuant to the Constitutional Court Decision. However, the recognition of customary claims on forest is not straightforward in practice due to the complex structure of adat land tenure and red tapes within the government<ref name="worldbank"/>. The rich forest and mineral resources of Kalimantan have brought considerable wealth to both the Indonesian government and a host of businesses with differing degrees of legitimacy, but not to the majority of the indigenous inhabitants. Traditional economies and resource management systems have often been disrupted and customary land tenure ignored<ref name="eaton">Eaton, Peter. (2004). Land Tenure, Conservation and Development in Southeast Asia. Taylor & Francis. United Kingdom: Routledge Ltd</ref>.

The three drivers for local people involvement in illegal logging are due to the need for income, other villagers and non-villagers are perpetrators of illegally logging, and the realization of loss of community control over traditional forest areas.<ref name="system">Dudley, R. G. (2004). A System dynamics examination of the willingness of villagers to engage in illegal logging. ''Journal of Sustainable Forestry,''19(1-3), 31-53. doi: [http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/J091v19n01_03 10.1300/J091v19n01_03] </ref> For example, the economic crisis and political turmoil in 1998 added pressure on forest resources where some local people joined the large scale timber logging companies in illegal extraction of timber in Tanjung Puting National Park <ref>Curry, D., & Ruwindrijarto, A. (2000). Illegal logging in Tanjung Puting National Park, an update to the final cut report. Jakarta, Indonesia: [https://telapak.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/09/Update-Final-Cut.pdf Environmental Investigation Agency and Telapak Indonesia.]</ref>

==Framing the Problem: Layering Perspectives ==
The description above describes illegal logging in Indoensia from the perspective of a forestry student. In this section we welcome contributions from other perspectives. Those interested in contributing to this case study may use the following questions as a guide:
# How do scholars and professionals outside of forestry conceptualize the practice of illegal logging in Indonesia?
# What are other possible ways of framing this problem?
# What special expertise, resources, or theoretical orientations might others bring to help us understand this phenomenon better?

== <big>Implications: A Forestry Perspective </big>==
===Environmental===
[[File:An orangutan (Pongo pygmaeus) among the foliage in East Kalimantan.jpg|thumb|x200px|An orangutan (''Pongo pygmaeus'') among the foliage in East Kalimantan]]
Illegal logging causes serious environmental problems such as deforestation leading to reductions in carbon stocks, degradation of biodiversity, lowering water quality and has implications for climate change. An example is the habitat loss of critically endangered Bornean Orang-utan from the constant threat of illegal logging in the forests of Indonesia <ref>Loren. B. (2016). Retrieved from https://news.mongabay.com/2016/07/bornean-orangutan-declared-critically-endangered-as-forests-shrink/</ref>
Wildfires as a result of illegal logging reduced forest coverage and caused streams that supplied drinking water to run dry. High economic value tree species are at risk of extinction due to highly selective logging. This damage to the residual tree stand alters the path of stand development such that more non-commercial trees will achieve canopy dominance. This in turn reduces the economic value of these forests and increases the likelihood of land use conversion as it may be viewed as degraded forest by the government.<ref>Marc A. Hiller , Benjamin C. Jarvis , Hikma Lisa , Laura J. Paulson , Edward H. B. Pollard & Scott A. Stanley. (2004). Recent Trends in Illegal Logging and a Brief Discussion of Their Causes. ''Journal of Sustainable Forestry'', 19:1-3, 181-212, doi: [http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/J091v19n01_09 10.1300/J091v19n01_09]</ref>

===Political===
Many communities in Indonesia affected by forest concessions have state-issued certificates recognizing their communal rights to forest lands. In addition, some of these communities qualify as indigenous people with rights to land and natural resources being well supported by international law, including by the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (UN-CERD), to which Indonesia is a party, and the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP). Indonesia’s enforcement of affected communities’ usufruct rights and its recognition of indigenous rights, however, are weak both in law and in practice.<ref name="human"/> Although the Indonesian Constitution recognizes the customary rights of traditional communities, including land rights, sectoral laws such as the 1999 Revised Forestry Law and the 2004 Plantations Law provide little protection. For example, Indigenous community must be able to demonstrate that their rights exists before a local regulation can be passed to allow due process for consultation and compensation by plantation companies.<ref name="human"/>

In response to raising conflicts due to unclear land rights, the People’s Consultative Assembly, Indonesia’s upper house of parliament, passed an Act in 2001 directing the House of Representatives, the lower house of parliament, to review natural resource laws in order to strengthen community rights and thereby address conflicts. More than a decade later, this review has yet to take place. Likewise, a draft law on indigenous rights has been stuck in the House’s legislative committee for several years.<ref name="human">Human Rights Watch. (2013). The Dark Side of Green Growth - Human rights impacts of weak governance in Indonesia's forestry sector. Retrieved from https://www.hrw.org/report/2013/07/15/dark-side-green-growth/human-rights-impacts-weak-governance-indonesias-forestry#page</ref>

===Economic===
Illegal logging can result in the loss of government revenue, consequently undermining the competitiveness of the legitimate forestry industry. Such losses can be significant; it has been estimated that the Indonesian government lost US$9 billion between 2003 and 2014 due to illegal logging and forest sector mismanagement<ref>Jonathan. Vit. (2015). Indonesia losing billions from illegal logging. Retrieved from https://news.mongabay.com/2015/11/indonesia-losing-billions-from-illegal-logging/</ref>. Loss of revenue undermines efforts to place the forest sector on a more sustainable footing, as lost revenue cannot be reinvested in the sector. Illegal logging also distorts global markets and undermines incentives for sustainable forest management, as illegal timber is often cheaper than legal timber.<ref>Illegal Logging Portal. (n.d.). Major impacts. Retrieved from http://www.illegal-logging.info/topics/major-impacts.</ref>

Communities often agree to such operations on their customary lands as they can beneﬁt from them in three ways: ﬁrst, because they are paid a small fee for each cubic metre of timber extracted; second, because they can gain employment in illegal logging camps; and third, because additional jobs are also created in the unlicensed mills that process the timbers.<ref name="Justice"/> Jobs in the mills and camps provide short-term support to the socio-economy of rural communities, as the operators provided much flexibility for labourers who work seasonally, when they can afford to be away from farms and homes.<ref name="Justice"/>

===Social===

Illegal logging destroys the lives of local communities and native populations. When the forest goes, so does their traditional way of life. Unable to live by foraging and trading, they begin to rely on the logging companies for food and an income, and become caught up in what can only be described as modern day slavery. Ancient tribal cultures are lost in the space of one generation, as remote communities become a shadow of what they once were <ref>Greentumble. (2016). The negative effects of illegal logging. Retrieved from http://greentumble.com/the-negative-effects-of-illegal-logging.</ref> The national government also passed legislation aimed at eroding the traditional heritage of local communities. The 1979 Law on Village Administration standardized village governance across the archipelago and replaced local systems of community governance with a Javanese model. Local customary leaders were marginalized or removed and were replaced with State's henchmen; the latter had little interest in maintaining traditions that did not benefit them, and in some cases even called into question their legitimacy<ref name="Duncan"/>.

Although many ethnic minorities are faring better under decentralization (after 1998), some groups that became minorities due to redistricting, or that remain minorities within an existing district, are in some cases doing worse. In places such as Kalimantan, many politically powerful Dayak groups have been doing well since decentralization. They have been able to regain control of land and resources that they had lost under previous governments.<ref name="Duncan"/> However, this is not the case for every ethnic group. For example, the Punan, a group of forest-dwelling foragers in Kalimantan, did not fare as well as other Dayak groups. They are still a minority group and are often unable to organize or gain any political power. As new rights and monies are being distributed, the Punan are often forgotten or in some cases outright ignored.<ref name="Duncan">Duncan, Christopher R. Mixed outcomes: The impact of regional autonomy and decentralization on indigenous ethnic minorities in Indonesia. ''Development and Change'' 38(4), 711-733. doi: [http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7660.2007.00430.x 10.1111/j.1467-7660.2007.00430.x]</ref>

== 3.2 Implications: Layering Perspectives ==

The description above describes the implications from illegal logging in Indonesia from the perspective of a forestry student. In this section we welcome contributions from other perspectives. Those interested in contributing to this case study may use the following questions as a guide:
# How could someone from a different discipline or profession add to the implications above?
# What other implications become apparent when illegal logging is viewed through the lens of other disciplines and professions?
# What special expertise, resources, or theoretical orientations might others bring to help us better understand the implications associated with illegal logging in Indonesia?

== <big>Recommendations to Combat Illegal Logging: A Forestry Perspective</big> ==
[[File:Log yard for illegal logging.jpg|thumb|x200px|illegal logs were seized, while in transit, and are impounded at district police offices, Indonesia]]
Overlapping and unclear land tenure, and corruption are the main drivers of illegal logging in Indonesia. I recommend the following:
# Provincial government should seriously draw up and implement rules and regulations to execute the Constitutional Court Decision. The legal basis to implement the Constitutional Court Decision could refer to the current international agreements ratified by the national government, for example UNDRIP and FAO's Voluntary Guidelines on the Responsible Governance of Tenure.
#An anti-corruption commission directly reporting to the President should investigate all corruption allegations within the government. That would send out a clear and strong deterrent signal by meting out heavy punishment for government officials involved in mal-administration, and any form of corruption or fraud.
#Timber legality verification as an instrument to combat illegal logging. Indonesia and the European Union (EU) signed the EU Forest Law Enforcement, Governance and Trade - Voluntary Partnership Agreement (FLEGT-VPA) on 30 September 2013 and can issue FLEGT licences to verified legal timber products exported to the EU beginning 15 November 2016<ref>Illegal Logging Portal. (2016). Indonesia and EU agree to start the FLEGT licensing scheme for verified legal timber products on 15 November 2016. Retrieved from http://www.illegal-logging.info/content/indonesia-and-eu-agree-start-flegt-licensing-scheme-verified-legal-timber-products-15</ref>
#CITES (the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora) as a tool to combat illegal logging. Getting threatened or endangered species listed on one of the three Appendices of CITES, leading to limiting or banning the trade of endangered native timber species.

== Recommendations to Combat Illegal Logging: Layering Perspectives ==
What recommendations might someone from another discipline or profession make to combat the issue of illegal logging in Indonesia?
Examples might include:
* Law
* Geography
* Environmental Science
* Social Justice
* Economics
* History
* Anthropology
* Philosophy

==<big>Reflections</big>==
Indigenous communities in Indonesia live in a world of uncertain laws with the knowledge that existing laws have always been manipulated by self serving, corrupt, powerful individuals who lack integrity. Laws which protect the rights of indigenous peoples have little meaning if they are widely ignored and not enforced. Ironically, the forest law is instead commonly used against indigenous people and rural poor with hundreds of people detained in Indonesian jails for having claimed their rights on their land, forests and other resources while resisting eviction and land grabs<ref>Anne. S. G. (2015). How Indonesian forest law is being used against poor people. Indonesia: The Jakarta Post. Retrieved from http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2015/08/16/how-indonesian-forest-law-being-used-against-poor-people.html</ref> The positive feedback loop of poor governance leads to rampant widespread illegal logging and deforestation of Indonesia forests. Conversion of natural forest into agricultural and oil palm plantations has also contributed to the rapid loss of forests in Indonesia. Perhaps only a reset of the political system or strong political will from the president to thoroughly flush out corruption can promote good governance and the integrity of government officials to serve the citizens of Indonesia.

== <big>References</big> ==
<references/>

== <big>External links</big>==
*[https://www.cites.org/eng CITES]
*[http://www.euflegt.efi.int/home EU FLEGT]
*[http://www.ohchr.org/EN/ProfessionalInterest/Pages/CERD.aspx Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR)]
*[http://www.unesco.org/new/en/indigenous-peoples/related-info/undrip/ UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP)]

[[Category:FRST522]]

Open Case Studies/FRST522/Indonesia

2017-05-10T03:57:24Z

JenniferMansour: /* Recommendations to Combat Illegal Logging */

<big><big>'''Illegal Logging Case Study - Indonesia (Kalimantan)'''</big></big>

{{#widget:YouTube|id=V7c0h23pHR8|height=415|width=520}}

== <big>Introduction</big> ==
[[File:Kalimantan2.png|thumb|x300px|Map of Borneo]]
Prior to 1967, access rights to State Forests were tolerated within the context of customary rights.<ref name="Justice"/> However, during the New Order regime (1967-1998), the Indonesian government passed numerous legislation — such as the Basic Forestry Act of 1967, the Basic Mining Act of 1967, and the Basic Agrarian Law of 1969 that placed the rights of the State and national development ahead of the rights of individual communities.<ref name="autonomy"/> For example, the Basic Forestry Act of 1967, although recognizing the existence of locally owned forests, stated that local communities could not obstruct the implementation of government development agendas. In the 1980s, the national government classified over 75 per cent of the nation's land as State Forest, essentially taking land away from local communities and putting it under state control and administration.<ref name="autonomy"/> The approach ignored pre-existing local rights to millions of hectares of land, forests, coastlines and other natural resources.<ref name="autonomy"/> The state claimed authority as the only legitimate owner of all resources in these areas and has used this authority to prioritize economic development, usually at the expense and interests of local communities. This assertion of state authority, especially during President Suharto’s thirty-two-year campaign for economic development, contributed to the rapid depletion of Indonesia’s natural resources, usually to the detriment of resource dependent communities.<ref name="Justice">Marcus. C., Marco. B., Arnoldo. C. H., Fillippo. D. G., Jessica. D., Guillaume. L., Krystof. O., Denis. P., Michael. R., Sulaiman. N. S., Luca. T., Maria. T. V. R. & Luca. T.(2006). Justice in the forest: Rural livelihoods and forest law enforcement. Indonesia: CIFOR</ref>

Since the onset of the Indonesian economic crisis in 1997, illegal logging has increased across the country.<ref name="autonomy"/> Even prior to the implementation of formal regional autonomy (decentralization) in 2001, the power vacuum left after the end of Suharto’s New Order regime resulted in de facto regional autonomy, where the district heads gained now-found power to grant small logging concessions which legalized illegal logging and export activities.<ref name="autonomy">Reed L. Wadley & Michael E. (2005). Autonomy, Identity, and ‘Illegal’ Logging in the borderland of West Kalimantan, Indonesia, ''The Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology'', 6:1, 19-34, doi: [[ http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14442210500074853|10.1080/14442210500074853]]</ref> It is defined as illegal logging because the central Indonesian government and international organisations regard much current timber harvesting as illegal, whereas local communities see the timber coming from their own traditionally managed forests as part of negotiated agreements with loggers.<ref name="autonomy"/>

This Wikipage will illustrate the problem of illegal logging broadly in the national context and focus at the local level of Kalimantan, with village loggers. The indigenous people are usually referred to as Dayaks, based on census data. The ethnic composition of Central Kalimantan population is: Dayak (54.28%), Banjar (24.20%), Javanese (18.06%) and Madurese (3.46%).<ref name="worldbank"/> The Dayak ethnicity is comprised of four major sub-tribes, namely the Dayak Ngaju, Dayak Lawangan, Dayak Ma’ayan and Dayak Ot-Danum. The Dayak majority in Central Kalimantan is in fact asserting the largest number of customary claims on land in Central Kalimantan. Despite the State’s unilateral formal claim on lands, indigenous claims on lands are typically more accepted locally than land transactions under formal laws<ref name="worldbank">Worldbank, (2015). [http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTLGA/Resources/Central_Kalimantan_Final_Report.pdf Central Kalimantan Land Governance Assessment].</ref>

== <big>Framing the Problem: A Forestry Perspective</big> ==
[[File:Illegal logging in Kalimantan.jpg|thumb|x200px|Illegal logging by local people in Kalimantan]]
Indonesian land tenure divides land into areas classified as State Forest and those classified as non-state forest. The areas classified as state forests are controlled by the Ministry of Forestry, while the National Land Agency has authority to grant rights over lands classified as non-state forests. It is worthwhile to note that forest land makes up the majority of the land area in Kalimantan.<ref name="eaton"/> The Ministry of Forestry’s claim to land does not allow the local government to title land parcels to forest communities. That is one of the main administrative barriers against land certainty in Kalimantan. In addition to the Land Agency and the Ministry of Forestry, several other central government agencies have some power to claim land, such as agencies handling mining and infrastructure.<ref name="eaton"/>

Rural lands in Kalimantan are claimed mostly by indigenous, state and private actors. Since the provincial spatial zoning plan has not been finalized, numerous claims are currently overlapping and contradicting each other. At the same time the claims from indigenous peoples cannot be addressed by local regulations alone<ref name="Justice"/>. Due to this problem, national laws, regulations and policies aiming to resolve land tenure issues cannot be implemented properly. Furthermore, the lack of institutional support prevents the efforts to formally recognize customary rights on land.<ref name="eaton"/>.

As in many places in Indonesia, the complexity of contested claims on lands among different actors shapes land tenure in Kalimantan. Four categories of land claims, based on the actors involved, include private or individual, communal, open access and state claims. These categories, however, are not clearly established with agreed-upon and well-defined boundaries.<ref name="eaton"/> In 2012, the state recognized customary rights on land pursuant to the Constitutional Court Decision. However, the recognition of customary claims on forest is not straightforward in practice due to the complex structure of adat land tenure and red tapes within the government<ref name="worldbank"/>. The rich forest and mineral resources of Kalimantan have brought considerable wealth to both the Indonesian government and a host of businesses with differing degrees of legitimacy, but not to the majority of the indigenous inhabitants. Traditional economies and resource management systems have often been disrupted and customary land tenure ignored<ref name="eaton">Eaton, Peter. (2004). Land Tenure, Conservation and Development in Southeast Asia. Taylor & Francis. United Kingdom: Routledge Ltd</ref>.

The three drivers for local people involvement in illegal logging are due to the need for income, other villagers and non-villagers are perpetrators of illegally logging, and the realization of loss of community control over traditional forest areas.<ref name="system">Dudley, R. G. (2004). A System dynamics examination of the willingness of villagers to engage in illegal logging. ''Journal of Sustainable Forestry,''19(1-3), 31-53. doi: [http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/J091v19n01_03 10.1300/J091v19n01_03] </ref> For example, the economic crisis and political turmoil in 1998 added pressure on forest resources where some local people joined the large scale timber logging companies in illegal extraction of timber in Tanjung Puting National Park <ref>Curry, D., & Ruwindrijarto, A. (2000). Illegal logging in Tanjung Puting National Park, an update to the final cut report. Jakarta, Indonesia: [https://telapak.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/09/Update-Final-Cut.pdf Environmental Investigation Agency and Telapak Indonesia.]</ref>

==Framing the Problem: Layering Perspectives ==
The description above describes illegal logging in Indoensia from the perspective of a forestry student. In this section we welcome contributions from other perspectives. Those interested in contributing to this case study may use the following questions as a guide:
# How do scholars and professionals outside of forestry conceptualize the practice of illegal logging in Indonesia?
# What are other possible ways of framing this problem?
# What special expertise, resources, or theoretical orientations might others bring to help us understand this phenomenon better?

== <big>Implications: A Forestry Perspective </big>==
===Environmental===
[[File:An orangutan (Pongo pygmaeus) among the foliage in East Kalimantan.jpg|thumb|x200px|An orangutan (''Pongo pygmaeus'') among the foliage in East Kalimantan]]
Illegal logging causes serious environmental problems such as deforestation leading to reductions in carbon stocks, degradation of biodiversity, lowering water quality and has implications for climate change. An example is the habitat loss of critically endangered Bornean Orang-utan from the constant threat of illegal logging in the forests of Indonesia <ref>Loren. B. (2016). Retrieved from https://news.mongabay.com/2016/07/bornean-orangutan-declared-critically-endangered-as-forests-shrink/</ref>
Wildfires as a result of illegal logging reduced forest coverage and caused streams that supplied drinking water to run dry. High economic value tree species are at risk of extinction due to highly selective logging. This damage to the residual tree stand alters the path of stand development such that more non-commercial trees will achieve canopy dominance. This in turn reduces the economic value of these forests and increases the likelihood of land use conversion as it may be viewed as degraded forest by the government.<ref>Marc A. Hiller , Benjamin C. Jarvis , Hikma Lisa , Laura J. Paulson , Edward H. B. Pollard & Scott A. Stanley. (2004). Recent Trends in Illegal Logging and a Brief Discussion of Their Causes. ''Journal of Sustainable Forestry'', 19:1-3, 181-212, doi: [http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/J091v19n01_09 10.1300/J091v19n01_09]</ref>

===Political===
Many communities in Indonesia affected by forest concessions have state-issued certificates recognizing their communal rights to forest lands. In addition, some of these communities qualify as indigenous people with rights to land and natural resources being well supported by international law, including by the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (UN-CERD), to which Indonesia is a party, and the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP). Indonesia’s enforcement of affected communities’ usufruct rights and its recognition of indigenous rights, however, are weak both in law and in practice.<ref name="human"/> Although the Indonesian Constitution recognizes the customary rights of traditional communities, including land rights, sectoral laws such as the 1999 Revised Forestry Law and the 2004 Plantations Law provide little protection. For example, Indigenous community must be able to demonstrate that their rights exists before a local regulation can be passed to allow due process for consultation and compensation by plantation companies.<ref name="human"/>

In response to raising conflicts due to unclear land rights, the People’s Consultative Assembly, Indonesia’s upper house of parliament, passed an Act in 2001 directing the House of Representatives, the lower house of parliament, to review natural resource laws in order to strengthen community rights and thereby address conflicts. More than a decade later, this review has yet to take place. Likewise, a draft law on indigenous rights has been stuck in the House’s legislative committee for several years.<ref name="human">Human Rights Watch. (2013). The Dark Side of Green Growth - Human rights impacts of weak governance in Indonesia's forestry sector. Retrieved from https://www.hrw.org/report/2013/07/15/dark-side-green-growth/human-rights-impacts-weak-governance-indonesias-forestry#page</ref>

===Economic===
Illegal logging can result in the loss of government revenue, consequently undermining the competitiveness of the legitimate forestry industry. Such losses can be significant; it has been estimated that the Indonesian government lost US$9 billion between 2003 and 2014 due to illegal logging and forest sector mismanagement<ref>Jonathan. Vit. (2015). Indonesia losing billions from illegal logging. Retrieved from https://news.mongabay.com/2015/11/indonesia-losing-billions-from-illegal-logging/</ref>. Loss of revenue undermines efforts to place the forest sector on a more sustainable footing, as lost revenue cannot be reinvested in the sector. Illegal logging also distorts global markets and undermines incentives for sustainable forest management, as illegal timber is often cheaper than legal timber.<ref>Illegal Logging Portal. (n.d.). Major impacts. Retrieved from http://www.illegal-logging.info/topics/major-impacts.</ref>

Communities often agree to such operations on their customary lands as they can beneﬁt from them in three ways: ﬁrst, because they are paid a small fee for each cubic metre of timber extracted; second, because they can gain employment in illegal logging camps; and third, because additional jobs are also created in the unlicensed mills that process the timbers.<ref name="Justice"/> Jobs in the mills and camps provide short-term support to the socio-economy of rural communities, as the operators provided much flexibility for labourers who work seasonally, when they can afford to be away from farms and homes.<ref name="Justice"/>

===Social===

Illegal logging destroys the lives of local communities and native populations. When the forest goes, so does their traditional way of life. Unable to live by foraging and trading, they begin to rely on the logging companies for food and an income, and become caught up in what can only be described as modern day slavery. Ancient tribal cultures are lost in the space of one generation, as remote communities become a shadow of what they once were <ref>Greentumble. (2016). The negative effects of illegal logging. Retrieved from http://greentumble.com/the-negative-effects-of-illegal-logging.</ref> The national government also passed legislation aimed at eroding the traditional heritage of local communities. The 1979 Law on Village Administration standardized village governance across the archipelago and replaced local systems of community governance with a Javanese model. Local customary leaders were marginalized or removed and were replaced with State's henchmen; the latter had little interest in maintaining traditions that did not benefit them, and in some cases even called into question their legitimacy<ref name="Duncan"/>.

Although many ethnic minorities are faring better under decentralization (after 1998), some groups that became minorities due to redistricting, or that remain minorities within an existing district, are in some cases doing worse. In places such as Kalimantan, many politically powerful Dayak groups have been doing well since decentralization. They have been able to regain control of land and resources that they had lost under previous governments.<ref name="Duncan"/> However, this is not the case for every ethnic group. For example, the Punan, a group of forest-dwelling foragers in Kalimantan, did not fare as well as other Dayak groups. They are still a minority group and are often unable to organize or gain any political power. As new rights and monies are being distributed, the Punan are often forgotten or in some cases outright ignored.<ref name="Duncan">Duncan, Christopher R. Mixed outcomes: The impact of regional autonomy and decentralization on indigenous ethnic minorities in Indonesia. ''Development and Change'' 38(4), 711-733. doi: [http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7660.2007.00430.x 10.1111/j.1467-7660.2007.00430.x]</ref>

== 3.2 Implications: Layering Perspectives ==

The description above describes the implications from illegal logging in Indonesia from the perspective of a forestry student. In this section we welcome contributions from other perspectives. Those interested in contributing to this case study may use the following questions as a guide:
# How could someone from a different discipline or profession add to the implications above?
# What other implications become apparent when illegal logging is viewed through the lens of other disciplines and professions?
# What special expertise, resources, or theoretical orientations might others bring to help us better understand the implications associated with illegal logging in Indonesia?

== <big>Recommendations to Combat Illegal Logging: A Forestry Perspective</big> ==
[[File:Log yard for illegal logging.jpg|thumb|x200px|illegal logs were seized, while in transit, and are impounded at district police offices, Indonesia]]
Overlapping and unclear land tenure, and corruption are the main drivers of illegal logging in Indonesia. I recommend the following:
# Provincial government should seriously draw up and implement rules and regulations to execute the Constitutional Court Decision. The legal basis to implement the Constitutional Court Decision could refer to the current international agreements ratified by the national government, for example UNDRIP and FAO's Voluntary Guidelines on the Responsible Governance of Tenure.
#An anti-corruption commission directly reporting to the President should investigate all corruption allegations within the government. That would send out a clear and strong deterrent signal by meting out heavy punishment for government officials involved in mal-administration, and any form of corruption or fraud.
#Timber legality verification as an instrument to combat illegal logging. Indonesia and the European Union (EU) signed the EU Forest Law Enforcement, Governance and Trade - Voluntary Partnership Agreement (FLEGT-VPA) on 30 September 2013 and can issue FLEGT licences to verified legal timber products exported to the EU beginning 15 November 2016<ref>Illegal Logging Portal. (2016). Indonesia and EU agree to start the FLEGT licensing scheme for verified legal timber products on 15 November 2016. Retrieved from http://www.illegal-logging.info/content/indonesia-and-eu-agree-start-flegt-licensing-scheme-verified-legal-timber-products-15</ref>
#CITES (the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora) as a tool to combat illegal logging. Getting threatened or endangered species listed on one of the three Appendices of CITES, leading to limiting or banning the trade of endangered native timber species.

== Recommendations: Layering Perspectives ==
What recommendations might someone from another discipline or profession make to combat the issue of illegal logging in Indonesia?
Examples might include:
* Law
* Geography
* Environmental Science
* Social Justice
* Economics
* History
* Anthropology
* Philosophy

==<big>Reflections</big>==
Indigenous communities in Indonesia live in a world of uncertain laws with the knowledge that existing laws have always been manipulated by self serving, corrupt, powerful individuals who lack integrity. Laws which protect the rights of indigenous peoples have little meaning if they are widely ignored and not enforced. Ironically, the forest law is instead commonly used against indigenous people and rural poor with hundreds of people detained in Indonesian jails for having claimed their rights on their land, forests and other resources while resisting eviction and land grabs<ref>Anne. S. G. (2015). How Indonesian forest law is being used against poor people. Indonesia: The Jakarta Post. Retrieved from http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2015/08/16/how-indonesian-forest-law-being-used-against-poor-people.html</ref> The positive feedback loop of poor governance leads to rampant widespread illegal logging and deforestation of Indonesia forests. Conversion of natural forest into agricultural and oil palm plantations has also contributed to the rapid loss of forests in Indonesia. Perhaps only a reset of the political system or strong political will from the president to thoroughly flush out corruption can promote good governance and the integrity of government officials to serve the citizens of Indonesia.

== <big>References</big> ==
<references/>

== <big>External links</big>==
*[https://www.cites.org/eng CITES]
*[http://www.euflegt.efi.int/home EU FLEGT]
*[http://www.ohchr.org/EN/ProfessionalInterest/Pages/CERD.aspx Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR)]
*[http://www.unesco.org/new/en/indigenous-peoples/related-info/undrip/ UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP)]

[[Category:FRST522]]

Open Case Studies/FRST522/Indonesia

2017-05-10T03:55:35Z

JenniferMansour: /* Implications */

<big><big>'''Illegal Logging Case Study - Indonesia (Kalimantan)'''</big></big>

{{#widget:YouTube|id=V7c0h23pHR8|height=415|width=520}}

== <big>Introduction</big> ==
[[File:Kalimantan2.png|thumb|x300px|Map of Borneo]]
Prior to 1967, access rights to State Forests were tolerated within the context of customary rights.<ref name="Justice"/> However, during the New Order regime (1967-1998), the Indonesian government passed numerous legislation — such as the Basic Forestry Act of 1967, the Basic Mining Act of 1967, and the Basic Agrarian Law of 1969 that placed the rights of the State and national development ahead of the rights of individual communities.<ref name="autonomy"/> For example, the Basic Forestry Act of 1967, although recognizing the existence of locally owned forests, stated that local communities could not obstruct the implementation of government development agendas. In the 1980s, the national government classified over 75 per cent of the nation's land as State Forest, essentially taking land away from local communities and putting it under state control and administration.<ref name="autonomy"/> The approach ignored pre-existing local rights to millions of hectares of land, forests, coastlines and other natural resources.<ref name="autonomy"/> The state claimed authority as the only legitimate owner of all resources in these areas and has used this authority to prioritize economic development, usually at the expense and interests of local communities. This assertion of state authority, especially during President Suharto’s thirty-two-year campaign for economic development, contributed to the rapid depletion of Indonesia’s natural resources, usually to the detriment of resource dependent communities.<ref name="Justice">Marcus. C., Marco. B., Arnoldo. C. H., Fillippo. D. G., Jessica. D., Guillaume. L., Krystof. O., Denis. P., Michael. R., Sulaiman. N. S., Luca. T., Maria. T. V. R. & Luca. T.(2006). Justice in the forest: Rural livelihoods and forest law enforcement. Indonesia: CIFOR</ref>

Since the onset of the Indonesian economic crisis in 1997, illegal logging has increased across the country.<ref name="autonomy"/> Even prior to the implementation of formal regional autonomy (decentralization) in 2001, the power vacuum left after the end of Suharto’s New Order regime resulted in de facto regional autonomy, where the district heads gained now-found power to grant small logging concessions which legalized illegal logging and export activities.<ref name="autonomy">Reed L. Wadley & Michael E. (2005). Autonomy, Identity, and ‘Illegal’ Logging in the borderland of West Kalimantan, Indonesia, ''The Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology'', 6:1, 19-34, doi: [[ http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14442210500074853|10.1080/14442210500074853]]</ref> It is defined as illegal logging because the central Indonesian government and international organisations regard much current timber harvesting as illegal, whereas local communities see the timber coming from their own traditionally managed forests as part of negotiated agreements with loggers.<ref name="autonomy"/>

This Wikipage will illustrate the problem of illegal logging broadly in the national context and focus at the local level of Kalimantan, with village loggers. The indigenous people are usually referred to as Dayaks, based on census data. The ethnic composition of Central Kalimantan population is: Dayak (54.28%), Banjar (24.20%), Javanese (18.06%) and Madurese (3.46%).<ref name="worldbank"/> The Dayak ethnicity is comprised of four major sub-tribes, namely the Dayak Ngaju, Dayak Lawangan, Dayak Ma’ayan and Dayak Ot-Danum. The Dayak majority in Central Kalimantan is in fact asserting the largest number of customary claims on land in Central Kalimantan. Despite the State’s unilateral formal claim on lands, indigenous claims on lands are typically more accepted locally than land transactions under formal laws<ref name="worldbank">Worldbank, (2015). [http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTLGA/Resources/Central_Kalimantan_Final_Report.pdf Central Kalimantan Land Governance Assessment].</ref>

== <big>Framing the Problem: A Forestry Perspective</big> ==
[[File:Illegal logging in Kalimantan.jpg|thumb|x200px|Illegal logging by local people in Kalimantan]]
Indonesian land tenure divides land into areas classified as State Forest and those classified as non-state forest. The areas classified as state forests are controlled by the Ministry of Forestry, while the National Land Agency has authority to grant rights over lands classified as non-state forests. It is worthwhile to note that forest land makes up the majority of the land area in Kalimantan.<ref name="eaton"/> The Ministry of Forestry’s claim to land does not allow the local government to title land parcels to forest communities. That is one of the main administrative barriers against land certainty in Kalimantan. In addition to the Land Agency and the Ministry of Forestry, several other central government agencies have some power to claim land, such as agencies handling mining and infrastructure.<ref name="eaton"/>

Rural lands in Kalimantan are claimed mostly by indigenous, state and private actors. Since the provincial spatial zoning plan has not been finalized, numerous claims are currently overlapping and contradicting each other. At the same time the claims from indigenous peoples cannot be addressed by local regulations alone<ref name="Justice"/>. Due to this problem, national laws, regulations and policies aiming to resolve land tenure issues cannot be implemented properly. Furthermore, the lack of institutional support prevents the efforts to formally recognize customary rights on land.<ref name="eaton"/>.

As in many places in Indonesia, the complexity of contested claims on lands among different actors shapes land tenure in Kalimantan. Four categories of land claims, based on the actors involved, include private or individual, communal, open access and state claims. These categories, however, are not clearly established with agreed-upon and well-defined boundaries.<ref name="eaton"/> In 2012, the state recognized customary rights on land pursuant to the Constitutional Court Decision. However, the recognition of customary claims on forest is not straightforward in practice due to the complex structure of adat land tenure and red tapes within the government<ref name="worldbank"/>. The rich forest and mineral resources of Kalimantan have brought considerable wealth to both the Indonesian government and a host of businesses with differing degrees of legitimacy, but not to the majority of the indigenous inhabitants. Traditional economies and resource management systems have often been disrupted and customary land tenure ignored<ref name="eaton">Eaton, Peter. (2004). Land Tenure, Conservation and Development in Southeast Asia. Taylor & Francis. United Kingdom: Routledge Ltd</ref>.

The three drivers for local people involvement in illegal logging are due to the need for income, other villagers and non-villagers are perpetrators of illegally logging, and the realization of loss of community control over traditional forest areas.<ref name="system">Dudley, R. G. (2004). A System dynamics examination of the willingness of villagers to engage in illegal logging. ''Journal of Sustainable Forestry,''19(1-3), 31-53. doi: [http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/J091v19n01_03 10.1300/J091v19n01_03] </ref> For example, the economic crisis and political turmoil in 1998 added pressure on forest resources where some local people joined the large scale timber logging companies in illegal extraction of timber in Tanjung Puting National Park <ref>Curry, D., & Ruwindrijarto, A. (2000). Illegal logging in Tanjung Puting National Park, an update to the final cut report. Jakarta, Indonesia: [https://telapak.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/09/Update-Final-Cut.pdf Environmental Investigation Agency and Telapak Indonesia.]</ref>

==Framing the Problem: Layering Perspectives ==
The description above describes illegal logging in Indoensia from the perspective of a forestry student. In this section we welcome contributions from other perspectives. Those interested in contributing to this case study may use the following questions as a guide:
# How do scholars and professionals outside of forestry conceptualize the practice of illegal logging in Indonesia?
# What are other possible ways of framing this problem?
# What special expertise, resources, or theoretical orientations might others bring to help us understand this phenomenon better?

== <big>Implications: A Forestry Perspective </big>==
===Environmental===
[[File:An orangutan (Pongo pygmaeus) among the foliage in East Kalimantan.jpg|thumb|x200px|An orangutan (''Pongo pygmaeus'') among the foliage in East Kalimantan]]
Illegal logging causes serious environmental problems such as deforestation leading to reductions in carbon stocks, degradation of biodiversity, lowering water quality and has implications for climate change. An example is the habitat loss of critically endangered Bornean Orang-utan from the constant threat of illegal logging in the forests of Indonesia <ref>Loren. B. (2016). Retrieved from https://news.mongabay.com/2016/07/bornean-orangutan-declared-critically-endangered-as-forests-shrink/</ref>
Wildfires as a result of illegal logging reduced forest coverage and caused streams that supplied drinking water to run dry. High economic value tree species are at risk of extinction due to highly selective logging. This damage to the residual tree stand alters the path of stand development such that more non-commercial trees will achieve canopy dominance. This in turn reduces the economic value of these forests and increases the likelihood of land use conversion as it may be viewed as degraded forest by the government.<ref>Marc A. Hiller , Benjamin C. Jarvis , Hikma Lisa , Laura J. Paulson , Edward H. B. Pollard & Scott A. Stanley. (2004). Recent Trends in Illegal Logging and a Brief Discussion of Their Causes. ''Journal of Sustainable Forestry'', 19:1-3, 181-212, doi: [http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/J091v19n01_09 10.1300/J091v19n01_09]</ref>

===Political===
Many communities in Indonesia affected by forest concessions have state-issued certificates recognizing their communal rights to forest lands. In addition, some of these communities qualify as indigenous people with rights to land and natural resources being well supported by international law, including by the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (UN-CERD), to which Indonesia is a party, and the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP). Indonesia’s enforcement of affected communities’ usufruct rights and its recognition of indigenous rights, however, are weak both in law and in practice.<ref name="human"/> Although the Indonesian Constitution recognizes the customary rights of traditional communities, including land rights, sectoral laws such as the 1999 Revised Forestry Law and the 2004 Plantations Law provide little protection. For example, Indigenous community must be able to demonstrate that their rights exists before a local regulation can be passed to allow due process for consultation and compensation by plantation companies.<ref name="human"/>

In response to raising conflicts due to unclear land rights, the People’s Consultative Assembly, Indonesia’s upper house of parliament, passed an Act in 2001 directing the House of Representatives, the lower house of parliament, to review natural resource laws in order to strengthen community rights and thereby address conflicts. More than a decade later, this review has yet to take place. Likewise, a draft law on indigenous rights has been stuck in the House’s legislative committee for several years.<ref name="human">Human Rights Watch. (2013). The Dark Side of Green Growth - Human rights impacts of weak governance in Indonesia's forestry sector. Retrieved from https://www.hrw.org/report/2013/07/15/dark-side-green-growth/human-rights-impacts-weak-governance-indonesias-forestry#page</ref>

===Economic===
Illegal logging can result in the loss of government revenue, consequently undermining the competitiveness of the legitimate forestry industry. Such losses can be significant; it has been estimated that the Indonesian government lost US$9 billion between 2003 and 2014 due to illegal logging and forest sector mismanagement<ref>Jonathan. Vit. (2015). Indonesia losing billions from illegal logging. Retrieved from https://news.mongabay.com/2015/11/indonesia-losing-billions-from-illegal-logging/</ref>. Loss of revenue undermines efforts to place the forest sector on a more sustainable footing, as lost revenue cannot be reinvested in the sector. Illegal logging also distorts global markets and undermines incentives for sustainable forest management, as illegal timber is often cheaper than legal timber.<ref>Illegal Logging Portal. (n.d.). Major impacts. Retrieved from http://www.illegal-logging.info/topics/major-impacts.</ref>

Communities often agree to such operations on their customary lands as they can beneﬁt from them in three ways: ﬁrst, because they are paid a small fee for each cubic metre of timber extracted; second, because they can gain employment in illegal logging camps; and third, because additional jobs are also created in the unlicensed mills that process the timbers.<ref name="Justice"/> Jobs in the mills and camps provide short-term support to the socio-economy of rural communities, as the operators provided much flexibility for labourers who work seasonally, when they can afford to be away from farms and homes.<ref name="Justice"/>

===Social===

Illegal logging destroys the lives of local communities and native populations. When the forest goes, so does their traditional way of life. Unable to live by foraging and trading, they begin to rely on the logging companies for food and an income, and become caught up in what can only be described as modern day slavery. Ancient tribal cultures are lost in the space of one generation, as remote communities become a shadow of what they once were <ref>Greentumble. (2016). The negative effects of illegal logging. Retrieved from http://greentumble.com/the-negative-effects-of-illegal-logging.</ref> The national government also passed legislation aimed at eroding the traditional heritage of local communities. The 1979 Law on Village Administration standardized village governance across the archipelago and replaced local systems of community governance with a Javanese model. Local customary leaders were marginalized or removed and were replaced with State's henchmen; the latter had little interest in maintaining traditions that did not benefit them, and in some cases even called into question their legitimacy<ref name="Duncan"/>.

Although many ethnic minorities are faring better under decentralization (after 1998), some groups that became minorities due to redistricting, or that remain minorities within an existing district, are in some cases doing worse. In places such as Kalimantan, many politically powerful Dayak groups have been doing well since decentralization. They have been able to regain control of land and resources that they had lost under previous governments.<ref name="Duncan"/> However, this is not the case for every ethnic group. For example, the Punan, a group of forest-dwelling foragers in Kalimantan, did not fare as well as other Dayak groups. They are still a minority group and are often unable to organize or gain any political power. As new rights and monies are being distributed, the Punan are often forgotten or in some cases outright ignored.<ref name="Duncan">Duncan, Christopher R. Mixed outcomes: The impact of regional autonomy and decentralization on indigenous ethnic minorities in Indonesia. ''Development and Change'' 38(4), 711-733. doi: [http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7660.2007.00430.x 10.1111/j.1467-7660.2007.00430.x]</ref>

== 3.2 Implications: Layering Perspectives ==

The description above describes the implications from illegal logging in Indonesia from the perspective of a forestry student. In this section we welcome contributions from other perspectives. Those interested in contributing to this case study may use the following questions as a guide:
# How could someone from a different discipline or profession add to the implications above?
# What other implications become apparent when illegal logging is viewed through the lens of other disciplines and professions?
# What special expertise, resources, or theoretical orientations might others bring to help us better understand the implications associated with illegal logging in Indonesia?

== <big>Recommendations to Combat Illegal Logging</big> ==
[[File:Log yard for illegal logging.jpg|thumb|x200px|illegal logs were seized, while in transit, and are impounded at district police offices, Indonesia]]
Overlapping and unclear land tenure, and corruption are the main drivers of illegal logging in Indonesia. I recommend the following:
# Provincial government should seriously draw up and implement rules and regulations to execute the Constitutional Court Decision. The legal basis to implement the Constitutional Court Decision could refer to the current international agreements ratified by the national government, for example UNDRIP and FAO's Voluntary Guidelines on the Responsible Governance of Tenure.
#An anti-corruption commission directly reporting to the President should investigate all corruption allegations within the government. That would send out a clear and strong deterrent signal by meting out heavy punishment for government officials involved in mal-administration, and any form of corruption or fraud.
#Timber legality verification as an instrument to combat illegal logging. Indonesia and the European Union (EU) signed the EU Forest Law Enforcement, Governance and Trade - Voluntary Partnership Agreement (FLEGT-VPA) on 30 September 2013 and can issue FLEGT licences to verified legal timber products exported to the EU beginning 15 November 2016<ref>Illegal Logging Portal. (2016). Indonesia and EU agree to start the FLEGT licensing scheme for verified legal timber products on 15 November 2016. Retrieved from http://www.illegal-logging.info/content/indonesia-and-eu-agree-start-flegt-licensing-scheme-verified-legal-timber-products-15</ref>
#CITES (the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora) as a tool to combat illegal logging. Getting threatened or endangered species listed on one of the three Appendices of CITES, leading to limiting or banning the trade of endangered native timber species.

==<big>Reflections</big>==
Indigenous communities in Indonesia live in a world of uncertain laws with the knowledge that existing laws have always been manipulated by self serving, corrupt, powerful individuals who lack integrity. Laws which protect the rights of indigenous peoples have little meaning if they are widely ignored and not enforced. Ironically, the forest law is instead commonly used against indigenous people and rural poor with hundreds of people detained in Indonesian jails for having claimed their rights on their land, forests and other resources while resisting eviction and land grabs<ref>Anne. S. G. (2015). How Indonesian forest law is being used against poor people. Indonesia: The Jakarta Post. Retrieved from http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2015/08/16/how-indonesian-forest-law-being-used-against-poor-people.html</ref> The positive feedback loop of poor governance leads to rampant widespread illegal logging and deforestation of Indonesia forests. Conversion of natural forest into agricultural and oil palm plantations has also contributed to the rapid loss of forests in Indonesia. Perhaps only a reset of the political system or strong political will from the president to thoroughly flush out corruption can promote good governance and the integrity of government officials to serve the citizens of Indonesia.

== <big>References</big> ==
<references/>

== <big>External links</big>==
*[https://www.cites.org/eng CITES]
*[http://www.euflegt.efi.int/home EU FLEGT]
*[http://www.ohchr.org/EN/ProfessionalInterest/Pages/CERD.aspx Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR)]
*[http://www.unesco.org/new/en/indigenous-peoples/related-info/undrip/ UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP)]

[[Category:FRST522]]

Open Case Studies/FRST522/Indonesia

2017-05-10T03:52:52Z

JenniferMansour: /* Framing the Problem */

<big><big>'''Illegal Logging Case Study - Indonesia (Kalimantan)'''</big></big>

{{#widget:YouTube|id=V7c0h23pHR8|height=415|width=520}}

== <big>Introduction</big> ==
[[File:Kalimantan2.png|thumb|x300px|Map of Borneo]]
Prior to 1967, access rights to State Forests were tolerated within the context of customary rights.<ref name="Justice"/> However, during the New Order regime (1967-1998), the Indonesian government passed numerous legislation — such as the Basic Forestry Act of 1967, the Basic Mining Act of 1967, and the Basic Agrarian Law of 1969 that placed the rights of the State and national development ahead of the rights of individual communities.<ref name="autonomy"/> For example, the Basic Forestry Act of 1967, although recognizing the existence of locally owned forests, stated that local communities could not obstruct the implementation of government development agendas. In the 1980s, the national government classified over 75 per cent of the nation's land as State Forest, essentially taking land away from local communities and putting it under state control and administration.<ref name="autonomy"/> The approach ignored pre-existing local rights to millions of hectares of land, forests, coastlines and other natural resources.<ref name="autonomy"/> The state claimed authority as the only legitimate owner of all resources in these areas and has used this authority to prioritize economic development, usually at the expense and interests of local communities. This assertion of state authority, especially during President Suharto’s thirty-two-year campaign for economic development, contributed to the rapid depletion of Indonesia’s natural resources, usually to the detriment of resource dependent communities.<ref name="Justice">Marcus. C., Marco. B., Arnoldo. C. H., Fillippo. D. G., Jessica. D., Guillaume. L., Krystof. O., Denis. P., Michael. R., Sulaiman. N. S., Luca. T., Maria. T. V. R. & Luca. T.(2006). Justice in the forest: Rural livelihoods and forest law enforcement. Indonesia: CIFOR</ref>

Since the onset of the Indonesian economic crisis in 1997, illegal logging has increased across the country.<ref name="autonomy"/> Even prior to the implementation of formal regional autonomy (decentralization) in 2001, the power vacuum left after the end of Suharto’s New Order regime resulted in de facto regional autonomy, where the district heads gained now-found power to grant small logging concessions which legalized illegal logging and export activities.<ref name="autonomy">Reed L. Wadley & Michael E. (2005). Autonomy, Identity, and ‘Illegal’ Logging in the borderland of West Kalimantan, Indonesia, ''The Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology'', 6:1, 19-34, doi: [[ http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14442210500074853|10.1080/14442210500074853]]</ref> It is defined as illegal logging because the central Indonesian government and international organisations regard much current timber harvesting as illegal, whereas local communities see the timber coming from their own traditionally managed forests as part of negotiated agreements with loggers.<ref name="autonomy"/>

This Wikipage will illustrate the problem of illegal logging broadly in the national context and focus at the local level of Kalimantan, with village loggers. The indigenous people are usually referred to as Dayaks, based on census data. The ethnic composition of Central Kalimantan population is: Dayak (54.28%), Banjar (24.20%), Javanese (18.06%) and Madurese (3.46%).<ref name="worldbank"/> The Dayak ethnicity is comprised of four major sub-tribes, namely the Dayak Ngaju, Dayak Lawangan, Dayak Ma’ayan and Dayak Ot-Danum. The Dayak majority in Central Kalimantan is in fact asserting the largest number of customary claims on land in Central Kalimantan. Despite the State’s unilateral formal claim on lands, indigenous claims on lands are typically more accepted locally than land transactions under formal laws<ref name="worldbank">Worldbank, (2015). [http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTLGA/Resources/Central_Kalimantan_Final_Report.pdf Central Kalimantan Land Governance Assessment].</ref>

== <big>Framing the Problem: A Forestry Perspective</big> ==
[[File:Illegal logging in Kalimantan.jpg|thumb|x200px|Illegal logging by local people in Kalimantan]]
Indonesian land tenure divides land into areas classified as State Forest and those classified as non-state forest. The areas classified as state forests are controlled by the Ministry of Forestry, while the National Land Agency has authority to grant rights over lands classified as non-state forests. It is worthwhile to note that forest land makes up the majority of the land area in Kalimantan.<ref name="eaton"/> The Ministry of Forestry’s claim to land does not allow the local government to title land parcels to forest communities. That is one of the main administrative barriers against land certainty in Kalimantan. In addition to the Land Agency and the Ministry of Forestry, several other central government agencies have some power to claim land, such as agencies handling mining and infrastructure.<ref name="eaton"/>

Rural lands in Kalimantan are claimed mostly by indigenous, state and private actors. Since the provincial spatial zoning plan has not been finalized, numerous claims are currently overlapping and contradicting each other. At the same time the claims from indigenous peoples cannot be addressed by local regulations alone<ref name="Justice"/>. Due to this problem, national laws, regulations and policies aiming to resolve land tenure issues cannot be implemented properly. Furthermore, the lack of institutional support prevents the efforts to formally recognize customary rights on land.<ref name="eaton"/>.

As in many places in Indonesia, the complexity of contested claims on lands among different actors shapes land tenure in Kalimantan. Four categories of land claims, based on the actors involved, include private or individual, communal, open access and state claims. These categories, however, are not clearly established with agreed-upon and well-defined boundaries.<ref name="eaton"/> In 2012, the state recognized customary rights on land pursuant to the Constitutional Court Decision. However, the recognition of customary claims on forest is not straightforward in practice due to the complex structure of adat land tenure and red tapes within the government<ref name="worldbank"/>. The rich forest and mineral resources of Kalimantan have brought considerable wealth to both the Indonesian government and a host of businesses with differing degrees of legitimacy, but not to the majority of the indigenous inhabitants. Traditional economies and resource management systems have often been disrupted and customary land tenure ignored<ref name="eaton">Eaton, Peter. (2004). Land Tenure, Conservation and Development in Southeast Asia. Taylor & Francis. United Kingdom: Routledge Ltd</ref>.

The three drivers for local people involvement in illegal logging are due to the need for income, other villagers and non-villagers are perpetrators of illegally logging, and the realization of loss of community control over traditional forest areas.<ref name="system">Dudley, R. G. (2004). A System dynamics examination of the willingness of villagers to engage in illegal logging. ''Journal of Sustainable Forestry,''19(1-3), 31-53. doi: [http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/J091v19n01_03 10.1300/J091v19n01_03] </ref> For example, the economic crisis and political turmoil in 1998 added pressure on forest resources where some local people joined the large scale timber logging companies in illegal extraction of timber in Tanjung Puting National Park <ref>Curry, D., & Ruwindrijarto, A. (2000). Illegal logging in Tanjung Puting National Park, an update to the final cut report. Jakarta, Indonesia: [https://telapak.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/09/Update-Final-Cut.pdf Environmental Investigation Agency and Telapak Indonesia.]</ref>

==Framing the Problem: Layering Perspectives ==
The description above describes illegal logging in Indoensia from the perspective of a forestry student. In this section we welcome contributions from other perspectives. Those interested in contributing to this case study may use the following questions as a guide:
# How do scholars and professionals outside of forestry conceptualize the practice of illegal logging in Indonesia?
# What are other possible ways of framing this problem?
# What special expertise, resources, or theoretical orientations might others bring to help us understand this phenomenon better?

== <big>Implications</big>==
===Environmental===
[[File:An orangutan (Pongo pygmaeus) among the foliage in East Kalimantan.jpg|thumb|x200px|An orangutan (''Pongo pygmaeus'') among the foliage in East Kalimantan]]
Illegal logging causes serious environmental problems such as deforestation leading to reductions in carbon stocks, degradation of biodiversity, lowering water quality and has implications for climate change. An example is the habitat loss of critically endangered Bornean Orang-utan from the constant threat of illegal logging in the forests of Indonesia <ref>Loren. B. (2016). Retrieved from https://news.mongabay.com/2016/07/bornean-orangutan-declared-critically-endangered-as-forests-shrink/</ref>
Wildfires as a result of illegal logging reduced forest coverage and caused streams that supplied drinking water to run dry. High economic value tree species are at risk of extinction due to highly selective logging. This damage to the residual tree stand alters the path of stand development such that more non-commercial trees will achieve canopy dominance. This in turn reduces the economic value of these forests and increases the likelihood of land use conversion as it may be viewed as degraded forest by the government.<ref>Marc A. Hiller , Benjamin C. Jarvis , Hikma Lisa , Laura J. Paulson , Edward H. B. Pollard & Scott A. Stanley. (2004). Recent Trends in Illegal Logging and a Brief Discussion of Their Causes. ''Journal of Sustainable Forestry'', 19:1-3, 181-212, doi: [http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/J091v19n01_09 10.1300/J091v19n01_09]</ref>

===Political===
Many communities in Indonesia affected by forest concessions have state-issued certificates recognizing their communal rights to forest lands. In addition, some of these communities qualify as indigenous people with rights to land and natural resources being well supported by international law, including by the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (UN-CERD), to which Indonesia is a party, and the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP). Indonesia’s enforcement of affected communities’ usufruct rights and its recognition of indigenous rights, however, are weak both in law and in practice.<ref name="human"/> Although the Indonesian Constitution recognizes the customary rights of traditional communities, including land rights, sectoral laws such as the 1999 Revised Forestry Law and the 2004 Plantations Law provide little protection. For example, Indigenous community must be able to demonstrate that their rights exists before a local regulation can be passed to allow due process for consultation and compensation by plantation companies.<ref name="human"/>

In response to raising conflicts due to unclear land rights, the People’s Consultative Assembly, Indonesia’s upper house of parliament, passed an Act in 2001 directing the House of Representatives, the lower house of parliament, to review natural resource laws in order to strengthen community rights and thereby address conflicts. More than a decade later, this review has yet to take place. Likewise, a draft law on indigenous rights has been stuck in the House’s legislative committee for several years.<ref name="human">Human Rights Watch. (2013). The Dark Side of Green Growth - Human rights impacts of weak governance in Indonesia's forestry sector. Retrieved from https://www.hrw.org/report/2013/07/15/dark-side-green-growth/human-rights-impacts-weak-governance-indonesias-forestry#page</ref>

===Economic===
Illegal logging can result in the loss of government revenue, consequently undermining the competitiveness of the legitimate forestry industry. Such losses can be significant; it has been estimated that the Indonesian government lost US$9 billion between 2003 and 2014 due to illegal logging and forest sector mismanagement<ref>Jonathan. Vit. (2015). Indonesia losing billions from illegal logging. Retrieved from https://news.mongabay.com/2015/11/indonesia-losing-billions-from-illegal-logging/</ref>. Loss of revenue undermines efforts to place the forest sector on a more sustainable footing, as lost revenue cannot be reinvested in the sector. Illegal logging also distorts global markets and undermines incentives for sustainable forest management, as illegal timber is often cheaper than legal timber.<ref>Illegal Logging Portal. (n.d.). Major impacts. Retrieved from http://www.illegal-logging.info/topics/major-impacts.</ref>

Communities often agree to such operations on their customary lands as they can beneﬁt from them in three ways: ﬁrst, because they are paid a small fee for each cubic metre of timber extracted; second, because they can gain employment in illegal logging camps; and third, because additional jobs are also created in the unlicensed mills that process the timbers.<ref name="Justice"/> Jobs in the mills and camps provide short-term support to the socio-economy of rural communities, as the operators provided much flexibility for labourers who work seasonally, when they can afford to be away from farms and homes.<ref name="Justice"/>

===Social===

Illegal logging destroys the lives of local communities and native populations. When the forest goes, so does their traditional way of life. Unable to live by foraging and trading, they begin to rely on the logging companies for food and an income, and become caught up in what can only be described as modern day slavery. Ancient tribal cultures are lost in the space of one generation, as remote communities become a shadow of what they once were <ref>Greentumble. (2016). The negative effects of illegal logging. Retrieved from http://greentumble.com/the-negative-effects-of-illegal-logging.</ref> The national government also passed legislation aimed at eroding the traditional heritage of local communities. The 1979 Law on Village Administration standardized village governance across the archipelago and replaced local systems of community governance with a Javanese model. Local customary leaders were marginalized or removed and were replaced with State's henchmen; the latter had little interest in maintaining traditions that did not benefit them, and in some cases even called into question their legitimacy<ref name="Duncan"/>.

Although many ethnic minorities are faring better under decentralization (after 1998), some groups that became minorities due to redistricting, or that remain minorities within an existing district, are in some cases doing worse. In places such as Kalimantan, many politically powerful Dayak groups have been doing well since decentralization. They have been able to regain control of land and resources that they had lost under previous governments.<ref name="Duncan"/> However, this is not the case for every ethnic group. For example, the Punan, a group of forest-dwelling foragers in Kalimantan, did not fare as well as other Dayak groups. They are still a minority group and are often unable to organize or gain any political power. As new rights and monies are being distributed, the Punan are often forgotten or in some cases outright ignored.<ref name="Duncan">Duncan, Christopher R. Mixed outcomes: The impact of regional autonomy and decentralization on indigenous ethnic minorities in Indonesia. ''Development and Change'' 38(4), 711-733. doi: [http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7660.2007.00430.x 10.1111/j.1467-7660.2007.00430.x]</ref>

== <big>Recommendations to Combat Illegal Logging</big> ==
[[File:Log yard for illegal logging.jpg|thumb|x200px|illegal logs were seized, while in transit, and are impounded at district police offices, Indonesia]]
Overlapping and unclear land tenure, and corruption are the main drivers of illegal logging in Indonesia. I recommend the following:
# Provincial government should seriously draw up and implement rules and regulations to execute the Constitutional Court Decision. The legal basis to implement the Constitutional Court Decision could refer to the current international agreements ratified by the national government, for example UNDRIP and FAO's Voluntary Guidelines on the Responsible Governance of Tenure.
#An anti-corruption commission directly reporting to the President should investigate all corruption allegations within the government. That would send out a clear and strong deterrent signal by meting out heavy punishment for government officials involved in mal-administration, and any form of corruption or fraud.
#Timber legality verification as an instrument to combat illegal logging. Indonesia and the European Union (EU) signed the EU Forest Law Enforcement, Governance and Trade - Voluntary Partnership Agreement (FLEGT-VPA) on 30 September 2013 and can issue FLEGT licences to verified legal timber products exported to the EU beginning 15 November 2016<ref>Illegal Logging Portal. (2016). Indonesia and EU agree to start the FLEGT licensing scheme for verified legal timber products on 15 November 2016. Retrieved from http://www.illegal-logging.info/content/indonesia-and-eu-agree-start-flegt-licensing-scheme-verified-legal-timber-products-15</ref>
#CITES (the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora) as a tool to combat illegal logging. Getting threatened or endangered species listed on one of the three Appendices of CITES, leading to limiting or banning the trade of endangered native timber species.

==<big>Reflections</big>==
Indigenous communities in Indonesia live in a world of uncertain laws with the knowledge that existing laws have always been manipulated by self serving, corrupt, powerful individuals who lack integrity. Laws which protect the rights of indigenous peoples have little meaning if they are widely ignored and not enforced. Ironically, the forest law is instead commonly used against indigenous people and rural poor with hundreds of people detained in Indonesian jails for having claimed their rights on their land, forests and other resources while resisting eviction and land grabs<ref>Anne. S. G. (2015). How Indonesian forest law is being used against poor people. Indonesia: The Jakarta Post. Retrieved from http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2015/08/16/how-indonesian-forest-law-being-used-against-poor-people.html</ref> The positive feedback loop of poor governance leads to rampant widespread illegal logging and deforestation of Indonesia forests. Conversion of natural forest into agricultural and oil palm plantations has also contributed to the rapid loss of forests in Indonesia. Perhaps only a reset of the political system or strong political will from the president to thoroughly flush out corruption can promote good governance and the integrity of government officials to serve the citizens of Indonesia.

== <big>References</big> ==
<references/>

== <big>External links</big>==
*[https://www.cites.org/eng CITES]
*[http://www.euflegt.efi.int/home EU FLEGT]
*[http://www.ohchr.org/EN/ProfessionalInterest/Pages/CERD.aspx Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR)]
*[http://www.unesco.org/new/en/indigenous-peoples/related-info/undrip/ UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP)]

[[Category:FRST522]]

Open Case Studies/FRST522/Amazon-Brazil

2017-05-10T03:49:46Z

JenniferMansour: /* Initiatives to combat illegal logging */

By: '''JOSEPH MUMUNI'''

== Illegal Logging in the Brazil Amazon: From past to present, What are the actions and realities? ==

=== Introduction ===
[[File:Behind the scenes of illegal logging.jpg|400px|thumb|right|An illegal timber site, [https://www.flickr.com/photos/31679815@N04/3211170718/ Flickr photo] by Joelle Hernandez, licensed [https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/2.0/ CC BY-NC-ND 2.0]. Photo taken while in a vehicle indicating illegal logging which destroys forests and has other negative repercussions]]

There is no one definition for illegal logging. However, different definitions have been identified from research organizations and other groups working on illegal logging:
*The European Union Forest Law Enforcement Governance and Trade (EU FLEGT) defines Illegal logging as situations where timber is harvested, processed, transported, bought or sold in contravention of national and international laws and which has devastating impacts on forests and forest dependent peoples.<ref name="EU FLEGT 2014">EU Forest Law Enforcement, Governance, and Trade (EU FLEGT). 2014. Illegal Logging. http://www.euflegt.efi.int/illegal-logging</ref>

An assessment by Greenpeace International in the Amazon adds that timber may be illegal because it comes from land on a private estate that has been clear-felled without a deforestation authorization permit, or logged without a logging authorization - Autorização de Exploração Florestal (AUTEF); because it has been harvested in excess of the maximum authorized for a given area; or because it has been taken without permission from public land, or even from areas protected for wildlife or indigenous peoples and other communities.<ref name="Greenpeace 2013">Greenpeace. 2013. The Amazon's Silent Crisis. http://www.greenpeace.org.uk/sites/files/gpuk/SilentCrisis_LowRes_Pages.pdf</ref>

Brazil is one of the countries with extensive tropical forests and home to 60% of the Amazon rainforest. The country has 27 states with a total land cover of 850 million hectares, where 463 million hectares are estimated to be forested. In addition, natural forests account for the vast majority and plantations account for less than 2%<ref name="chatham">Wellesley L. 2014. Illegal Logging and Related Trade:The Response in Brazil, A Chatham House Assessment, London</ref> <ref name="Brazilian Forest Service">Brazilian Forest Service. Map of Federal Public Forests of Brazil. http://www.florestal.gov.br/documentos/publicacoes/institucionais/2034-brazilian-forest-service/file</ref>

==== Forest Ownership and Management ====
Different sources have provided estimates of forest ownership in Brazil as between 68% and 81% to be publicly owned and this includes indigenous lands where the remaining part is owned by communities. The International Tropical Timber Organization (ITTO) in 2011 presented the status of Brazilian Amazon forest to have over 60% being Permanent Forest Estates (PFE), i.e. land, whether public or private, that is secured by law and kept under permanent forest cover.<ref name="ETTF">European Timber Trade Federation. Country Profile: Brazil. http://www.timbertradeportal.com/countries/brazil/</ref> <ref name="ITTO 2011">International Tropical Timber Organization (ITTO). 2011. Status of Tropical Forest Management. ITTO Technical Series No 38.</ref>. Only Brazilian-based community associations, cooperatives and companies can hold forest concession licences. IBAMA (Institute for the Environment and Renewable Natural Resources) is the Brazilian environment agency and has general authority over forestry licences but in 2006, new forestry legislation passed much of the responsibility for the logging industry to the State Environmental Secretariat - SEMA.<ref name="Greenpeace 2013"></ref> Forest Managers and harvesting companies harvesting native species from planted forests must inform IBAMA or the state environment agency about their commercial activities. Also, forest managers and companies harvesting exotic species from planted forests need planting licences before a planted forest is raised.<ref name="FLI 2014">Forest Legality Initiative. 2014. Brazil. http://www.forestlegality.org/risk-tool/country/brazil</ref>

== Framing the Problem: A Forestry Perspective ==
There is no doubt that illegal logging is a pervasive problem, causing enormous damage to forests, to forest peoples and to the economies of producer countries. After concerns and clear evidence of illegal logging in the Brazilian Amazon, the Brazilian Environmental Crime Law was enacted in 1998 with increased governmental efforts. Enforcement against illegal logging has improved but deforestation is still increasing.<ref name="Brito">Brito B. and Barreto P. 2011. Enforcement against Illegal Logging in the Brazilian Amazon. In Paddock L.(Ed), Compliance and Enforcement in Environmental Law. Towards more effective Implementation (pp.297-310), Edward Elgard Publishing</ref> Brazil was recorded as the world leader in forest loss from 2000 to 2005 through illegal logging and deforestation.<ref name="FAO 2005">Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO). 2005. Global Forest Resources Assessment, Rome, Italy.</ref> Brazil is a leading producer, processor and consumer of wood-based products for which the majority of the country's log production comes from the less than 2% area of forest lands and as well account for nearly all the country's exports to the EU, China, US and Japan.<ref name="chatham"/>

There are many factors to be assessed when considering illegal logging: increasing national population, indigenous peoples' property rights, industrialization around the world as well as reports on increasing forest degradation among states in the Amazon.<ref name="Fonseca et al. 2015">Fonseca, A., Justino, M., Souza Jr., C. & Veríssimo, A. 2015. Deforestation report for the Brazilian Amazon (November 2015) SAD (p. 10). Belém: Imazon. http://imazon.org.br/publicacoes/deforestation-report-for-the-brazilian-amazon-november-2015-sad/?lang=en</ref> There is the need to delve into these realities in assessing efforts to combat illegal logging. Investigative research has to ascertain whether or not there are underground activities fueling cash, crime and contravention of laws. For example, an environmental official, who assisted illegal logging investigations by providing information for the arrest of some culprits and who was well-known for his aggressive enforcement of deforestation laws was shot dead in October, 2016 in the Brazilian Amazon. That execution gives evidence of danger for land defenders in this region.<ref name="Monga Bay 2016a">Monga Bay. 2016a. Environmental official murdered in Brazilian Amazon. 17 October. https://news.mongabay.com/2016/10/government-environmental-official-murdered-in-brazilian-amazon/</ref> A major report released in September by the Indigenous Missionary Council (CIMI) indicates that there were 137 killings of indigenous people in Brazil in 2015, with the state of Mato Grosso do Sul recording the highest number (25 for the year). Much of the violence is due to land conflicts exacerbated by the government’s failure to demarcate indigenous lands, resulting in conflicts between large-scale farmers and indigenous people. Other reports indicate that there are 96 indigenous lands in Brazil, but only four have been demarcated and approved so far. Another 68 are classified with the status of "no action" according to CIMI. A high number of indigenous people also took their own lives, with 87 registered cases of suicide in 2015 by indigenous people.<ref name="Monga Bay 2016b">Monga Bay. 2016b. Violence against indigenous people high, as land conflicts heat up. 18 October. https://news.mongabay.com/2016/10/violence-against-indigenous-people-high-as-land-conflicts-heat-up/</ref> Though actions to curb illegal logging of mahogany are in place, a new species, Ipê (Handroanthus spp.) is highly sought after and thus drives loggers deeper in search of it. Also, exploring the progress made with tackling illegal logging in the Brazilian Amazon particularly from different sources show that there are realities rather than reported.<ref name="Greenpeace 2013"/>

=== Historical Context ===
Different tree species might have been illegally logged and traded but investigations by Greenpeace International and also reported by Chatham House assessments mention a prominent species, mahogany (''Swietenia macrophylla'') as the 'Amazon green gold'. Records for deforestation were higher in the 1990's, attributed to the international demand for mahogany.<ref name="Greenpeace 2001">Greenpeace. 2001. Partners in mahogany crime; Amazon at the mercy of gentlemen's agreements, Amsterdam, The Netherlands</ref> <ref name="Chatham 2001">Chatham House. 2001. Partners in mahogany crime. http://www.illegal-logging.info/content/partners-mahogany-crime</ref> Working in remote forest areas, the loggers often use false permits, ignore limitations of legal permits, cut species protected by law and steal from protected areas and indigenous lands. These are often small or medium scale operations that are able to avoid detection because of the remoteness of the logging locations, the weak presence of the federal environmental agency, IBAMA, and a complex chain-of-custody in the cutting, hauling and transporting of the logs. Also, legally approved forest operations in the Brazilian Amazon commonly provide cover for illegal logging. Logs are frequently cut illegally up river, outside of approved operations and clandestinely floated downstream. Once past an approved operation, they are "legalised" with forged documents claiming that the logs were cut on the property of the forestry operation.

There are vast areas of the Amazon rainforest still intact. However, there are about 7,595 companies registered in the Brazilian Amazon and deforestation rates are growing at an alarming rate. This region that supplied 12 percent of the Brazilian log production in 1970, now produces some 30 million cubic meters of logs a year, or 90 percent of Brazil's total tropical timber production<ref name="Greenpeace 2005">Greenpeace. 2005. Logging in the Amazon: Background. http://www.greenpeace.org/international/en/campaigns/forests/amazon/logging-in-the-amazon/</ref>

==Framing the Problem: Layering Perspectives==
The description above describes illegal logging in Amazon-Brazil from the perspective of a forestry student. In this section we welcome contributions from other perspectives. Those interested in contributing to this case study may use the following questions as a guide:
# How do scholars and professionals outside of forestry conceptualize the practice of illegal logging in Amazon-Brazil?
# What are other possible ways of framing this problem?
# What special expertise, resources, or theoretical orientations might others bring to help us understand this phenomenon better?

== Implications: A Forestry Perspective ==
[[File:Replacing trees with grass.jpg|400px||left|thumb|Cutting trees illegally will gradually produce tight feedback loops on the environment and human well-being globally. [https://www.flickr.com/photos/tybeeney/5923096636/ Fallen Giant], Flickr Photo by Tyler Beeney, licensed [https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/2.0/ CC BY-NC 2.0]]]
Illegal logging has significant impacts in various dimensions, including environmental, social, cultural and economic impacts. These impacts can lead to loss or degradation of forests and as illegal logging tends to be associated with poor forest management, it can result in the loss of habitats and biodiversity. It can also result in loss of significant government revenue and subsequently undermines efforts to place the forest sector on a more sustainable footing, as lost revenue cannot be reinvested in the sector. Another critical view is the fact that it distorts global markets and undermines incentives for sustainable forest management, as illegal timber is often cheaper than legal timber. Socially and culturally, it leads to corruption, conflicts with local communities and contravention of the rule of law.<ref name="Chatham nd">Chatham House. n.d. Major Impacts: Illegal Logging. http://www.illegal-logging.info/topics/major-impacts</ref>
=== Environmental ===
The Amazon rainforest is the largest on earth. Its biodiversity is unparalleled, it is crucial to the stability of the global climate, and it is home to many indigenous peoples. But in spite of its immense size and importance, the Amazon is also incredibly vulnerable. In the past three decades alone, human activity has destroyed an area of the Brazilian Amazon roughly the size of Germany.<ref name="Bickett 2015">Bickett, Dawn. 2015. How loggers are destroying the Amazon — and getting away with it. Greenpeace Blog. 9 June. http://www.greenpeace.org/international/en/news/Blogs/makingwaves/illegal-logging-in-brazil-amazon/blog/53180/</ref> As climate change impacts are felt, there are concerns that the Amazon forest may reach a ‘tipping point’ in which it undergoes a rapid transition to savannah. The 2014 Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change assessment reported that the probability of reaching this tipping point was increased by the combination of climate change and fragmentation acting together. Such a dramatic change would in turn lead to disastrous losses both of biodiversity and of vital ecosystem services currently provided by the forest, such as provision of clean water and climate regulation.<ref name="Greenpeace 2013"/>
=== Economic ===
In 2014, Greenpeace uncovered that illegally logged timber in Brazil is being laundered on a massive and growing scale and then sold on to unwitting buyers in the UK, US, Europe and China. Far more than half of the wood from the two biggest timber producing regions of Brazil probably comes from illegal sources, it claimed, citing figures from the Brazilian environmental research NGO, Imazon, that 78% of the wood shipped from the vast Amazonian state of Pará was illegally felled, while the corresponding figure was 54% in Mato Grosso. <ref name="Watts and Vidal 2014">Watts, Jonathan and John Vidal. 2014. Brazil laundering timber on a 'massive and growing scale,' The Guardian. 15 May. https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2014/may/15/brazil-laundering-illegal-timber-on-a-massive-and-growing-scale</ref>
==== The 'New Mahogany'-Brazilian Walnut or Ipê ====
Greenpeace Brazil in 2014, exposed how the logging company -- Agropecuaria Santa Efigenia Ltd -- logged, laundered, and sold over $7 million of illegal timber. The company filed fraudulent paperwork to claim ridiculously high quantities of valuable ipè timber from areas it could legally log. Then it used that documentation to launder illegal wood from other areas of the Amazon. Ipê is the most valuable Brazilian tropical timber species, and among the most expensive globally. While the volumes of Ipê harvested and exported have declined in recent years, the price continues to increase – driving loggers ever deeper into the forest in search of it. Much light is thrown here with emphasis on current prices; Unsawn log price (domestic): US$169.5 per cubic metre, Sawn timber price (domestic): US$859 per cubic metre, Sawn timber price (export, FOB Belem/Paranagua Ports): US$1,294 per cubic metre, Added value product– decking boards (FOB Belém/Paranaguá): US$ 2,330 per cubic metre. Now, almost a year later, Brazilian authorities have finally confirmed that Santa Efigenia engaged in large-scale fraud and have imposed sanctions on the company.<ref name="Greenpeace 2013"/>
=== Social and Cultural===
The Brazilian Amazon alone is home to about 20 million people, including 400 different indigenous groups, and the future of the Amazon depends on the future of those that call the forest home. These people rely on the forest for their way of life. It provides almost everything from food and shelter to tools and medicines, as well as playing a crucial role in people's spiritual and cultural life. For example, the Waimiri Atroari of the Brazilian Amazon use 32 plant species in the construction of hunting equipment alone. Each plant has a specific role according to its physical and chemical properties. Yet the traditional way of life for indigenous Amazon cultures is being threatened. As logging companies move in, indigenous people are losing their traditional territory. Some indigenous people, such as the Deni living in a remote area of Brazil's Amazonas state, are working not only to protect their culture, but the forest and the diversity of life upon which they depend<ref name="Greenpeace 2003">Greenpeace. 2003. People of the Amazon: Background. http://www.greenpeace.org/international/en/campaigns/forests/amazon/people-of-the-amazon/</ref>.
=== Political ===
As long as nation states remain powerful actors in natural resources allocation, regulation and management, political interference is an anticipated factor in any region and with consequent implications. The Brazilian Amazon is no exception in terms of forest management and timber production from states such as Para and Mato Grosso which have a dual system of timber industry governance consisting of a regulatory system that oversees the management of estates and the harvesting of timber and a chain-of-custody system intended to ensure trace-ability of timber from forest to user.<ref name="Greenpeace 2013"/> Information gathered indicates that the governance system in public areas, indigenous lands and other protected and community lands is a major driver for illegal logging and markets can be flooded with illegal timber. Large amounts of illegal timber enter national and international timber markets after being laundered, using genuine documents obtained through fraudulent processes.<ref name="Greenpeace 2013"/>

==Implications: Layering Perspectives==
The description above describes the implications from illegal logging in Amazon-Brazil from the perspective of a forestry student. In this section we welcome contributions from other perspectives. Those interested in contributing to this case study may use the following questions as a guide:
# How could someone from a different discipline or profession add to the implications above?
# What other implications become apparent when illegal logging is viewed through the lens of other disciplines and professions?
# What special expertise, resources, or theoretical orientations might others bring to help us better understand the implications associated with illegal logging in Amazon-Brazil?

== Initiatives to Combat Illegal Logging ==
As a result of concerns about rapid deforestation and forest degradation around the world, there have been measures put in place to curb the process worldwide with the EU FLEGT as a specific example. Brazil is currently not identified among the negotiating or implementing VPA countries of the EU FLEGT<ref name=FLEGT nd">EU FLEGT. n.d. VPA countries. http://www.euflegt.efi.int/vpa-countries</ref> In the Brazilian Amazon, IBAMA continues to conduct inspections of logging operations and timber consignments through monitoring of Sustainable Forest Management Plans. In Pará and Mato Grosso, the oversight of timber harvesting is exercised by the SEMA through the Integrated System for Environmental Monitoring and Licensing (Sistema Integrado de Monitoramento e Licenciamento Ambiental – SIMLAM), a computerised system by means of which estates are registered and monitored, and licences issued for their activities, including logging. To harvest timber, the landowner/operator must have a Logging Authorisation (Autorização de Exploração Florestal – AUTEF), issued by the SEMA via SIMLAM and valid for one year, with renewal possible for another year. This document generates credits for timber transactions within a chain-of-custody system and there must be an AUTEF associated with all timber sold or transported.In the Amazon. Harvesting is currently limited to 30m3 of timber which is equivalent to two to five trees, depending on species and size per hectare every 35 years.<ref name="Greenpeace 2013"/>

==Recommendations: A Forestry Perspective ==
At the start of this study, I nearly concluded that all is well in the Brazilian Amazon in terms of illegal logging at present due to law enforcement all over as well as publications indicating a decline in deforestation. However, referring to the definition of illegal logging provided above, much has been discovered, contrary to my earlier thoughts. I therefore argue that there is more to what has been provided about illegal logging in this region based on the following;
* ''Bureaucratic management of forests and issue of licences''. It appears that the state has more power over the overall management and use of forest resources in this region but with a complex system of engaging different stakeholders.
*''Forest tenure and strands of secure property rights''; the information I have been able to gather so far shows that a greater percentage of the forests is publicly owned and includes indigenous lands, with the rest being owned by communities. However, one can infer from this that there is a high probability of conflict of interest between the state management and indigenous people due to their different objectives and uses. For example, Greenpeace's research with indigenous communities has presented cases where some tribes have had land conflicts with some states in the Brazilian Amazon. Also, the idea of PFE mentioned above draws attention to a situation where underground activities may be carried out by some individuals at the expense of others.
*Another controversial finding is the obvious high production and use of wood nationally and internationally, claiming to be originating from plantations which constitute only a small portion -- about two percent of the forested area of the region.

== 5.2 Recommendations: Layering Perspectives ==
What recommendations might someone from another discipline or profession make to combat the issue of illegal logging in Amazon-Brazil?
Examples might include:
* Law
* Geography
* Environmental Science
* Social Justice
* Economics
* History
* Anthropology
* Philosophy

== References ==
<references/>

[[Category:FRST522]]

Open Case Studies/FRST522/Amazon-Brazil

2017-05-10T03:48:53Z

JenniferMansour: /* Implications: A Forestry Perspective */

By: '''JOSEPH MUMUNI'''

== Illegal Logging in the Brazil Amazon: From past to present, What are the actions and realities? ==

=== Introduction ===
[[File:Behind the scenes of illegal logging.jpg|400px|thumb|right|An illegal timber site, [https://www.flickr.com/photos/31679815@N04/3211170718/ Flickr photo] by Joelle Hernandez, licensed [https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/2.0/ CC BY-NC-ND 2.0]. Photo taken while in a vehicle indicating illegal logging which destroys forests and has other negative repercussions]]

There is no one definition for illegal logging. However, different definitions have been identified from research organizations and other groups working on illegal logging:
*The European Union Forest Law Enforcement Governance and Trade (EU FLEGT) defines Illegal logging as situations where timber is harvested, processed, transported, bought or sold in contravention of national and international laws and which has devastating impacts on forests and forest dependent peoples.<ref name="EU FLEGT 2014">EU Forest Law Enforcement, Governance, and Trade (EU FLEGT). 2014. Illegal Logging. http://www.euflegt.efi.int/illegal-logging</ref>

An assessment by Greenpeace International in the Amazon adds that timber may be illegal because it comes from land on a private estate that has been clear-felled without a deforestation authorization permit, or logged without a logging authorization - Autorização de Exploração Florestal (AUTEF); because it has been harvested in excess of the maximum authorized for a given area; or because it has been taken without permission from public land, or even from areas protected for wildlife or indigenous peoples and other communities.<ref name="Greenpeace 2013">Greenpeace. 2013. The Amazon's Silent Crisis. http://www.greenpeace.org.uk/sites/files/gpuk/SilentCrisis_LowRes_Pages.pdf</ref>

Brazil is one of the countries with extensive tropical forests and home to 60% of the Amazon rainforest. The country has 27 states with a total land cover of 850 million hectares, where 463 million hectares are estimated to be forested. In addition, natural forests account for the vast majority and plantations account for less than 2%<ref name="chatham">Wellesley L. 2014. Illegal Logging and Related Trade:The Response in Brazil, A Chatham House Assessment, London</ref> <ref name="Brazilian Forest Service">Brazilian Forest Service. Map of Federal Public Forests of Brazil. http://www.florestal.gov.br/documentos/publicacoes/institucionais/2034-brazilian-forest-service/file</ref>

==== Forest Ownership and Management ====
Different sources have provided estimates of forest ownership in Brazil as between 68% and 81% to be publicly owned and this includes indigenous lands where the remaining part is owned by communities. The International Tropical Timber Organization (ITTO) in 2011 presented the status of Brazilian Amazon forest to have over 60% being Permanent Forest Estates (PFE), i.e. land, whether public or private, that is secured by law and kept under permanent forest cover.<ref name="ETTF">European Timber Trade Federation. Country Profile: Brazil. http://www.timbertradeportal.com/countries/brazil/</ref> <ref name="ITTO 2011">International Tropical Timber Organization (ITTO). 2011. Status of Tropical Forest Management. ITTO Technical Series No 38.</ref>. Only Brazilian-based community associations, cooperatives and companies can hold forest concession licences. IBAMA (Institute for the Environment and Renewable Natural Resources) is the Brazilian environment agency and has general authority over forestry licences but in 2006, new forestry legislation passed much of the responsibility for the logging industry to the State Environmental Secretariat - SEMA.<ref name="Greenpeace 2013"></ref> Forest Managers and harvesting companies harvesting native species from planted forests must inform IBAMA or the state environment agency about their commercial activities. Also, forest managers and companies harvesting exotic species from planted forests need planting licences before a planted forest is raised.<ref name="FLI 2014">Forest Legality Initiative. 2014. Brazil. http://www.forestlegality.org/risk-tool/country/brazil</ref>

== Framing the Problem: A Forestry Perspective ==
There is no doubt that illegal logging is a pervasive problem, causing enormous damage to forests, to forest peoples and to the economies of producer countries. After concerns and clear evidence of illegal logging in the Brazilian Amazon, the Brazilian Environmental Crime Law was enacted in 1998 with increased governmental efforts. Enforcement against illegal logging has improved but deforestation is still increasing.<ref name="Brito">Brito B. and Barreto P. 2011. Enforcement against Illegal Logging in the Brazilian Amazon. In Paddock L.(Ed), Compliance and Enforcement in Environmental Law. Towards more effective Implementation (pp.297-310), Edward Elgard Publishing</ref> Brazil was recorded as the world leader in forest loss from 2000 to 2005 through illegal logging and deforestation.<ref name="FAO 2005">Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO). 2005. Global Forest Resources Assessment, Rome, Italy.</ref> Brazil is a leading producer, processor and consumer of wood-based products for which the majority of the country's log production comes from the less than 2% area of forest lands and as well account for nearly all the country's exports to the EU, China, US and Japan.<ref name="chatham"/>

There are many factors to be assessed when considering illegal logging: increasing national population, indigenous peoples' property rights, industrialization around the world as well as reports on increasing forest degradation among states in the Amazon.<ref name="Fonseca et al. 2015">Fonseca, A., Justino, M., Souza Jr., C. & Veríssimo, A. 2015. Deforestation report for the Brazilian Amazon (November 2015) SAD (p. 10). Belém: Imazon. http://imazon.org.br/publicacoes/deforestation-report-for-the-brazilian-amazon-november-2015-sad/?lang=en</ref> There is the need to delve into these realities in assessing efforts to combat illegal logging. Investigative research has to ascertain whether or not there are underground activities fueling cash, crime and contravention of laws. For example, an environmental official, who assisted illegal logging investigations by providing information for the arrest of some culprits and who was well-known for his aggressive enforcement of deforestation laws was shot dead in October, 2016 in the Brazilian Amazon. That execution gives evidence of danger for land defenders in this region.<ref name="Monga Bay 2016a">Monga Bay. 2016a. Environmental official murdered in Brazilian Amazon. 17 October. https://news.mongabay.com/2016/10/government-environmental-official-murdered-in-brazilian-amazon/</ref> A major report released in September by the Indigenous Missionary Council (CIMI) indicates that there were 137 killings of indigenous people in Brazil in 2015, with the state of Mato Grosso do Sul recording the highest number (25 for the year). Much of the violence is due to land conflicts exacerbated by the government’s failure to demarcate indigenous lands, resulting in conflicts between large-scale farmers and indigenous people. Other reports indicate that there are 96 indigenous lands in Brazil, but only four have been demarcated and approved so far. Another 68 are classified with the status of "no action" according to CIMI. A high number of indigenous people also took their own lives, with 87 registered cases of suicide in 2015 by indigenous people.<ref name="Monga Bay 2016b">Monga Bay. 2016b. Violence against indigenous people high, as land conflicts heat up. 18 October. https://news.mongabay.com/2016/10/violence-against-indigenous-people-high-as-land-conflicts-heat-up/</ref> Though actions to curb illegal logging of mahogany are in place, a new species, Ipê (Handroanthus spp.) is highly sought after and thus drives loggers deeper in search of it. Also, exploring the progress made with tackling illegal logging in the Brazilian Amazon particularly from different sources show that there are realities rather than reported.<ref name="Greenpeace 2013"/>

=== Historical Context ===
Different tree species might have been illegally logged and traded but investigations by Greenpeace International and also reported by Chatham House assessments mention a prominent species, mahogany (''Swietenia macrophylla'') as the 'Amazon green gold'. Records for deforestation were higher in the 1990's, attributed to the international demand for mahogany.<ref name="Greenpeace 2001">Greenpeace. 2001. Partners in mahogany crime; Amazon at the mercy of gentlemen's agreements, Amsterdam, The Netherlands</ref> <ref name="Chatham 2001">Chatham House. 2001. Partners in mahogany crime. http://www.illegal-logging.info/content/partners-mahogany-crime</ref> Working in remote forest areas, the loggers often use false permits, ignore limitations of legal permits, cut species protected by law and steal from protected areas and indigenous lands. These are often small or medium scale operations that are able to avoid detection because of the remoteness of the logging locations, the weak presence of the federal environmental agency, IBAMA, and a complex chain-of-custody in the cutting, hauling and transporting of the logs. Also, legally approved forest operations in the Brazilian Amazon commonly provide cover for illegal logging. Logs are frequently cut illegally up river, outside of approved operations and clandestinely floated downstream. Once past an approved operation, they are "legalised" with forged documents claiming that the logs were cut on the property of the forestry operation.

There are vast areas of the Amazon rainforest still intact. However, there are about 7,595 companies registered in the Brazilian Amazon and deforestation rates are growing at an alarming rate. This region that supplied 12 percent of the Brazilian log production in 1970, now produces some 30 million cubic meters of logs a year, or 90 percent of Brazil's total tropical timber production<ref name="Greenpeace 2005">Greenpeace. 2005. Logging in the Amazon: Background. http://www.greenpeace.org/international/en/campaigns/forests/amazon/logging-in-the-amazon/</ref>

==Framing the Problem: Layering Perspectives==
The description above describes illegal logging in Amazon-Brazil from the perspective of a forestry student. In this section we welcome contributions from other perspectives. Those interested in contributing to this case study may use the following questions as a guide:
# How do scholars and professionals outside of forestry conceptualize the practice of illegal logging in Amazon-Brazil?
# What are other possible ways of framing this problem?
# What special expertise, resources, or theoretical orientations might others bring to help us understand this phenomenon better?

== Implications: A Forestry Perspective ==
[[File:Replacing trees with grass.jpg|400px||left|thumb|Cutting trees illegally will gradually produce tight feedback loops on the environment and human well-being globally. [https://www.flickr.com/photos/tybeeney/5923096636/ Fallen Giant], Flickr Photo by Tyler Beeney, licensed [https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/2.0/ CC BY-NC 2.0]]]
Illegal logging has significant impacts in various dimensions, including environmental, social, cultural and economic impacts. These impacts can lead to loss or degradation of forests and as illegal logging tends to be associated with poor forest management, it can result in the loss of habitats and biodiversity. It can also result in loss of significant government revenue and subsequently undermines efforts to place the forest sector on a more sustainable footing, as lost revenue cannot be reinvested in the sector. Another critical view is the fact that it distorts global markets and undermines incentives for sustainable forest management, as illegal timber is often cheaper than legal timber. Socially and culturally, it leads to corruption, conflicts with local communities and contravention of the rule of law.<ref name="Chatham nd">Chatham House. n.d. Major Impacts: Illegal Logging. http://www.illegal-logging.info/topics/major-impacts</ref>
=== Environmental ===
The Amazon rainforest is the largest on earth. Its biodiversity is unparalleled, it is crucial to the stability of the global climate, and it is home to many indigenous peoples. But in spite of its immense size and importance, the Amazon is also incredibly vulnerable. In the past three decades alone, human activity has destroyed an area of the Brazilian Amazon roughly the size of Germany.<ref name="Bickett 2015">Bickett, Dawn. 2015. How loggers are destroying the Amazon — and getting away with it. Greenpeace Blog. 9 June. http://www.greenpeace.org/international/en/news/Blogs/makingwaves/illegal-logging-in-brazil-amazon/blog/53180/</ref> As climate change impacts are felt, there are concerns that the Amazon forest may reach a ‘tipping point’ in which it undergoes a rapid transition to savannah. The 2014 Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change assessment reported that the probability of reaching this tipping point was increased by the combination of climate change and fragmentation acting together. Such a dramatic change would in turn lead to disastrous losses both of biodiversity and of vital ecosystem services currently provided by the forest, such as provision of clean water and climate regulation.<ref name="Greenpeace 2013"/>
=== Economic ===
In 2014, Greenpeace uncovered that illegally logged timber in Brazil is being laundered on a massive and growing scale and then sold on to unwitting buyers in the UK, US, Europe and China. Far more than half of the wood from the two biggest timber producing regions of Brazil probably comes from illegal sources, it claimed, citing figures from the Brazilian environmental research NGO, Imazon, that 78% of the wood shipped from the vast Amazonian state of Pará was illegally felled, while the corresponding figure was 54% in Mato Grosso. <ref name="Watts and Vidal 2014">Watts, Jonathan and John Vidal. 2014. Brazil laundering timber on a 'massive and growing scale,' The Guardian. 15 May. https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2014/may/15/brazil-laundering-illegal-timber-on-a-massive-and-growing-scale</ref>
==== The 'New Mahogany'-Brazilian Walnut or Ipê ====
Greenpeace Brazil in 2014, exposed how the logging company -- Agropecuaria Santa Efigenia Ltd -- logged, laundered, and sold over $7 million of illegal timber. The company filed fraudulent paperwork to claim ridiculously high quantities of valuable ipè timber from areas it could legally log. Then it used that documentation to launder illegal wood from other areas of the Amazon. Ipê is the most valuable Brazilian tropical timber species, and among the most expensive globally. While the volumes of Ipê harvested and exported have declined in recent years, the price continues to increase – driving loggers ever deeper into the forest in search of it. Much light is thrown here with emphasis on current prices; Unsawn log price (domestic): US$169.5 per cubic metre, Sawn timber price (domestic): US$859 per cubic metre, Sawn timber price (export, FOB Belem/Paranagua Ports): US$1,294 per cubic metre, Added value product– decking boards (FOB Belém/Paranaguá): US$ 2,330 per cubic metre. Now, almost a year later, Brazilian authorities have finally confirmed that Santa Efigenia engaged in large-scale fraud and have imposed sanctions on the company.<ref name="Greenpeace 2013"/>
=== Social and Cultural===
The Brazilian Amazon alone is home to about 20 million people, including 400 different indigenous groups, and the future of the Amazon depends on the future of those that call the forest home. These people rely on the forest for their way of life. It provides almost everything from food and shelter to tools and medicines, as well as playing a crucial role in people's spiritual and cultural life. For example, the Waimiri Atroari of the Brazilian Amazon use 32 plant species in the construction of hunting equipment alone. Each plant has a specific role according to its physical and chemical properties. Yet the traditional way of life for indigenous Amazon cultures is being threatened. As logging companies move in, indigenous people are losing their traditional territory. Some indigenous people, such as the Deni living in a remote area of Brazil's Amazonas state, are working not only to protect their culture, but the forest and the diversity of life upon which they depend<ref name="Greenpeace 2003">Greenpeace. 2003. People of the Amazon: Background. http://www.greenpeace.org/international/en/campaigns/forests/amazon/people-of-the-amazon/</ref>.
=== Political ===
As long as nation states remain powerful actors in natural resources allocation, regulation and management, political interference is an anticipated factor in any region and with consequent implications. The Brazilian Amazon is no exception in terms of forest management and timber production from states such as Para and Mato Grosso which have a dual system of timber industry governance consisting of a regulatory system that oversees the management of estates and the harvesting of timber and a chain-of-custody system intended to ensure trace-ability of timber from forest to user.<ref name="Greenpeace 2013"/> Information gathered indicates that the governance system in public areas, indigenous lands and other protected and community lands is a major driver for illegal logging and markets can be flooded with illegal timber. Large amounts of illegal timber enter national and international timber markets after being laundered, using genuine documents obtained through fraudulent processes.<ref name="Greenpeace 2013"/>

==Implications: Layering Perspectives==
The description above describes the implications from illegal logging in Amazon-Brazil from the perspective of a forestry student. In this section we welcome contributions from other perspectives. Those interested in contributing to this case study may use the following questions as a guide:
# How could someone from a different discipline or profession add to the implications above?
# What other implications become apparent when illegal logging is viewed through the lens of other disciplines and professions?
# What special expertise, resources, or theoretical orientations might others bring to help us better understand the implications associated with illegal logging in Amazon-Brazil?

== Initiatives to combat illegal logging ==
As a result of concerns about rapid deforestation and forest degradation around the world, there have been measures put in place to curb the process worldwide with the EU FLEGT as a specific example. Brazil is currently not identified among the negotiating or implementing VPA countries of the EU FLEGT<ref name=FLEGT nd">EU FLEGT. n.d. VPA countries. http://www.euflegt.efi.int/vpa-countries</ref> In the Brazilian Amazon, IBAMA continues to conduct inspections of logging operations and timber consignments through monitoring of Sustainable Forest Management Plans. In Pará and Mato Grosso, the oversight of timber harvesting is exercised by the SEMA through the Integrated System for Environmental Monitoring and Licensing (Sistema Integrado de Monitoramento e Licenciamento Ambiental – SIMLAM), a computerised system by means of which estates are registered and monitored, and licences issued for their activities, including logging. To harvest timber, the landowner/operator must have a Logging Authorisation (Autorização de Exploração Florestal – AUTEF), issued by the SEMA via SIMLAM and valid for one year, with renewal possible for another year. This document generates credits for timber transactions within a chain-of-custody system and there must be an AUTEF associated with all timber sold or transported.In the Amazon. Harvesting is currently limited to 30m3 of timber which is equivalent to two to five trees, depending on species and size per hectare every 35 years.<ref name="Greenpeace 2013"/>

==Recommendations: A Forestry Perspective ==
At the start of this study, I nearly concluded that all is well in the Brazilian Amazon in terms of illegal logging at present due to law enforcement all over as well as publications indicating a decline in deforestation. However, referring to the definition of illegal logging provided above, much has been discovered, contrary to my earlier thoughts. I therefore argue that there is more to what has been provided about illegal logging in this region based on the following;
* ''Bureaucratic management of forests and issue of licences''. It appears that the state has more power over the overall management and use of forest resources in this region but with a complex system of engaging different stakeholders.
*''Forest tenure and strands of secure property rights''; the information I have been able to gather so far shows that a greater percentage of the forests is publicly owned and includes indigenous lands, with the rest being owned by communities. However, one can infer from this that there is a high probability of conflict of interest between the state management and indigenous people due to their different objectives and uses. For example, Greenpeace's research with indigenous communities has presented cases where some tribes have had land conflicts with some states in the Brazilian Amazon. Also, the idea of PFE mentioned above draws attention to a situation where underground activities may be carried out by some individuals at the expense of others.
*Another controversial finding is the obvious high production and use of wood nationally and internationally, claiming to be originating from plantations which constitute only a small portion -- about two percent of the forested area of the region.

== 5.2 Recommendations: Layering Perspectives ==
What recommendations might someone from another discipline or profession make to combat the issue of illegal logging in Amazon-Brazil?
Examples might include:
* Law
* Geography
* Environmental Science
* Social Justice
* Economics
* History
* Anthropology
* Philosophy

== References ==
<references/>

[[Category:FRST522]]

Open Case Studies/FRST522/Amazon-Brazil

2017-05-10T03:48:13Z

JenniferMansour: /* Implications: Layering Perspectives */

By: '''JOSEPH MUMUNI'''

== Illegal Logging in the Brazil Amazon: From past to present, What are the actions and realities? ==

=== Introduction ===
[[File:Behind the scenes of illegal logging.jpg|400px|thumb|right|An illegal timber site, [https://www.flickr.com/photos/31679815@N04/3211170718/ Flickr photo] by Joelle Hernandez, licensed [https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/2.0/ CC BY-NC-ND 2.0]. Photo taken while in a vehicle indicating illegal logging which destroys forests and has other negative repercussions]]

There is no one definition for illegal logging. However, different definitions have been identified from research organizations and other groups working on illegal logging:
*The European Union Forest Law Enforcement Governance and Trade (EU FLEGT) defines Illegal logging as situations where timber is harvested, processed, transported, bought or sold in contravention of national and international laws and which has devastating impacts on forests and forest dependent peoples.<ref name="EU FLEGT 2014">EU Forest Law Enforcement, Governance, and Trade (EU FLEGT). 2014. Illegal Logging. http://www.euflegt.efi.int/illegal-logging</ref>

An assessment by Greenpeace International in the Amazon adds that timber may be illegal because it comes from land on a private estate that has been clear-felled without a deforestation authorization permit, or logged without a logging authorization - Autorização de Exploração Florestal (AUTEF); because it has been harvested in excess of the maximum authorized for a given area; or because it has been taken without permission from public land, or even from areas protected for wildlife or indigenous peoples and other communities.<ref name="Greenpeace 2013">Greenpeace. 2013. The Amazon's Silent Crisis. http://www.greenpeace.org.uk/sites/files/gpuk/SilentCrisis_LowRes_Pages.pdf</ref>

Brazil is one of the countries with extensive tropical forests and home to 60% of the Amazon rainforest. The country has 27 states with a total land cover of 850 million hectares, where 463 million hectares are estimated to be forested. In addition, natural forests account for the vast majority and plantations account for less than 2%<ref name="chatham">Wellesley L. 2014. Illegal Logging and Related Trade:The Response in Brazil, A Chatham House Assessment, London</ref> <ref name="Brazilian Forest Service">Brazilian Forest Service. Map of Federal Public Forests of Brazil. http://www.florestal.gov.br/documentos/publicacoes/institucionais/2034-brazilian-forest-service/file</ref>

==== Forest Ownership and Management ====
Different sources have provided estimates of forest ownership in Brazil as between 68% and 81% to be publicly owned and this includes indigenous lands where the remaining part is owned by communities. The International Tropical Timber Organization (ITTO) in 2011 presented the status of Brazilian Amazon forest to have over 60% being Permanent Forest Estates (PFE), i.e. land, whether public or private, that is secured by law and kept under permanent forest cover.<ref name="ETTF">European Timber Trade Federation. Country Profile: Brazil. http://www.timbertradeportal.com/countries/brazil/</ref> <ref name="ITTO 2011">International Tropical Timber Organization (ITTO). 2011. Status of Tropical Forest Management. ITTO Technical Series No 38.</ref>. Only Brazilian-based community associations, cooperatives and companies can hold forest concession licences. IBAMA (Institute for the Environment and Renewable Natural Resources) is the Brazilian environment agency and has general authority over forestry licences but in 2006, new forestry legislation passed much of the responsibility for the logging industry to the State Environmental Secretariat - SEMA.<ref name="Greenpeace 2013"></ref> Forest Managers and harvesting companies harvesting native species from planted forests must inform IBAMA or the state environment agency about their commercial activities. Also, forest managers and companies harvesting exotic species from planted forests need planting licences before a planted forest is raised.<ref name="FLI 2014">Forest Legality Initiative. 2014. Brazil. http://www.forestlegality.org/risk-tool/country/brazil</ref>

== Framing the Problem: A Forestry Perspective ==
There is no doubt that illegal logging is a pervasive problem, causing enormous damage to forests, to forest peoples and to the economies of producer countries. After concerns and clear evidence of illegal logging in the Brazilian Amazon, the Brazilian Environmental Crime Law was enacted in 1998 with increased governmental efforts. Enforcement against illegal logging has improved but deforestation is still increasing.<ref name="Brito">Brito B. and Barreto P. 2011. Enforcement against Illegal Logging in the Brazilian Amazon. In Paddock L.(Ed), Compliance and Enforcement in Environmental Law. Towards more effective Implementation (pp.297-310), Edward Elgard Publishing</ref> Brazil was recorded as the world leader in forest loss from 2000 to 2005 through illegal logging and deforestation.<ref name="FAO 2005">Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO). 2005. Global Forest Resources Assessment, Rome, Italy.</ref> Brazil is a leading producer, processor and consumer of wood-based products for which the majority of the country's log production comes from the less than 2% area of forest lands and as well account for nearly all the country's exports to the EU, China, US and Japan.<ref name="chatham"/>

There are many factors to be assessed when considering illegal logging: increasing national population, indigenous peoples' property rights, industrialization around the world as well as reports on increasing forest degradation among states in the Amazon.<ref name="Fonseca et al. 2015">Fonseca, A., Justino, M., Souza Jr., C. & Veríssimo, A. 2015. Deforestation report for the Brazilian Amazon (November 2015) SAD (p. 10). Belém: Imazon. http://imazon.org.br/publicacoes/deforestation-report-for-the-brazilian-amazon-november-2015-sad/?lang=en</ref> There is the need to delve into these realities in assessing efforts to combat illegal logging. Investigative research has to ascertain whether or not there are underground activities fueling cash, crime and contravention of laws. For example, an environmental official, who assisted illegal logging investigations by providing information for the arrest of some culprits and who was well-known for his aggressive enforcement of deforestation laws was shot dead in October, 2016 in the Brazilian Amazon. That execution gives evidence of danger for land defenders in this region.<ref name="Monga Bay 2016a">Monga Bay. 2016a. Environmental official murdered in Brazilian Amazon. 17 October. https://news.mongabay.com/2016/10/government-environmental-official-murdered-in-brazilian-amazon/</ref> A major report released in September by the Indigenous Missionary Council (CIMI) indicates that there were 137 killings of indigenous people in Brazil in 2015, with the state of Mato Grosso do Sul recording the highest number (25 for the year). Much of the violence is due to land conflicts exacerbated by the government’s failure to demarcate indigenous lands, resulting in conflicts between large-scale farmers and indigenous people. Other reports indicate that there are 96 indigenous lands in Brazil, but only four have been demarcated and approved so far. Another 68 are classified with the status of "no action" according to CIMI. A high number of indigenous people also took their own lives, with 87 registered cases of suicide in 2015 by indigenous people.<ref name="Monga Bay 2016b">Monga Bay. 2016b. Violence against indigenous people high, as land conflicts heat up. 18 October. https://news.mongabay.com/2016/10/violence-against-indigenous-people-high-as-land-conflicts-heat-up/</ref> Though actions to curb illegal logging of mahogany are in place, a new species, Ipê (Handroanthus spp.) is highly sought after and thus drives loggers deeper in search of it. Also, exploring the progress made with tackling illegal logging in the Brazilian Amazon particularly from different sources show that there are realities rather than reported.<ref name="Greenpeace 2013"/>

=== Historical Context ===
Different tree species might have been illegally logged and traded but investigations by Greenpeace International and also reported by Chatham House assessments mention a prominent species, mahogany (''Swietenia macrophylla'') as the 'Amazon green gold'. Records for deforestation were higher in the 1990's, attributed to the international demand for mahogany.<ref name="Greenpeace 2001">Greenpeace. 2001. Partners in mahogany crime; Amazon at the mercy of gentlemen's agreements, Amsterdam, The Netherlands</ref> <ref name="Chatham 2001">Chatham House. 2001. Partners in mahogany crime. http://www.illegal-logging.info/content/partners-mahogany-crime</ref> Working in remote forest areas, the loggers often use false permits, ignore limitations of legal permits, cut species protected by law and steal from protected areas and indigenous lands. These are often small or medium scale operations that are able to avoid detection because of the remoteness of the logging locations, the weak presence of the federal environmental agency, IBAMA, and a complex chain-of-custody in the cutting, hauling and transporting of the logs. Also, legally approved forest operations in the Brazilian Amazon commonly provide cover for illegal logging. Logs are frequently cut illegally up river, outside of approved operations and clandestinely floated downstream. Once past an approved operation, they are "legalised" with forged documents claiming that the logs were cut on the property of the forestry operation.

There are vast areas of the Amazon rainforest still intact. However, there are about 7,595 companies registered in the Brazilian Amazon and deforestation rates are growing at an alarming rate. This region that supplied 12 percent of the Brazilian log production in 1970, now produces some 30 million cubic meters of logs a year, or 90 percent of Brazil's total tropical timber production<ref name="Greenpeace 2005">Greenpeace. 2005. Logging in the Amazon: Background. http://www.greenpeace.org/international/en/campaigns/forests/amazon/logging-in-the-amazon/</ref>

==Framing the Problem: Layering Perspectives==
The description above describes illegal logging in Amazon-Brazil from the perspective of a forestry student. In this section we welcome contributions from other perspectives. Those interested in contributing to this case study may use the following questions as a guide:
# How do scholars and professionals outside of forestry conceptualize the practice of illegal logging in Amazon-Brazil?
# What are other possible ways of framing this problem?
# What special expertise, resources, or theoretical orientations might others bring to help us understand this phenomenon better?

== Implications: A Forestry Perspective ==
[[File:Replacing trees with grass.jpg|400px||left|thumb|Cutting trees illegally will gradually produce tight feedback loops on the environment and human well-being globally. [https://www.flickr.com/photos/tybeeney/5923096636/ Fallen Giant], Flickr Photo by Tyler Beeney, licensed [https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/2.0/ CC BY-NC 2.0]]]
Illegal logging has significant impacts in various dimensions, including environmental, social, cultural and economic impacts. These impacts can lead to loss or degradation of forests and as illegal logging tends to be associated with poor forest management, it can result in the loss of habitats and biodiversity. It can also result in loss of significant government revenue and subsequently undermines efforts to place the forest sector on a more sustainable footing, as lost revenue cannot be reinvested in the sector. Another critical view is the fact that it distorts global markets and undermines incentives for sustainable forest management, as illegal timber is often cheaper than legal timber. Socially and culturally, it leads to corruption, conflicts with local communities and contravention of the rule of law.<ref name="Chatham nd">Chatham House. n.d. Major Impacts: Illegal Logging. http://www.illegal-logging.info/topics/major-impacts</ref>
=== Environmental ===
The Amazon rainforest is the largest on earth. Its biodiversity is unparalleled, it is crucial to the stability of the global climate, and it is home to many indigenous peoples. But in spite of its immense size and importance, the Amazon is also incredibly vulnerable. In the past three decades alone, human activity has destroyed an area of the Brazilian Amazon roughly the size of Germany.<ref name="Bickett 2015">Bickett, Dawn. 2015. How loggers are destroying the Amazon — and getting away with it. Greenpeace Blog. 9 June. http://www.greenpeace.org/international/en/news/Blogs/makingwaves/illegal-logging-in-brazil-amazon/blog/53180/</ref> As climate change impacts are felt, there are concerns that the Amazon forest may reach a ‘tipping point’ in which it undergoes a rapid transition to savannah. The 2014 Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change assessment reported that the probability of reaching this tipping point was increased by the combination of climate change and fragmentation acting together. Such a dramatic change would in turn lead to disastrous losses both of biodiversity and of vital ecosystem services currently provided by the forest, such as provision of clean water and climate regulation.<ref name="Greenpeace 2013"/>
=== Economic ===
In 2014, Greenpeace uncovered that illegally logged timber in Brazil is being laundered on a massive and growing scale and then sold on to unwitting buyers in the UK, US, Europe and China. Far more than half of the wood from the two biggest timber producing regions of Brazil probably comes from illegal sources, it claimed, citing figures from the Brazilian environmental research NGO, Imazon, that 78% of the wood shipped from the vast Amazonian state of Pará was illegally felled, while the corresponding figure was 54% in Mato Grosso. <ref name="Watts and Vidal 2014">Watts, Jonathan and John Vidal. 2014. Brazil laundering timber on a 'massive and growing scale,' The Guardian. 15 May. https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2014/may/15/brazil-laundering-illegal-timber-on-a-massive-and-growing-scale</ref>
==== The 'New Mahogany'-Brazilian Walnut or Ipê ====
Greenpeace Brazil in 2014, exposed how the logging company -- Agropecuaria Santa Efigenia Ltd -- logged, laundered, and sold over $7 million of illegal timber. The company filed fraudulent paperwork to claim ridiculously high quantities of valuable ipè timber from areas it could legally log. Then it used that documentation to launder illegal wood from other areas of the Amazon. Ipê is the most valuable Brazilian tropical timber species, and among the most expensive globally. While the volumes of Ipê harvested and exported have declined in recent years, the price continues to increase – driving loggers ever deeper into the forest in search of it. Much light is thrown here with emphasis on current prices; Unsawn log price (domestic): US$169.5 per cubic metre, Sawn timber price (domestic): US$859 per cubic metre, Sawn timber price (export, FOB Belem/Paranagua Ports): US$1,294 per cubic metre, Added value product– decking boards (FOB Belém/Paranaguá): US$ 2,330 per cubic metre. Now, almost a year later, Brazilian authorities have finally confirmed that Santa Efigenia engaged in large-scale fraud and have imposed sanctions on the company.<ref name="Greenpeace 2013"/>
=== Social and Cultural===
The Brazilian Amazon alone is home to about 20 million people, including 400 different indigenous groups, and the future of the Amazon depends on the future of those that call the forest home. These people rely on the forest for their way of life. It provides almost everything from food and shelter to tools and medicines, as well as playing a crucial role in people's spiritual and cultural life. For example, the Waimiri Atroari of the Brazilian Amazon use 32 plant species in the construction of hunting equipment alone. Each plant has a specific role according to its physical and chemical properties. Yet the traditional way of life for indigenous Amazon cultures is being threatened. As logging companies move in, indigenous people are losing their traditional territory. Some indigenous people, such as the Deni living in a remote area of Brazil's Amazonas state, are working not only to protect their culture, but the forest and the diversity of life upon which they depend<ref name="Greenpeace 2003">Greenpeace. 2003. People of the Amazon: Background. http://www.greenpeace.org/international/en/campaigns/forests/amazon/people-of-the-amazon/</ref>.
=== Political ===
As long as nation states remain powerful actors in natural resources allocation, regulation and management, political interference is an anticipated factor in any region and with consequent implications. The Brazilian Amazon is no exception in terms of forest management and timber production from states such as Para and Mato Grosso which have a dual system of timber industry governance consisting of a regulatory system that oversees the management of estates and the harvesting of timber and a chain-of-custody system intended to ensure trace-ability of timber from forest to user.<ref name="Greenpeace 2013"/> Information gathered indicates that the governance system in public areas, indigenous lands and other protected and community lands is a major driver for illegal logging and markets can be flooded with illegal timber. Large amounts of illegal timber enter national and international timber markets after being laundered, using genuine documents obtained through fraudulent processes.<ref name="Greenpeace 2013"/>

== Initiatives to combat illegal logging ==
As a result of concerns about rapid deforestation and forest degradation around the world, there have been measures put in place to curb the process worldwide with the EU FLEGT as a specific example. Brazil is currently not identified among the negotiating or implementing VPA countries of the EU FLEGT<ref name=FLEGT nd">EU FLEGT. n.d. VPA countries. http://www.euflegt.efi.int/vpa-countries</ref> In the Brazilian Amazon, IBAMA continues to conduct inspections of logging operations and timber consignments through monitoring of Sustainable Forest Management Plans. In Pará and Mato Grosso, the oversight of timber harvesting is exercised by the SEMA through the Integrated System for Environmental Monitoring and Licensing (Sistema Integrado de Monitoramento e Licenciamento Ambiental – SIMLAM), a computerised system by means of which estates are registered and monitored, and licences issued for their activities, including logging. To harvest timber, the landowner/operator must have a Logging Authorisation (Autorização de Exploração Florestal – AUTEF), issued by the SEMA via SIMLAM and valid for one year, with renewal possible for another year. This document generates credits for timber transactions within a chain-of-custody system and there must be an AUTEF associated with all timber sold or transported.In the Amazon. Harvesting is currently limited to 30m3 of timber which is equivalent to two to five trees, depending on species and size per hectare every 35 years.<ref name="Greenpeace 2013"/>

==Recommendations: A Forestry Perspective ==
At the start of this study, I nearly concluded that all is well in the Brazilian Amazon in terms of illegal logging at present due to law enforcement all over as well as publications indicating a decline in deforestation. However, referring to the definition of illegal logging provided above, much has been discovered, contrary to my earlier thoughts. I therefore argue that there is more to what has been provided about illegal logging in this region based on the following;
* ''Bureaucratic management of forests and issue of licences''. It appears that the state has more power over the overall management and use of forest resources in this region but with a complex system of engaging different stakeholders.
*''Forest tenure and strands of secure property rights''; the information I have been able to gather so far shows that a greater percentage of the forests is publicly owned and includes indigenous lands, with the rest being owned by communities. However, one can infer from this that there is a high probability of conflict of interest between the state management and indigenous people due to their different objectives and uses. For example, Greenpeace's research with indigenous communities has presented cases where some tribes have had land conflicts with some states in the Brazilian Amazon. Also, the idea of PFE mentioned above draws attention to a situation where underground activities may be carried out by some individuals at the expense of others.
*Another controversial finding is the obvious high production and use of wood nationally and internationally, claiming to be originating from plantations which constitute only a small portion -- about two percent of the forested area of the region.

== 5.2 Recommendations: Layering Perspectives ==
What recommendations might someone from another discipline or profession make to combat the issue of illegal logging in Amazon-Brazil?
Examples might include:
* Law
* Geography
* Environmental Science
* Social Justice
* Economics
* History
* Anthropology
* Philosophy

== References ==
<references/>

[[Category:FRST522]]