Jump to content

Documentation:Open Case Studies/FRST522/2025/Rescuing the Klamath River: How the conservation efforts of the Yurok Tribe are restoring the northern California landscape

From UBC Wiki

Abstract

The Yurok Tribe is California’s largest Tribe with over 5000 members. Their traditional and ancestral connection to the territory of what is now known as northern California dates back to over 3000 years. After suffering hundreds of years of colonial violence, land dispossession and genocide, the Yurok Tribe began a cultural resurgence in the late 20th century focused on reclaiming tradition and healing the ecological devastation caused by Euroamerican settler expansion in their homeland. Central to this movement was the fight to save the Klamath River. Spanning over 200 miles, 16% of which runs through the Yurok Indian Reserve, the Klamath River was once home to the third largest salmon run in the United States. For over 100 years four massive dams choked the Klamath watershed and decimated the salmon populations and surrounding ecosystems. Decades of unregulated logging, toxic mining, and overharvesting by settlers further degraded the environment. After many years of legal battles led by the Yurok and other Tribes, the four major dams of the Klamath have been removed, and the salmon are already starting to rebound. The Yurok Tribe is committed to restoring the northern California landscapes they call home and bringing balance back to our world.

Keywords

Yurok Tribe; Klamath River dams; Cultural burning; Traditional Ecological Knowledge; Indigenous land stewardship

Positionality Statement

I am an American settler of European descent. I have had the privilege of calling what is now called California my home for nearly 20 years. Though California is not my familial traditional and ancestral territory, I feel a deep spiritual connection to the land and ecosystems of this beautiful place, especially near the northern Klamath River and Yurok Tribe territory. I feel a responsibility to care for and protect this land that has held me for so long, as well as advocate for its original Indigenous caretakers. I bring to light the historical oppression of the Yurok Tribe as an effort for Truth and Reconciliation. While I do not formally speak on behalf of the Yurok Tribe, nor have I engaged in any consultations, I aim to step forward in solidarity as an ally. As Bennett and Carleson-Manathara (2024) state, allyship between Indigenous Peoples and non-Indigenous scholars can serve as an important stepping-stone in decolonizing academia and research and uplifting Traditional Ecological Knowledge. I humbly hope that my work accurately and positively highlights the important work that the Yurok Tribe is doing for California and helps to further strengthen the case for Indigenous land stewardship and the immense value that it brings to our world.

Beginning of the White Deerskin Dance

History of the Yurok Tribe

Northern California has a rich and diverse landscape of the rugged cliffs and beaches of the Pacific Ocean coast, estuaries, grand rivers, lagoons, lush redwood forests and high elevation mountains (Middleton et al., 2019). This gorgeous and ethereal part of the world is home to the Yurok People. The Yurok Tribe is California’s largest Tribe with over 5000 members. The Yurok Indian Reservation was formed by the United States government in 1855, but the Yurok connection to their land that is now known as northern California has been in place for millennia- since time immemorial. Traditionally the Yurok were fishermen, eelers, basket weavers, canoe makers, healers, dancers and medicine people. Some of the most culturally significant species to the Yurok included deer, elk, berries, mussels, the towering redwood trees and most prominently, salmon. The mighty Klamath River and its once thriving supply of salmon is a cultural keystone. Canoes crafted from redwoods traversed the river and tributaries for travel and harvesting, and vibrant ceremonies like the White Deerskin Dance were central to spiritual practices. The sacred redwoods were also used to craft homes and sweathouses, though the utmost care was taken to never overharvest these trees or any other species they shared territory with. Ensuring sustainability for future generations was always paramount, and this community tenet continues today (Yurok Tribe History, 2025).

Though first European contact by the Spanish was in the 1500s, the rugged mountains of northern California prevented saturated European expansion form occurring until much later than the rest of the Americas. This drastically changed in 1849 with the advent of the Gold Rush. The craze for gold brought masses of settlers to the area and what began as peaceful trading quickly escalated to harsh violence and battle over territory. Resources were depleted, Yurok villages were destroyed and fragmented and 75% of the Yurok population perished from European diseases and genocide. Children were forcefully taken from their homes and sent to missionary schools where Christianity was forced upon them, and their language and culture were violently forbidden and erased. A coalition of Tribes including the Yurok staged the 1855 Red Cap Revolt against the influx of settlers but were ultimately suppressed by the government. As conflict and devastation continued, the Yurok established the Yurok Canneries in 1876 in protest of colonials overharvesting the salmon of the Klamath River (Yurok Tribe History, 2025). This was a precursor to a battle that would span centuries. Though the Yurok Reservation was formed in 1855, treaty rights were never ratified (Blumm & Illowsky, 2022). This means that the traditional Yurok territory is unceded, and that government and private ownership of this land is unjustified.

In the first book to be published by a member of the Yurok Tribe, Lucy Thompson noted that the Yurok terminology for the period post first-European contact is “the end of the world” (Lowry, 2019, p.3). Between 1900 and 1910, the population of Euroamerican settlers in the area increased by over 60%. The mass shootings, rapes, and violence inflicted on the Yurok by the colonials was unconscionable, especially as the Europeans used the words ‘savage’ and ‘heathen’ to describe the subjects of their abuse. Despite their horrific suffering, the Yurok People vowed to be survivalists, not victims. They see their stewardship of the land as a spiritually endowed responsibility and have a mission to heal not only the Klamath River ecosystem, but humanity’s relationships to all lands (Lowry, 2019).

The Yurok Indian Reservation (YIR) is 59,000 acres, with 5000 being held in trust by the YIR. The rest is held by the Green Diamond Resources Company, a timber concession, and a small percentage held by Redwood National State Parks and the United States Forest Services. However traditional Yurok ancestral lands are about 360,000 acres (Middleton et al., 2019). Current Yurok Tribe initiatives are the protection of natural resources, sustainable economic development, cultural resurgence and acquisition of land (Yurok Tribe History, 2025).

The Klamath River

The Klamath River Dams

History of the Dams

The Klamath River is an expansive watershed that runs 263 miles from southern Oregon through northern California. Contention over the use of these waters began over 100 years ago with the influx of colonial settlers into the region. As settlers began to populate the arid and drought-prone interior areas of Oregon and California, the need for exogenous sources of water became a linchpin to development. The 1902 Reclamation Act recognized the need for intense irrigation for agriculture in these areas and authorized the building of dams in the Klamath River to support this (Blumm & Illowsky, 2022). This immediately incited disagreements from surrounding Indian Tribes who opposed the siphoning off of their waters and was even upheld in court by the Winters decision of 1908 that affirmed Indian rights to water. But this legal decision was largely ignored, and the California government took actions to divert all waters to settler farmers (Bilka, 2015). This led to the commencement of the massive Klamath Hydroelectric Project (KHP) licensed by PacifiCorp. The first dam, Copco I, was completed in 1918, followed by Copco II (1925), JC Boyle (1958) and Iron Gate (1962). A fifth non-electricity generating dam was added to regulate water levels in the Keno Reservoir, along with 3 other smaller hydroelectric developments (Blumm & Illowsky, 2022).

Copco 2 dam on the Klamath River

Ecological Fallout

Prior to the construction of the dams, the Klamath region had already suffered decades of environmental degradation from logging and mining during the Gold Rush. Forests were heavily over logged, and the masses of felled trees were transported downriver in behemoth piles that crushed habitat for fish and other species. Hydraulic mining, a system that uses dredging machines to blast 30,000 gallons of water per minute through cannons, destroyed entire hillsides. And highly toxic mercury, which was used to separate gold particles from sediment, ramified into the ecosystem (Leslie, 2025). Decades of unregulated logging also created mass soil erosion that disrupted the watershed even more. Things became far worse with the implementation of the KHP. The pervasive construction of dams affects most rivers in the world and is one of the most ecologically damaging practices in existence. On top of mass pollution from sediment buildup and material decay (most dams are constructed of old and hazardous materials subject to degradation), relying on the use of dams to facilitate irrigation to extremely dry areas that would otherwise not naturally support large scale agriculture has led to vastly unsustainable systems (East & Grant, 2023). The effects for the Klamath River were devastating. Prior to the construction of the dams the river hosted the third largest salmon run in the United States. After the completion of the dams, critical and ancient salmon spawning migration routes were completely choked off. The once bustling salmon population dropped from over 1 million fish to just 30,000 (Blumm & Illowsky, 2022). Shallower waters created by the dams meant much warmer temperatures that were highly unfavorable for salmon habitat, and frequent harmful algal blooms that further damaged the habitat for salmon and many other species. Toxic chemical runoff from surrounding mines and agricultural fertilizer added to the destruction (Middleton et al., 2019).

In 2001 the environmental science group BiOps issued a warning to not divert any water from the Klamath River for agricultural irrigation based on dangerously low levels and high temperatures of the river. The Bush Administration originally heeded the warning but then overturned the decision after facing pressures from the farmers of Oregon and California. The results were disastrous. In a gruesome scene, 34,000 salmon died nearly at once: it was the worst salmon die-off in history. 2021 saw another massive salmon die-off from drought induced shallow and warming waters (Blumm & Illowsky, 2022). In 2017 The Yurok Tribe partnered with UC Davis to conduct a study of harmful contaminants in the environment. The research found the presence of five categories of contaminants that exceeded public safety level: microcystins in river water and freshwater mussels, polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons (PAHs) in salmon and clams, polychlorinated biphenyls (PCBs) in whale blubber, pesticide residue in whale blubber, aluminum in river water (in springtime) and manganese in freshwater mussels. The bioaccumulation of these toxic substances has been linked to high levels of premature births, cancer and developmental delays in Yurok populations exposed to these contaminated water and food systems (Middleton et al., 2019).

Tribal-led Political Battles

Conflict over the Klamath River dams started almost as soon as construction began. The Klamath Tribe, who reside north of the Yurok but share territory, vehemently opposed the dams. Leaning on the Treaty of 1864, the Klamath filed a lawsuit with the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) in the late 1930s, but the case was dismissed 10 years later. In the 1950s the U.S. government dissolved the Klamath Tribe’s legal status in what was known as a Termination Policy, which instigated a 50-year battle to regain their territory and water sovereignty (Bilka, 2015). The Yurok joined the fight for reclamation of the watershed in the 1978 “Fish War” protests over loss of treaty rights and the mounting dam-induced deaths of fish (Lambert-Mullen & Norris, 2019). Also known as the “Salmon Wars,” the protests were highly contentious as non-Indigenous settlers blamed the Yurok and other Tribes, not the dams, for the salmon population collapse (Lowry, 2019). In 1998 the Yurok Tribal Government was established, strengthening the voice and jurisdiction of Yurok sovereignty (Lambert-Mullen & Norris, 2019). The Yurok furthered their mission by aiding in the established classification of Coho Salmon as Threatened under the Endangered Species Act (ESA) in 1997 (Blumm & Illowsky, 2022). In the following year of 1998 the Yurok Tribe founded the Yurok Tribe Environmental Program (YTEP), an organization dedicated to protecting air, water and land within the YIR (Middleton et al., 2019).

The early 2000s marked a turning point as the Klamath Tribe began a resurgence of agency, with reclamation of the Klamath River at the forefront (Bilka, 2015). Led by the Yurok and the Klamath, formal legal battles against the KHP, the states of California and Oregon and numerous other agricultural and federal agencies commenced in 2005 (Blumm & Illowsky, 2022). The Yurok carried on the battle from other angles by passing the Yurok Tribe Controlled Substances Ordinances on September 5th, 2013. This effectively banned the cultivation of marijuana, a massive cash crop in California, on Yurok territory to help stop the production’s pervasive agricultural pollution runoff into the Klamath River and surrounding ecosystems (Middleton et al., 2019). In 2016 the Yurok declared a state of emergency for Tribal mental health due to the loss of the Klamath River and its salmon (Blumm & Illowsky, 2022), and they teamed up with the Hoopa Tribal Youth to stage a protest on the pollution of the Klamath Falls in Oregon (Lambert-Mullen & Norris, 2019). A beautiful moment that speaks to the deep environmental relationality within Yurok culture and ontology came in 2019. In further attempts to save the sacred watershed, the Yurok Tribal Government declared the Klamath River to have legal Rights of Personhood (Blumm & Illowsky, 2022). As Susan Masten of the Yurok Tribe stated, ‘“Salmon is as essential to the Yurok people as the air we breathe. Fishing is who we are. We’re a fishing people, so the health of that river and its resources is the health of our people, and so if the river’s sick, the people are going to be sick because our ceremonies, everything, our spirituality, our strength and health, is all connected to the river. We’re all one”’ (Lowry, 2019, p.76). Indeed, the only people who could ever fully grasp the emotional despair of having one’s identity, livelihood and spirituality violently eradicated from their lives are those who have lived it.

Coho salmon, central to Yurok Culture

Victory and Regeneration

In 2010, after 5 years of negotiation, the Klamath Hydroelectric Settlement Agreement (KHSA) was reached with PacifiCorp. 48 parties were involved in the contentious and high-stakes negotiations. The landmark decision called for the transfer of PacifiCorp’s license to the Klamath River Renewal Corporation (KRRC), a private non-profit established for executing the removal of the dams and the restoration of the Klamath ecosystem. The agreement was amended in 2016 and then finally approved on June 17th, 2021. However further delays came as the new license holders KRRC still had to acquire approval to decommission and remove the dams (Blumm & Illowsky, 2022). This was to be the largest and most complex dam removal project in United States history, entailing the removal of the Copco I & II, John C Boyle and Iron Gate dams. There were many concerns over the potential ecological repercussions caused by the dismantling of the dams. Studies of other dam removals showed trends of initial mass sediment buildup and toxic mineral waste post removal but swift ecological recovery within one to two years. July 2023 marked a historical moment as the Klamath River Dam Removal Project officially commenced (East & Grant, 2023). Fears and uncertainties remained whether the salmon population and ecosystem would be able to recover after so many years of oppression and devastation. A study conducted in the river shortly before the Klamath River Dam Removal Project broke ground posited that the return of the salmon was highly probable but actual rebound would remain to be seen (Ramos and Ward, 2023). But less than just two months after the removal of the four Klamath dams, salmon were seen making the journey upstream. This was the first time that had happened in over a century, and the salmon caught appeared healthy and strong. Yurok Vice Chairperson Frankie Myers told the San Francisco Chronicle: “The Salmon Remember” (Jaynes, 2024). Certainly, this can be seen as miraculous, but it also speaks to the incredible resilience and power of nature.

Yurok Ontology and Traditional Ecological Knowledge

The Yurok Tribe has a rich and longstanding relationality to their land and the world that is deeply rooted in respect, gratitude, balance and ancient Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK). “Traditional ecological knowledge has been defined as, ‘a cumulative body of knowledge, practice and belief, evolving by adaptive processes and handed down through generations by cultural transmission, about the relationship of living beings (including humans) with one another and with their environment’” (Berkes, 2012, as cited in Ramos, 2022). For the Yurok, TEK is intimately intertwined with their ontologies, as there is no separation made between spiritualty and environmental and subsistence practices: everything is connected.

The Yurok see a landscape as a living entity that is central to their cultural and spiritual life (Lowry, 2019). As Europeans came to the Americas, they falsely perceived the vast landscapes of wilderness to be unmanaged and even untouched by any humans, as nothing mirrored European practices of agriculture and silviculture that cleared and augmented large patches of land. This misnomer remains a common myth even today. But land was never ‘pristine;’ the Yurok and many other Indigenous Peoples of the Americas were highly skilled in working with the land as stewards. The Yurok see themselves as gardeners, creating forest gardens and other agroforestry systems that work with the land not only to serve their own needs, but to benefit the surrounding animals and ecosystems as well. There is a strong sentiment of being in balance with nature, versus competing with it, and animals are never viewed or treated as ‘pests:’ every being has a distinct and important ecological role to play (Ramos, 2022). The term ‘wildlife’ is actually incongruent with Yurok ontology as it implies separation between humans and anything that is in the ‘wild.’ Instead, the Yurok see all landscapes, ecosystems, and species, including humans, as interwoven and interdependent. There is no separation. Likewise, the term ‘harvest’ is preferred over the word ‘hunt’ because hunting implies only taking. The Yurok see no hierarchy between animals and humans, so harvesting is done with great discretion. When the life of an animal is taken, responsibility is assumed by the one who takes it. Acknowledging and being present with the loss of life is paramount, as is using every part of the animal so nothing is wasted. Respect and gratitude are offered to the animal for its sacrifice of life, and great care is taken to ensure harvesting practices always leave enough of the population to reproduce. Maximizing individual gain is never a priority in Yurok culture: individual actions are aligned to benefit the greater community (Ramos et al., 2024). The astute awareness and dedication to never overharvest applies to all environmental interactions. Ensuring sustainability for future generations of humans, animals and ecosystems alike is central to Yurok life (Yurok Tribe History, 2025).

In Yurok ontology there are five phases of time. The first phase is the Yurok creation story of time before humans with great spiritual beings, the second is the “old ways” when humans could directly communicate with animals, the third phase is post first-contact with Europeans and the horrors of colonialism with land dispossession, cultural erasure, murder and forced assimilation, and the fourth phase is the present day reclamation and cultural resurgence of the Yurok People. The fifth phase of time is the future: a future with the land healed, Traditional Ecological Knowledge fully reintegrated, and a thriving Yurok culture. This is the future today’s Yurok Tribe is working towards. The Yurok believe that they are here to help restore balance to the world. This is central to their ceremonies, and actions are being taken every day to move towards this vision (Ramos, 2022).

Years of fires suppression, combined with climate change, has led to devastating wildfires in California

Cultural Burning

Wildfire in California has a long history of being misunderstood, but an even longer history of being danced with. An in-depth scientific analysis of fossil and ecosystem variances in the northern California Klamath region showed records of intentional human induced fires, also known as cultural burning, on landscapes dating back 3000 years. Historically, cultural burning was used for hunting and migration pathways and cleared areas to allow for ecosystem regeneration. The ash from fires added rich nutrients to the soil which in turn yielded new edible plants, berries, acorns, and the California hazelnut which provided materials for basket making, a central part of Yurok culture. The California hazelnut plants were shown to grow longer and stronger from soils enriched with ash from more frequent burnings (Knight et al., 2022). But sustenance was not the only reason fire management was practiced. Yurok TEK understood that the mediterranean climate of northern California oscillates between heavy rains and extreme dryness, meaning the lush growth of forests are prone to natural wildfires in summer heat. By practicing cultural burning, the Yurok created and managed small, controlled fires that burned thick overgrowth of brush and vegetation on the forest floor. This greatly reduced the available “fuel” so that if wildfire did happen naturally, it would be far less catastrophic because the ability of it spreading was greatly mitigated.

European colonialism greatly changed this ancient practice. As settlers expanded and began taking over Yurok land, great measures were taken to suppress fire, as it was seen exclusively as a threat and something to be avoided at all costs. Indigenous knowledge of fire, along with all other elements of TEK and culture, were widely dismissed or shunned. In 1905 the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) introduced fire exclusion policies that solidified across California by the 1920s (Marks-Block et al., 2021). This was exacerbated by previous decades of unruly logging that decimated populations of the largest and most fire-resistant trees. What was left behind were huge swaths of forests with small and vulnerable trees and mass amounts of heavily flammable debris buildup on the understory (Knight et al., 2022). California is now infamous for its catastrophic wildfires that are growing ever more frequent and deadly as the world heats up with climate change.

Recognizing the devastating effects of long-term fire suppression, members of the Yurok Tribe teamed up with Karuk and Hoopa Tribal members in the 1990s to lead a resurgence movement for cultural burning. This included the Yurok inception of the TREX program (Prescribed Fire Training Exchanges) in 2013. The program partners with the USDA Forest Service and The Nature Conservancy to provide technical training and financial support for the implementation of prescribed burning practices, which are now gaining wider recognition for their immense value as a tool for extreme wildfire and climate change mitigation. The Yurok hold relatively strong land tenure within the YIR and thus have greater jurisdiction over burning practices, but this is not always the case. For the Karuk and many other Tribes, land dispossession is still very prevalent, thus autonomy to orchestrate burning practices is greatly diminished. USDA policies on fire management are highly dependent on who currently holds office, which fluctuates frequently (Marks-Block et al., 2021).

As Adlam et al (2021) explain, there is a distinct difference between ‘prescribed burning’ and ‘cultural burning.’ Prescribed burning is a technical set of protocols designed from a Western science ontology of manipulation for a desired outcome. Nature and is seen as an inanimate thing to be managed, and fire something to be conquered and tamed for the purpose of creating more favorable results for human preferences. Of course, prescribed burning utilized by non-Indigenous practitioners is not inherently bad and absolutely has its place, but a stronger understanding of the ‘why’ can be found through cultural burning. Cultural burning is deeply rooted in Indigenous TEK and spiritual beliefs and practices. As stated above, for the Yurok and many other Indigenous Peoples around the world, there is no separation between humans and nature. Fire is not feared but is revered; and it is used as a sacred tool to enhance landscapes not just for human benefit but for everything the land holds. Fire practitioners have a deep understanding of each landscape, and methodology is fluid based on what is needed in each unique circumstance. Cultural burning is wisdom, not prescription (Adlam et al., 2021).

Sacred Redwoods

Sacred guardians

The magnificent redwood trees of northern California are truly a sight to behold. With some of the world’s tallest and oldest trees residing here, tourists travel from all over the world to witness their splendor. For the Yurok, whose homelands span across redwood country, the redwood trees are sacred beings and guardians. For thousands of years, during the second phase of Yurok Time, canoes, homes, and sweathouses were made from the mighty trees, but the utmost care was always taken to never overharvest the precious resource and take only exactly what was needed. But the Gold Rush era ushered in droves of miners and settlers whose thirst for wealth expanded to the highly valuable timber of the redwoods. The trees were completely decimated, with stands of ancient old growths that took millennia to develop being completely wiped out (Yurok Tribe History, 2025). In 2024 the Yurok Tribe partnered with the Save the Redwood League, United States National Park Service and California State Parks in a historical venture. 51 hectares of previously public land was transferred to Yurok Tribal ownership; this was the first ever partnership with California State Parks on Tribal land. The four partners share a long-term vision of co-management for protecting and restoring the sacred redwood forests (Ramos et al., 2024). I personally have spent much time amongst the redwoods and have a deeply spiritual connection to them. I share the Yurok belief that they are indeed otherworldly beings whose beauty and presence create a profound experience and feel they should be steadfastly protected at all costs.

Once down to just 22 California condors alive, there are now 400 thanks to Yurok efforts

Flight of the Condor

The California condor is California’s largest bird, with an impressive nine-and-a-half-foot wingspan. Known to the Yurok People as “prey-go-neesh,” the condor is one of their most sacred species. Traditionally, feathers were used as regalia in ceremonies like the Jump Dance and White Deerskin Dance but were only ever harvested if they had naturally fallen. The condors were never harmed. Condors are a keystone species that fill a critical ecological niche as the only bird large enough to break down the area’s megafauna of sea lions, elk and bear, which circulates vital nutrients back to the earth. But the all too familiar story of Euroamerican colonial expansion caused the population to completely collapse. European settlers feared the imposing creature and ruthlessly hunted it into oblivion in hopes to ‘conquer the beasts of the wild,’ as was done with wolves and grizzly bears. By 1987, there were only 22 California condors remaining alive. It was around this time that the Yurok Tribe began working with a condor expert to develop a captive breeding and re-introduction management plan. The first captive pair was successfully released in 1992, and there are now over 400 birds alive, 200 of which are in the wild. The Yurok Tribe also founded the Hunters as Stewards program to train awareness in hunters (who are targeting sanctioned game) in the harmful ecological effects of toxic lead bullets. Bullet shells or maimed animals left from hunting excursions bioaccumulate up the food chain, ending up as lethal doses of lead for the condor. Many hunters have switched to non-toxic bullets thanks to the Hunters as Stewards program. The California condor’s ideal habitat is in the sturdy and expansive canopies of redwood trees (Mais, 2014).

The Yurok have also partnered with research institutions to create non-invasive hare-snare traps for the Humboldt marten, another critically endangered species that relies on the redwoods for habitat. The fur collecting devices track habitat and other data being used to support the regrowth of the Humboldt marten population without causing any harm to the animals. (Ramos et al., 2024). With both the California condor and the Humboldt marten reliant on the redwoods for their survival, the above-mentioned efforts by the Yurok Tribe to protect the redwood forests also serves their efforts to protect these two animals. Everything is connected. The difference between fear and reverence for a species can be the difference between life or extinction. Changing fear-based perceptions is vital as we strive to move towards a more just future.

Yurok Tribal members harvesting Chinook salmon from the Klamath River

Yurok Restoration of Culture and Balance

In addition to environmental restoration initiatives, the Yurok Tribe is committed to cultural restoration. After hundreds of years of colonial oppression, the few elders that were able to retain traditional practices began to lead a resurgence of Yurok culture beginning in the 1980s. Revitalizing language, now officially called the Yurok language, is a key priority and has taken 70 years to recover from near extinction. When the Yurok Tribe began operating as a formal Tribal Government, an official language program was formed. In 1996 the Yurok partnered with the Administration for Native Americans (ANA) for a language restoration survey and plan that established language classes taught both on and off Tribal lands in schools and community centers. Of the 5000 members of the Yurok Tribe, 11 are fluent speakers, with 37 advanced, 60 intermediate and 311 basic speakers. There is still a long way to go on the path of Yurok language reclamation, but given its near extinction, this shows great progress (Yurok Tribe History, 2025). The Yurok are also following the recommendations of the Great Lakes Indian Fish and Wildlife Commission’s Tribal Climate Adaptation Menu and incorporating their traditional language into official environmental management documents and education so as to better integrate practices of TEK (Ramos et al., 2024). Thers is a strong interest from Yurok youth in cultural resurgance, with many participating in the revitalized community ceremonies of the Jump Dance, War Dance, Brush Dances and White Deerskin Dances (Yurok Tribe History, 2025).

Decades of healing work has also been underway. The horrific past of colonial oppression created deep generational suffering and trauma. Alcohol and drug abuse became highly prevalent as a result, but Tribal members are actively involved in helping those afflicted through rehabilitation programs. The reintroduction of sacred ceremonies, where women and elders hold particularly important roles, has played a vital role in the healing journey. The crimes of the colonial past cannot be forgotten, but they can be transformed. Thus, the current focus of the Yurok Tribe is not to return to the past and the way things were, but rather to build a new future that integrates sacred traditions with reimagined ways of accommodating the new world (Lowry, 2019).

Current Yurok land management utilizing TEK has expanded to over 28,000 hectares, which has led to positive ramifications for surrounding areas managed by state and federal agencies, private holders and academic researchers (Ramos et al., 2024). The Yurok have become leaders in natural resources management, restoration of fisheries and cultural protection (Mais, 2014).

The rugged northern California coast

The Future of Indigenous Territorial Sovereignty

In 2021 the U.S. Department of the Interior issued Order 3403: Joint Secretarial Order on Fulfilling the Trust Responsibility to Indian Tribes in the Stewardship of Federal Lands and Waters. This recognizes that prior to the establishment of America, lands were under sovereign governance by Indigenous Peoples who had occupied those places since time immemorial. The ordinance further recognizes that Indigenous Peoples of America have ecological customs tied to their land and reinforces their legal authority to exercise these customs of hunting, fishing and harvesting on treaty lands. This is a positive step for reestablishing Indigenous rights and trust with government on the journey towards justice (Ramos et al., 2024).

The incredible ecosystem recovery that has happened in a relatively short time under Yurok land stewardship is a beacon for what is possible in a time of many environmental crises looming. And they are not alone. While there is still much work to be done, many other Indigenous land stewardships across the globe have had profoundly positive impacts on ecosystem recovery, biodiversity, climate change mitigation and human wellbeing. But insecure land tenure and outside political and economic pressures pose continual threats to these successes (Gilmour, 2016). Environmental progress in the United States is currently being severely undermined. Many farmers actively oppose wetland restoration, not understanding that the improved ecosystem will enhance, not diminish, their water security for agriculture. Undoubtedly pressure from agricultural lobbyists aided in President Trump’s 2025 decision to suspend funding for the 2021 Bipartisan Infrastructure Law and other legislations for wetlands restoration, including the Klamath projects. Trump also imposed heavy layoffs to the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service and National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration employees who facilitated these projects (Leslie, 2025). And at the recent UN Conference of the Parties for Climate Change (COP30), President Trump not only abstained from attending, but audaciously announced a string of environmental rollback initiatives during the same time. These include a weakening of the Endangered Species Act, a downgrading of the Environmental Protection Agency’s authority to protect wetlands and streams and plans to expand fossil fuel production by initiating offshore oil drilling, an extremely hazardous practice, in California and Florida (Chow, 2025).

For those of us in the world who have never experienced systemic persecution, we may never be able to internalize the devastation this causes, but we can absolutely make a conscious effort towards justice and healing. Part of this effort lies in recognizing cultural values and ontologies outside of Western science and our own views of the world, especially as Indigenous land stewardship and Traditional Ecological Knowledge are proving to be so deeply valuable. This includes seeing TEK not as subservient or complementary to Western science, but as a way and being and relating to the world that is legitimate and valuable in its own right, and ultimately a far more holistic and sustainable way of interacting with our world. As more and more Western research is done on Indigenous land stewardship and TEK, the term “radical relationality” is often used to describe Indigenous connectivity to their environments (Adlam et al., 2021). But the term ‘radical’ implies outlandish, out of the norm, and too far off the spectrum. If we are to truly move towards knowledge braiding, two eyed seeing, Truth and Reconciliation, and environmental justice and sustainability, then we need a much deeper understanding of what we are witnessing. For there is nothing ‘radical’ about living in balance: it is exactly as we should be.

Theme: Indigenous Land Stewardship,Yurok Tribe
Country: United States
Province/Prefecture: California

This conservation resource was created by Alicia Rice.


References

Adlam, C., Almendariz, D., Goode, R. W., Martinez, D. J., & Middleton, B. R. (2021). Keepers of the flame: Supporting the revitalization of Indigenous cultural burning. Society and Natural Resources, 35(5), 575–590. https://doi.org/10.1080/08941920.2021.2006385

Bennett, M., & Carleson-Manathara, E. (2024). Introducing the special theme issue examining allyship with Indigenous Peoples. Canadian Social Work Review, 5–18. https://doi.org/DOI:10.7202/1114538ar

Bilka, M. (2015). Remaking a people, restoring a watershed: Klamath tribal empowerment through natural resource activism, 1960-2014. https://go.exlibris.link/8SqQX9bL

Blumm, M. C., & Illowsky, D. (2022). The world’s largest dam removal project: The Klamath River dams. Oregon Law Review, 101(1). https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.4061159

Chow, D. (2025, November 22). With the rest of the world at a climate summit, Trump administration announces major environmental rollbacks. NBC News. https://www.nbcnews.com/science/environment/world-cop30-trump-administration-rolls-back-environmental-rules-rcna245135

East, A. E., & Grant, G. E. (2023). A Watershed moment for western U.S. dams. Water Resources Research, 59(10), n/a-n/a. https://doi.org/10.1029/2023WR035646

Gilmour, D. A. (2016). Forty years of community-based forestry: A review of its extent and effectiveness. Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations. https://www.cbd.int/financial/doc/fao-communityforestry2016.pdf

Jaynes, C. H. (2024). EcoWatch: Salmon spotted far upstream after historic Klamath river dam removal. EcoWatch, Generic. https://go.exlibris.link/Bq1m9rxW

Knight, C., Anderson, L., Bunting, M., Champagne, M., Clayburn, R., Crawford, J., Klimaszewski-Patterson, A., Knapp, E., Lake, F., Mensing, S., Wahl, D., Wanket, J., Watts-Tobin, A., Potts, M., & Battles, J. (2022). Land management explains major trends in forest structure and composition over the last millennium in California’s Klamath mountains. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America, 119(12). https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2116264119

Lambert-Mullen, M., & Norris, H. (2019). Conflicts on the Klamath: The political history of the Klamath watershed. Humboldt Journal of Social Relations, 41, 22–23. https://www.jstor.org/stable/26650774

Leslie, J. (2025, March 13). The salmon are thriving. So are many of the people. Why would anyone shut this down? The New York Times. https://www.nytimes.com/2025/03/13/opinion/salmon-klamath-river-dam.html

Lowry, E. S. (2019). Indigenous rhetoric and survival in the nineteenth century: A Yurok woman speaks out. Palgrave Pivot Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-00259-6

Mais, M. (2014). Yurok tribe signs agreement to bring California condors back to the north coast. In Econews (Nos. 0885–7237; Vol. 44, Issue 3, p. 7). Northcoast Environmental Center. https://go.exlibris.link/G6JSd9ly

Marks-Block, T., Lake, F. K., Bliege Bird, R., & Curran, L. M. (2021). Revitalized Karuk and Yurok cultural burning to enhance California hazelnut for basketweaving in northwestern California, USA. Fire Ecology, 17(1). https://doi.org/10.1186/s42408-021-00092-6

Middleton, B. R., Talaugon, S., Young, T. M., Wong, L., Fluharty, S., Reed, K., Cosby, C., & Myers, R. (2019). Bi-Directional Learning: Identifying contaminants on the Yurok Indian reservation. International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 16(19), 3513. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph16193513

Ramos, M. M., & Ward, D. M. (2023). Modelling the reestablishment of coho salmon (Oncorhynchus kisutch) in Klamath river tributaries after dam removal. Ecology of Freshwater Fish, 32(1), 133–146. https://doi.org/10.1111/eff.12679

Ramos, S. C. (2022). Understanding Yurok traditional ecological knowledge and wildlife management. The Journal of Wildlife Management, 86(1), 1–21. https://doi.org/10.1002/jwmg.22140

Ramos, S. C., Williams‐Claussen, T., & Gray, C. N. (2024). Yurok–wildlife relationship through the context of traditional ecological knowledge. The Journal of Wildlife Management, 88(6), n/a-n/a. https://doi.org/10.1002/jwmg.22624

Yurok Tribe History. (2025). The Yurok Tribe. https://www.yuroktribe.org/our-history